Galician Villagers
and the
Ukrainian National Movement
in the
Nineteenth Century
Galician Villagers
and the
Ukrainian National Movement
in the
Nineteenth Century
by
John-Paul Himka
in association with
MACMILLAN Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies
PRESS University of Alberta
© John-Paul
Himka 19HH
All rights reserved. No reproduction. copy or transmission
of this publication may be made without written permission.
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issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency. 33-4 Alfred Place.
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First published 1988
Published by
THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD
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and London
Companies and representatives
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Printed in Hong Kong
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Himka. John-Paul
Galician villagers and the Ukrainian
national movement in the nineteenth century.
1. Galicia (Poland and Ukraine)-Politics
and government
I. Title
320.947'718
DK4600.G36
ISBN 0-333-45795-1
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IIJ,06
BH 3HaJIH
qHH rrpaB.lJ:a, qHH KpHB.lJ:a,
qHI MH .lJ:iTH.
I
Contents
List of Illustrations ............................................................................................ ix
List of Maps ....................................................................................................... xi
List of Tables ................................................................................................... xiii
Preface ............................................................................................................... xv
Acknowledgments ........................................................................................... xvii
Introduction ...................................................................................................... xxi
Statement of the Problem ...................................................................... xxi
The Geographical and Chronological Setting ...................................... xxii
The Methodology ................................................................................... xxv
Some Technical Matters ..................................................................... xxvii
Abbreviations .................................................................................................. xxxv
I. Serfdom and Servitudes .................................................................................. I
The Nature of Serfdom ............................................................................. 1
The Enforcement of Serfdom .................................................................. 10
The Resistance to Serfdom ..................................................................... 16
The Revolution of 1848-9 ....................................................................... 26
Servitudes ................................................................................................. 36
A Case in Point: The Events in Dobrotvir ............................................ .40
The Servitudes Struggle and Its Lessons .............................................. .48
The Memory of Serfdom in the Late Nineteenth Century ................... 56
2. The Cultural Revolution in the Village: Schools, Newspapers and
Reading Clubs .............................................................................................. 59
Education and the School System .......................................................... 59
The Newspaper Batkivshchyna ............................................................... 66
The Correspondence in Batkivshchyna ................................................... 80
Reading Clubs .......................................................................................... 86
Opposition to the Reading Clubs ............................................................ 92
Generations and Gender in the Reading Clubs ..................................... 97
3. Village Notables as Bearers of the National Idea: Priests, Teachers,
Cantors ........................................................................................................ 105
What Was Notable about the Notables'? ............................................. 106
Notables before the National Movement ............................................. 117
In the National Movement .................................................................... 123
Tensions between Priest and Peasant ................................................... 133
4. The A wakening Peasantry ......................................................................... 143
Who Were the Peasant-Activists? ........................................................ 143
Commune and Manor ............................................................................ 145
The Money Economy and Its Representatives ..................................... 158
The Challenge to Traditional Authority in the Commune .................. 175
The Transformation of Peasant Culture ............................................... 189
Class and Nation ................................................................................... 204
Conclusions ...................................................................................................... 217
Appendices ...................................................................................................... 223
I. Archival Sources ................................................................................ 225
II. Corpus of Correspondence ............................................................... 239
II I. Correspondence by Occupation of Authors ................................... 251
IV. List of Activists ............................................................................... 255
V. Activists by Occupation .................................................................... 319
Bibliography .................................................................................................... 329
Index ................................................................................................................. 345
List of Illustrations
Vasyl N ahirny .................................................................................................... 77
Mykhailo Pavlyk
Iuliian Romanchuk
Sylvester L. Drymalyk ..................................................................................... 256
Kyrylo Genyk
Amvrosii de Krushelnytsky
Antin Rybachek
Danylo Taniachkevych (younger)
List of Maps
The Crownlands of Austria-Hungary, 1914 .................................................. xxxi
The Circles of Eastern Galicia, 1867 ............................................................ xxxii
The Districts of Eastern Galicia, 1868 ......................................................... xxxii
The Districts of Eastern Galicia, 191 0 ........................................................ xxxiv
The Oblasts and Raions of Former Eastern Galicia
in the Ukrainian SSR, 1972 ................................................................. xxxv
List of Tables
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
Illegal Servitude Actions in Eastern Galicia and Northern Bukovyna,
1850-1900 .................................................................................................... 50
Number of Inhabitants per School in Galicia, 1830-1900 ....................... 61
Public Elementary Schools in Galicia: Total, With Ukrainian Language
of Instruction, and Bilingual (Ukrainian-Polish), 1869-1900 .................. 62
Percentage of School-Age Galician Children Actually Attending School,
1830-1900 .................................................................................................... 64
Growth of Ukrainian Periodical Press in Galicia, 1850-1910 .................. 67
Press Run and Frequency of Ukrainian Political Periodicals in Galicia,
1880 and 1885 ............................................................................................. 68
Press Run of Batkivshchyna, 1879-85 ....................................................... 70
Confiscations of Batkivshchyna, 1879-96 ................................................. 71
Reasons Given for Confiscation of Batkivshchyna, 1879-81 ................... 72
Editors of Batkivshchyna, 1879-96 ............................................................ 76
Correspondence to Batkivshchyna and Occupation, Summary ................ 85
Literacy and Illiteracy in Reading Club Memberships, 1897-1910 ........ 88
Reading Club Officers, 1884-5, by Occupation ........................................ 89
Growth of Prosvita Membership, 1868-1908 ............................................ 91
TsDIAL, 146/64-64b (Servitudes Commission):
Holdings Consulted ............................................................................... 227-8
TsDIAL, 156/1 (Supreme State Prosecutor's Office in Lviv, Illegal
Servitude Actions):
Holdings Consulted ................................................................................... 230
TsDIAL, 168/1-2 and 488/1 (Indemnization Commission):
Holdings Consulted ............................................................................... 232-4
TsDIAL, 348/1 (Prosvita, Reports from Reading Clubs):
Holdings Consulted ................................................................................... 236
Preface
The conception of this book can be located and dated with precision. It
was conceived in the library of the University of Lviv in February 1976. At
that time I was researching my doctoral thesis on the socialist movements in
Galicia, and needed to consult a newspaper for the Ukrainian peasantry
entitled Batkivshchyna. I noticed immediately that there were two types of
article appearing in the paper. There were the earnest, lucid, somewhat dull
and paternalistic articles contributed by the editor and other highly educated
people in the city, explaining the world to the peasants and exhorting them to
vote correctly, establish reading clubs and cooperative stores and acquire an
education. And then there were the other articles, enlivened by exaggeration,
dialect-laden and juicy language and a rustic humour. These talked of a
different world, inhabited by hard-pressed church cantors, tyrannical village
mayors, good and bad priests, grasping Jewish tavern-keepers, righteous
country school teachers and drunk and sober, ignorant and educated,
opportunistic and self-sacrificing peasants. The setting and origin of these
articles were the Ukrainian villages of Galicia. The authors were in large part
peasants, but also village notables ranging from the lowly cantor to the
pastor. They wrote about the progress of the national movement and the
conflicts it engendered in particular villages. They boasted, lamented, praised,
slandered and described.
The articles fascinated me.
ordered almost all the issues of
Batkivshchyna in the university library and scanned the items of
correspondence from the countryside. I began to see certain patterns
emerging and decided then that I would return to this source in the future to
study the grass-roots national movement. The return resulted in the present
study.
The present study also represents part of a larger project conceived in the
course of my doctoral research and may be regarded as another installment in
a series of works interpreting the rise of social and national consciousness in
Austrian Galicia from the perspective of social history. The earlier
installments are the doctoral thesis, and later book, on the Polish and
Ukrainian socialist movements, 1860-90, and a series of shorter studies on
such topics as the priest-peasant relationship and naive tsarism. In the future
XVI
Preface
I hope to continue work on this broad theme, turning next to an examination
of the Greek Catholic church and nation-building.
Something remains to be said about the structure of this book. Its
methodology demands a focus on details and an investigation of matters and
personages that have historical relevance only when understood as a
collectivity. This focus on minutiae, which was indispensable to the method of
investigation, complicates the presentation. It is difficult not to force the
reader to wade through much the same swamp of detail as the investigator
had to. I have tried to alleviate this problem by confining the greater part of
the details to the appendices, which constitute a lengthy section of the book.
But it has been neither possible nor entirely desirable to remove all the
minutiae from the text.
Acknowledgments
Three institutions funded the research for this monograph. The Canadian
Institute of Ukrainian Studies awarded me a grant in 1978, which allowed
me to employ two research assistants, Yarema Kowalchuk and Nestor
Makuch. The Institute, especially its former director, Dr. Manoly R. Lupul,
also encouraged this project while I was on staff in 1978-81 and while I was
Neporany Postdoctoral Fellow in 1982-4. Dr. Bohdan Krawchenko. the current director, has been most solicitous in bringing this work into print. The
Institute also put at my disposal the skills of Peter Matilainen. who gave
technical asssistance with computer word processing. and Lida Somchynsky,
who typed part of the manuscript. Myroslav Yurkevich of the Institute read
the manuscript and proposed valued improvements. The International
Research and Exchanges Board (I REX) gave me emergency support in 1982
which allowed me to conduct research in Vienna. In 1983 IREX not only provided me with a generous stipend, but also arranged for my wife and me to
spend six months in the Ukrainian SSR. I especially appreciated the
conscientiousness and interest in my work displayed by programme officer
Oksana Stanko. The Canadian Foundation for Ukrainian Studies awarded me
the Neporany Postdoctoral Fellowship, which gave me twelve months to
devote to research and writing in Canada, 1982-4.
The Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the US, particularly
Dr. Eugene Lashchyk, invited me to present a series of five lectures based on
this study at its annual seminar in Hunter, New York (August 1984); the
seminar led to the clarification and revision of parts of the manuscript.
Students and auditors of my course "Topics in Ukrainian History" at the
University of Alberta (fall 1986) critically read and discussed chapter three
and other parts of this work. Anonymous reviewers for the Social Science
Federation of Canada offered valuable criticisms.
Libraries and archives at which I worked (and staff members to whom I
am especially indebted) are the Cameron and Rutherford libraries at the
University of Alberta, in Edmonton (Alan Rutkowski); the John Robarts
Library at the University of Toronto. especially the Peter Jacyk Collection of
Ukrainian Serials; the Widener Library at Harvard University, in
Cambridge. Massachusetts (Oksana Procyk); the Austrian National Library
xviii
Acknowledgments
(G Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek) in Vienna; the Scientific Library of
Lviv State University (U Naukova biblioteka Lvivskoho derzhavnoho
universytetu); the V. Stefanyk Lviv Scientific Library of the Academy of
Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR (U Lvivska naukova biblioteka
im. V. Stefanyka Akademii nauk URSR), especially its manuscript division
(director le.M. Humeniuk and Petro Hryhorovych Babiak) and branches on
vul. Radianska and vul. Lysenka; the Central State Historical Archives of the
Ukrainian SSR in Lviv (U Tsentralnyi derzhavnyi istorychnyi arkhiv URSR
u m. Lvovi) (director Nadiia Fedorivna Vradii and senior archivist Ivanna
Volodymyrivna Zahrai); the State Archives of Lviv Oblast (U Derzhavnyi
arkhiv Lvivskoi oblasti); and the Central Scientific Library of the Academy
of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR (U Tsentralna naukova biblioteka
Akademii nauk URSR) in Kiev, especially its newspaper division.
Credit for the maps belongs to the Department of Geography of the
University of Alberta, Cartographic Division, Geoffrey Lester, Supervisor; the
maps were drawn by Stephanie Kucharyszyn. The four maps of Galicia are
used by permission of Alberta Culture.
Some parts of the text have been previously published or are scheduled for
publication. An early version of the first sections of Chapter 1 appeared as
"Serfdom in Galicia" in the Journal of Ukrainian Studies 9, no. 2 (winter
1984): 3~28. Parts of Chapter 4 are included in two contributions to
conference proceedings, which will be published by the Canadian Institute of
Ukrainian Studies (Edmonton): "Ukrainian-Jewish Antagonism in the
Galician Countryside during the Late Nineteenth Century," in
Jewish-Ukrainian Relations in Historical Perspective, ed. Howard Aster and
Peter J. Potichnyj; and "Cultural Life in the Awakening Village in Western
Ukraine," in Continuity and Change: The Cultural Life of Alberta's First
Ukrainians, ed. Manoly R. Lupul. Both the latter contributions also contain
material not included in this book.
The scholars who assisted me most along the way were laroslav
Romanovych Dashkevych, formerly of the Central State Historical Archives
in Lviv, who followed my research in Ukraine with genuine interest and
guided me to many of the sources I consulted and avenues I explored;
Patricia Kennedy Grimsted, of the Ukrainian Research Institute at Harvard
University, who put her expertise on Ukrainian archives at my disposal;
Bohdan Klid, graduate student at the University of Alberta, who read and
commented on portions of the manuscript; H.I. Kovalchak, Feodosii
Ivanovych Steblii and Stepan Mykolaiovych Trusevych, of the Institute of
Social Sciences in Lviv, who afforded me an opportunity for a collective
consultation; Dmytro Denysovych Nyzovy, of the Chair of the History of the
Ukrainian SSR at Lviv State University, who was my official advisor in Lviv
and answered many questions about old Galicia; Omeljan Pritsak, of the
Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, who made several suggestions about
methodology that I adopted; the late Ivan L. Rudnytsky, of the Department
of History of the University of Alberta, with whom over the years I had
discussed many problems of Ukrainian history, including some of the ideas
Acknowledgments
xix
developed in the pages that follow; and Franz A.J. Szabo, of Bishop's
University, who read the section on serfdom and offered valuable suggestions.
Other individuals who facilitated my work include my wife, Chrystia
Chomiak, herself a historical researcher, who served as the first sounding
board for many of the notions developed in this study and then read the
manuscript very carefully; David Evans, of the Press and Cultural Section of
the US Embassy in Moscow, who helped my wife and me throughout our
stay in the USSR; my father, John Himka, who read parts of the manuscript
and encouraged my work; and Mykhailo Viktorovych Maidanov, of Lviv
State University, who arranged access to libraries and archives, living
quarters, visas and other matters during six months' research in Lviv.
To all these institutions and individuals I am deeply grateful.
Introduction
Statement of the Problem
Few historians of Eastern Europe would dispute that the single most
important occurrence in that region from the Age of Enlightenment until
World War I was the diffusion of national consciousness to the primarily
rural masses of the population. It was this process that laid the foundations
for the emergence of independent East European states after the Great War
and that made the national antagonisms in the region so explosive during the
first half of the twentieth century.
The European peasantry entered the nineteenth century without a national
consciousness. As a Polish village mayor confessed in 1912, "I ... did not
know that I was a Pole till I began to read books and papers, and I fancy
that other villagers came to be aware of their national attachment much in
the same way.'" This lack of a national consciousness was by no means
limited to Eastern Europe. A celebrated recent study has shown that the
peasants of France did not turn into Frenchmen until the eve of the First
World War.'
This is not, of course, to suggest that peasants lacked ethnicity (they were,
in Eastern Europe at least, the very repository of the traits that made an
ethnos); nor is it to suggest that peasants did not view themselves as
ethnically distinct from the representatives of other nationalities with whom
they came into contact. But they did not think and act politically along
national lines. (Indeed, they did not think politically at all.)
Yet by the early twentieth century, we find a very heightened political
consciousness, with both social and national dimensions,' among many of the
, Slomka. From Serfdom to Self-Government. 171. Full bibliographical data for works cited in
the footnotes are provided in the bibliography.
, Weber. Peasants into Frenchmen.
] "In Europe. the formation of modern social consciousness. genetically connected with the development of the social and political emancipation of the plebeian classes and groups, took place on
two main planes: the class plane and the national plane. The feeling of class solidarity became
the foundation of integrating processes on the horizontal plane, while national ties played the role
XXII
Introduction
peasantries of Eastern Europe. The rise of this new consciousness went hand
in hand with the formation of a network of rural institutions linked with the
national movement: reading clubs, credit unions, cooperative stores, choirs,
insurance agencies, volunteer fire departments and gymnastic societies.
This monograph studies that penetration of the national movement into
one region of rural Eastern Europe. It is not concerned with the first stage of
national movements, in which "the historical legends, folksongs, and other
lore of a given people'" were collected by a small number of intellectuals
generally based in cities. During this initial phase of the national movement,
often referred to as the national "awakening" or "revival," the village played
an entirely passive role. Highly educated enthusiasts descended upon it, to be
sure-in order to learn the language of the peasants and record their songs,
sayings and stories-but these activities basically left the village unchanged.
Rather, this monograph is concerned with the second phase (Miroslav
Hroch's "Phase 8"),5 in which the national movement assumed organizational
forms and developed a mass constituency. In the second phase the countryside
was crucial, for it was here that the overwhelming majority of almost all East
European nations lived. Indeed, very many East European nations, of the
"submerged" or "non historical" category,6 had only a minimal representation
in the urban centres on their own territory.
National movements during this second phase, in which they spread to the
countryside, can be studied either from the perspective of the urban-based
national leadership, working to develop and expand a network of institutions
under its command, or else from the perspective of the local cadres of the
movement in the countryside itself. This monograph proceeds from the latter
perspective, which I believe is more appropriate to the general problem of this
second phase and certainly richer material for social history. Attention is
focussed here on village society, how the national movement found such a
resonance in it and how it changed under the movement's impact. The goal of
the monograph is to present as ramified and accurate of an account as possible of the social dynamics involved in the case of one rural national
movement, that of the Ukrainians of Galicia.
The Geographical and Chronological Setting
Galicia was the northeastern most part of the Austro-Hungarian empire,
accounting for over 10 per cent of the empire's area and about 15 per cent of
its inhabitants. It was part of Austria (Cisleithania) rather than Hungary and
accounted for a quarter of Austria's area and population. It shared a long
'( continued) of a binding agent in vertical (national) integrating processes." Chlebowczyk, On
Small and Young Nations, II.
4 Magocsi. "Nationalism and National Bibliography." 82.
5 On the significance of Phase B. see Hroch, Die Vorkampfer, 25.
I deal with the distinction between "historical" and "non historical" nationalities in Socialism in
Galicia, 4-7. See also the stimulating debate over this distinction between Ivan L. Rudnytsky
and George G. Grabowicz: Harvard Ukrainian Studies 5, no. 3 (September 1981): 358-88.
6
The Geographical and Chronological Setting
XXIII
border with the Russian empire to the north and east; most of its southern
flank bordered Hungary. In the extreme west it touched Prussia and the
Austrian crownland of Silesia. In the southeast it bordered the Austrian
crownland of Bukovyna. Its largest cities were Lviv,7 now in the Ukrainian
SSR, and Cracow, now in the Polish People's Republic. The Carpathian
mountains ran along its southern border and the narrower western part of
Galicia was also hilly. The rest of the crown land was an extension of the
great Ukrainian steppe.
Galicia was primarily inhabited by Poles and Ukrainians, who each
constituted over 40 per cent of the population in the late nineteenth century.
Jews made up over 10 per cent of the population and Germans most of the
rest. Exact determination is impossible, since the imperial Austrian censuses
did not record nationality as such, but only religion and colloquial language
(G Umgangssprache). Moreover, the refusal of the census bureau to recognize Yiddish as a language meant that the sizable Jewish minority
disappeared in the language statistics, artificially inflating the number of
Germans (toward the middle of the century) and Poles (toward the end of the
century). In 1880 Galicia had a total population of 5,958,907. Roman
Catholics, who were overwhelmingly Poles, with a very small German and
Ukrainian (U latynnyk) minority, accounted for 46 per cent of the
population. The Greek Catholics were almost exclusively Ukrainian, by ethnic
origin if not always by consciousness; they made up 42 per cent of the
population. Jews accounted for 12 per cent and Protestants, who were almost
exclusively German, for less than I per cent. By colloquial language, the
Galician population was composed 52 per cent of Polish-speakers, 43 per cent
of Ukrainian-speakers and 5 per cent of German-speakers.'
The Poles lived primarily in Western Galicia, although they also
constituted a significant minority (numerically and otherwise) in Eastern
Galicia. In the east they formed the overwhelming majority of the landlord
class, the majority of the bureaucracy and a plurality of the urban
population. Polish peasant communities were mainly in Western Galicia. The
two and one-half million Ukrainians (1880) lived in Eastern Galicia, mainly
in the countryside. The Jews were dispersed over the whole of Galicia, but
more densely in Eastern Galicia. Most of them lived in towns and cities, but
40 per cent lived in villages (1880).' The Germans lived both in the cities,
where they worked in the bureaucracy, and in Evangelical agricultural
communities in the countryside.
This study has not one, but three chronological frameworks: 1772-1914,
1867-1900 and 1884-5. The first of these frameworks, 1772-1914, represents
the actual chronological limits of the material included in the text. In the
year 1772 Austria acquired Galicia as its share of the first partition of
Poland. Even in a study primarily devoted to the post-emancipation village, it
7
R Lvov, P Lwow, G Lemberg.
, Roeznik Statystyki Calieyi, 3 (1889-91): 1-2.
9
Lestschinsky, Dos idishe folk in tsifern, 98.
XXIV
Introduction
has proven necessary to give an account of and refer back frequently to the
era of serfdom (1772-1848). Serfdom had to be described, not only because it
had a formative impact on the Ukrainian village, but also because it provides
a frame of reference for appreciating the transformation of the village in the
late nineteenth century under the impact of the national movement. The two
decades following emancipation from serfdom in 1848 were dominated by a
struggle between landlords and peasants over the question of "servitudes," i.e.,
rights to forests and pastures. As we will see, the servitudes struggle had a
profound influence on the political consciousness of the peasantry, both by
creating a stratum of peasant leaders dispersed throughout Galicia who would
later play a role in the national movement and by teaching masses of the
peasantry an important lesson about the need to educate themselves and their
children. By the year 1914 the process of nation-building described in this
monograph had already been completed, but I have studied certain patterns
in the development of the rural national movement through that year.
Although Austrian rule in Galicia only ended in 1918, the outbreak of World
War I and the Russian occupation of Galicia in 1914 changed the historical
situation completely.
The second framework, 1867-1900, represents the actual chronological
period in which the Ukrainian national movement penetrated rural Galicia,
and so it is the period with which this investigation is most concerned. In
1867 the Habsburg empire was restructured so that Hungary acquired formal
autonomy under the actual rule of the Magyar nobility and constitutional,
representative government was introduced in Austria. Following the example
of the Magyars, the Poles in Galicia won informal autonomy for the
crown land in 1868. Galician affairs thereafter came under little scrutiny from
the central government in Vienna and real political authority locally was in
the hands of the viceroy's office,1O the diet,1I the crownland administration,12
the district captaincies l ] and the crownland school council. 14 All these
institutions were dominated by Polish nobles. This situation, which placed the
Ukrainian movement at a great disadvantage, pertained until the First World
War. However, the all-Austrian constitution mitigated the Ukrainians'
disadvantages. It guaranteed freedom of association, which allowed the
formation in 1868 of the Ukrainian national movement's society for
propagating enlightenment, Prosvita, as well as the establishment on the
local, village level of reading clubs and other institutions. It also introduced
an elected parliament, which forced the national intelligentsia in the city to
undertake an effective propagation of t~e national idea among the newly
enfranchised Ukrainian masses in the countryside. A number of indicators
II
U namisnytstvo. P namiestnictwo, G Stallhalterei.
U soim, P sejm, G Landtag.
12
U kraiovyi viddil, P wydziai krajowy, G Landesausschuss.
1.1
U starostva, P starostwa, G BezirkshauptmannschaJten.
U Kraiova shkilna rada, P Krajowa Rada Szkolna, G Landesschulrat.
10
14
The Geographical and Chronological Setting
xxv
show that by 1900 the national movement had established such a strong base
in the countryside that we can consider the second phase in the development
of the national movement completed." The choice of the year 1900 as the
closing date was also motivated by the decision to leave out of consideration
here the great agrarian strikes of 1902 and 1906, as well as the strike of 1900
in Borshchiv district. These strikes clearly belong to another set of problems
(the coordinated activities of the organized village) and another era.
Finally, the third framework, 1884-5, represents a focal point required by
some aspects of the methodology. Although this study investigates the whole
period 1867-1900, it has proven fruitful also to stop the flow of history at one
moment and examine that moment in detail. This methodological technique is
all the more justified when we consider that the penetration of the national
movement into the countryside was a cumulative process, encompassing
different villages at different times. Thus at any moment in the 1870s-1890s,
there would have been some villages that had not yet been drawn into the
movement, others that would have just started the process of integration into
the nation and others still that would have had flourishing national
institutions. The fixing of a moment, then, does not greatly hinder the understanding of the phases and process of development of the national movement
locally. The choice of the years 1884 and 1885 has been motivated partly by
their almost exact correspondence to the centre of the time-span 1867 to 1900
and partly by other considerations connected with the methodology.
The Methodology
An obstacle to studying the diffusion of national consciousness among the
peasantry has been the lack of appropriate sources. As Eugen Weber
compained, while grappling with the problem of understanding rural France
in the late nineteenth century, peasants left too few written accounts of their
concerns; they were "inarticulate, that is, on those particular levels that provide most of the records on which historians rely."" This study of Galicia,
however, is based on sources written by the peasantry itself as well as by
rural strata close to it. The sources express the peasants' views on the
national question and describe at first hand their participation in the national
movement.
In 1879 the leaders of the Ukrainian national movement in Lviv began
publishing a newspaper, Batkivshchyna, that was specifically intended to
carry the national idea to the peasantry. One feature of the paper was a section entitled "Visty z kraiu" (News from the Crownland) that carried items
of correspondence" from activists in villages and small towns. These are the
sources on which this study primarily relies. I have examined in detail the
I.' I have argued this in a series of earlier works. particularly Himka. "Priests and Peasants."
9-10. Himka. "Hope in the Tsar." 135-6. Himka. "Young Radicals." 233-5. Himka.
"Background to Emigration." 21-3. Himka. Socialism. 172. 178.
10
Weber. Peasants into Frenchmen. xiii.
" U dopy",)'. korespondentsii. pysma.
XXVI
Introduction
"Visty z kraiu" section of Batkivshchyna for 1884 and 1885. After
eliminating a few items of correspondence originating outside Galicia (Vienna
and Bukovyna), I was left with 281 items. These form the corpus of
correspondence, abbreviated as Cc. A complete list of the 281 items of
correspondence, with full bibliographical information, is contained in
Appendix II, "Corpus of Correspondence."
The corpus of correspondence has been used to produce a list of activists,
abbreviated as LA. The list, which contains 368 entries, includes all authors
of items of correspondence whom it has been possible to identify by name, as
well as all officers of reading clubs and other activists mentioned in the
correspondence. Biographical information on the activists is presented in
Appendix IV, "List of Activists.""
Both the corpus of correspondence and the list of activists are devices that
allow quantitative generalization. It is possible to investigate what percentage
of the items of correspondence dealt with a certain theme and what
percentage of the authors, reading club officers or activists in general were of
a certain occupation or background. This affords clearer insights into the
inner workings of the national movement in the village.
It was necessary to choose only a sample of the c. 1,500 items of
correspondence that appeared in Batkivshchyna in 1879-96 to allow a closer
examination of those chosen. I settled on the years 1884 and 1885 largely
through force of circumstance. For a long time these were the only two years
of Batkivshchyna available on the North American continent, where I began
work on this project. Fortunately, the two years proved to be quite suitable.
They were removed enough from 1879, when the paper first appeared, so that
the editors could rely on a steady flow of correspondence from authentic local
activists, yet earlier than 1890, when Batkivshchyna (but not the national
movement in the village) began a serious decline. Furthermore, they included
the parliamentary election year of 1885, which meant that the important
electoral struggle would be reflected in the correspondence. There were also
drawbacks to the choice of 1884-5. No popular assembly (U viche) was held
in those years, and the small-town intelligentsia still played a much smaller
role than it would even a decade later. (On these two aspects, see the
Conclusions.)
Although the study interrogates most closely the corpus of correspondence
of 1884-5, it also employs a wide range of secondary literature and other
sources, including items of correspondence from other years, in order to put
the information from 1884-5 into the context of the wider trends discernible
in the period 1867-1900. Thus the synchronic, restricted source base is
complemented by a diachronic, open source base to provide a many-sided
analvsis of the penetration of the Ukrainian national movement into the
Lialician village.
IK Unfortunately, when this manuscript was essentially completed, I discovered that the list of
activists had omitted by oversight two individuals: Antin Vasylevsky and Oleksa Shkliar,
founders of the reading club in Berezhnytsia, Stryi district (mentioned in CC 236). The omission
is of negligible significance.
Some Technical Matters
xxvii
Although thc focus of this book is Ukrainian Galicia, it is intended as a
case study with implications, mutatis mutandis, for the history of the rest of
Eastern Europe as well. Explicit comparisons with other regions of Eastern
Europe are drawn repeatedly in the footnotes, and the study is placed in a
general East European context in the Conclusions.
Some Technical Matters
Terminology. transliteration. place names. In general I have attempted to
find English equivalents for most of the technical terms employed in this
study. Upon first usage the original Ukrainian, Polish and German terms are
given either in the footnotes or, if only a single term is involved, in the text
itself in parentheses. The Ukrainians of Galicia in the late nineteenth century
called themselves rusyny; Poles called them Rusini and Germans called them
Ruthenen. I will use the term "Ruthenian" to render this historical name for
the Ukrainians, employed chiefly in translations from sources.
Transliteration follows the Library of Congress system as simplified by the
Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies.
For place names I also follow the guidelines established by the Canadian
Institute of Ukrainian Studies. In brief these are: common English
equivalents are used where they exist (thus Kiev, Cracow); otherwise place
names appear in the language of the country in which they are currently
located (thus Lviv, Przemysl); for localities situated on traditional Ukrainian
ethnic territory, but outside the Ukrainian SSR, the Ukrainian equivalent is
given in parentheses on first mention.
Dates. From I March 1700 there was an eleven-day difference between the
new, Gregorian calendar and the old, Julian calendar; from I March 1800 a
twelve-day difference; and from I March 1900 a thirteen-day difference.
Sometimes Ukrainians in Galicia used the Gregorian calendar, particularly in
relations with non-Ukrainian society, and sometimes the Julian, usually in internal communication and always in church affairs. Unfortunately, I have not
always been able to determine with certainty which calendar was in mind
when dates were adduced in the sources. Therefore I have refrained from
converting the dates in the text to a single calendar and have decided instead
to mark each date N.S. (new style, Gregorian) or O.S. (old style, Julian) as I
think probable. In cases where two dates are given, e.g., 25 December (7
January), the earlier date is Julian and the later its Gregorian equivalent
(when Orthodox Christians celebrate Christmas on what is the seventh of
January by the secular, Gregorian calendar, their church calendar-which is
Julian-reads the twenty-fifth of December). I have not considered it necessary to specify the calendar for dates appearing as part of the bibliographical
information in citations of periodicals.
Measurements. I have not converted units for measuring area from the
Lower Austrian system used in Galicia to the metric system, since this would
have complicated many calculations in which only the relative, and not
absolute, size of landholdings was significant. The basic units of land area
XXVIII
Introduction
were the (G) Joch (U and P morg) and the square (G) Klajier.'" I have
decided to use the German terms, since these were all-Austrian units of measurement. One Joch equals 0.575 hectares (somewhat more than an acre) or
1600 square Klajier. One square Klafter equals 3.596 square metres.
Currency. Until 1857 one (G) gulden'" contained 60 (G) kreuzer."
Beginning in 1857, one gulden contained 100 kreuzer. In 1892, a new
currency was introduced, while the old one remained in circulation. In the
new currency one crown" contained 100 hailers." From 1892 until 1900,
when the old currency was withdrawn from circulation, one gulden equalled
two crowns and one kreuzer two hailers.
Administrative-territorial divisions. From 1772 until 1867 Galicia was
divided into circles." Of the eighteen circles existing by the mid-1840s, twelve
with a Ukrainian majority formed Eastern Galicia. In 1867 the circles were
replaced by seventy-four smaller units, districts." Forty-eight of these were in
Eastern Galicia. In 1876 the capital of Bircza (Bircha) district was
transferred to Dobromyl. Near the turn of the century some new districts
were created. Pechenizhyn district became separate from Kolomyia district
shortly before 1900. Zboriv district became separate from Zolochiv district in
1904. Radekhiv and Skole districts were created c. 1906. When H usiatyn was
destroyed in 1914 at the beginning of the First World War, the district
capital was moved to Kopychyntsi.'·
'" U .\"G~hen. sia~hen; P slizen.
'" U ~%tyi rynskri, P doty rynski or renski.
" U kraitsari. kreitseri; P krajcary.
" G Krone, U and P korona.
" G Haller, U heier\', P he/erz)'.
" U okruhy. P crrkuh·. G Kreise. The translation of these terms by the English word "circle"
finds justification in the OxjiJrd Eng/ish Dictionary; definition 22 of "circle" is: "A territorial
division of Gcrmany under the Holy Roman Empire. Also a secondary division in certain
German and Slavonic Provinces. (G. Kreis, F. cercle)."
" U {'ovity. P {,owiat\', G Be~irke.
", For further information on these technical matters, see Himka, "A Researcher's Handbook,"
and IhnatowiCl. VadellleCIIIII.
\
\
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....... _....
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"'"
GALICIA
.Lvlv
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,
\
~
,-khernlvtsl~-
_""-... ,
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1..1'
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(
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100
200 kilometres
Crown land boundary
Boundary between
Austria and Hungary
Boundaryof Austria-Hungary
,_,,J
S
\vJ .......-;-...\"..'''',.
-"I
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r";:,.
'BUKOVYNA,
l-I
TRANSYLVANIA
·Cluj
"1."_
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~
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"~/'(
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A
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~""'-""\""S--"'\.
-Budapest
Sar~evo ",,_I
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~,~ ... ;-;;~;:w
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HERCEGOVINA
\.
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BOSNIA and
\ Bratislava
vle~;r
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-:0""'1
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•
MORAVIA
.. -
SILESlr
-~ ~S-..
--;.
' ..... ,
LOWER
AUSTRIA
BOHEMIA
·Prague
SWl.
The Crownlands of Austria-Hungary, 1914
VORARL-
{
,~,
~V-
"..1_'"
-.J-
><
><
><
50
100 Kllomelres
The Circles of Eastern Galicia, 1867
a
- - - Eastern Galicia boundary
- - - Circle boundary
""""
;.<
XXXI
- - - District boundary
- - - Boundary of Eastern Galicia
a
50
100 Kilometres
The Districts of Eastern Galicia,1868
\Xxii
- - - District boundary
- - - Boundary of Eastern Galicia
a
50
100 Kilometres
The Districts of Eastern Galicia, 1910
XXXIII
Raion boundary
Oblast boundary
The Oblasts and Raions of Former Eastern Galicia
in the Ukrainian SSR, 1972
Abbreviations
CC
Corpus of Correspondence (Appendix 11).
G
German (language).
L
Latin (language).
LA
List of Activists (Appendix IV).
LevI
Levytsky, Ivan Em. Halytsko-ruskaia bybliohrafiia
XIX stolitiia s uvzhliadneniem ruskykh izdanii
poiavyvshykhsia v Uhorshchyni i Bukovyni
(1801-1886). 2 vols. Lviv: Stavropyhiiskii instytut,
1888-1895.
Lev2
Levytsky, Iv. Em. Ukrainska bibliografiia
Avstro-Uhorshchyny za roky 1887-1900. 3 vols.
(and first 16 pages of unfinished fourth volume).
Materiialy do ukrainskoi bibliografii, Bibliografichna
komisiia Naukovoho tovarystva imeny Shevchenka,
1-3. Lviv: NTSh, 1909-11.
Lev3
Lev493
LNB AN URSR
Levytsky, 1.0. "Materialy do ukr[ainskoi]
bibliohrafii Avstro-Uhorshchyny, 1894." LNB AN
URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond 1.0. Levytskoho,
sprava 6, papka 2.
Levytsky, 1.0. "Materialy do biohrafichnoho
slovnyka." LNB AN URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond
1 (NTSh), sprava 493.
Lvivska naukova biblioteka im. V. Stefanyka
Akademii nauk URSR.
Abbreviations
XXXVI
LODA
N.S.
NTSh
od. zb.
O.S.
Lvivskyi oblasnyi derzhavnyi arkhiv.
New style (Gregorian calendar).
Naukove tovarystvo imeny Shevchenka.
odynytsi(a) zberezhennia.
Old style (Julian calendar).
P
Polish (language).
R
Russian (language).
Schem. Leop.
Shem. Lviv.
Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880
Szem. kr. Gal.
TsDIAL
U
Schematismus universi venerabilis cieri
Archidioeceseos Metropolitanae graeco-catholicae
Leopoliensiis pro anna Domini .... Lviv: E
typographia Institutio Stauropigiani, various years.
(Title varies.)
Shematyzm vsechestnoho klyra Mytropolytalnoi
arkhidiietsezii hreko-katolycheskoi lvovskoi na
rik. . .. Lviv: Iz typohrafii Stavropyhiiskoho
instytutu, various years. (Title varies.)
Special-Orts-Repertorien der im oesterreichischen
Reichsrathe vertretenen Konigreiche und Lander.
Herausgegeben von der k.k. statistischen
Central-Commission. Bd. XII: Galizien. Vienna,
1886.
Szematyzm Krblestwa Galicyi i Lodomeryi z
Wielkim Ksi~stwem Krakowskiem na rok. . .. Lviv:
Publishers vary, various years.
Tsentralnyi derzhavnyi istorychnyi arkhiv URSR u
m. Lvovi.
Ukrainian (language).
1. Serfdom and Servitudes
Nothing so stamped the character of the Galician countryside as the long
experience of serfdom. For a hundred years after its abolition in 1848, the
basic elements of the Galician village-from landholding arrangements and
the layout of buildings to the categories of inhabitants and relations among
them-all remained fundamentally as they had taken shape during the previous centuries of serfdom. Even though the national movement did not, and
could not, reach the peasantry under serfdom, nothing is as essential to understanding the emancipated peasantry's embrace of that movement as an understanding of serfdom. It was first in the throes of liberation from serfdom,
during the revolution of 1848-9, that peasants entered the national movement
and that, as a corollary, the national movement began to enter that crucial
second phase in which it developed a mass constituency. Although during the
final struggle over the terms of emancipation, the servitudes conflict that
dominated the 1850s and 1860s, the national movement was once again largely absent from the countryside, this struggle too contributed to the national
movement's popularity in the village after the 1860s.
The Nature of Serfdom
Ta iak tiazhko na tu horu kamin
vykotytyOi tak davno bulo tiazhko
panshchynu robyty.
-Ukrainian folk song'
Under serfdom, Galician peasants paid rents in labour, kind and money to
the lord of the manor, the state and the church. According to the land
cadastre of 1819-20, peasants paid out 84.7 per cent of their net annual
income in rents. The lion's share of rents went to the landlords (80.0 per
cent), the rest to the state (16.1 per cent) and church (2.8 per cent). The
, "As hard as it is to roll a boulder up a hill, that's how hard it used to be to do corvee labour."
"Na panskii roboti," in Khodyly opryshky, 45.
2
Serfdom and Servitudes
greater part of feudal rents was paid in labour (83.2 per cent in 1845) and
much less in kind (10.8 per cent) and money (6.0 per cent).' The tithe in kind
(G Zehent) was uncommon in Galicia.'
The primary labour rent was the corvee,' unpaid labour on the lord's
estate. The corvee was reminiscent of slavery,' but not identical with it. The
slave was nothing more than an instrument of production for his master; the
serf, however, was a self-sustaining producer who worked a certain number of
days on the lord's estate and a certain number of days on his own farm,
which produced his means of subsistence. All the slave's labour belonged to
his master, while the serfs labour was divided in two, with a clear separation
in time and space.'
Under old Poland, serfs were sometimes forced to perform corvee labour as
many as four, five or even six days a week. The enlightened Austrian
government, however, prohibited imposing more than three days a week on
any Galician peasant.' The number of days of corvee required annually varied
from village to village and was recorded in a document known as the
inventory (G Stockinventar). The number of days of corvee required of
individual serfs in a particular village depended on the stratum to which they
belonged, which in turn was determined by the size of their farm.' Thus the
inventory for Mechyshchiv, Berezhany circle, compiled in 1773, specified that
serfs with more than 12 loch of land would be considered half peasants;' serfs
with less than 9 loch would be considered gardeners lo (half peasants and
gardeners were the only strata defined in the Mechyshchiv inventory)."
So-called full peasants 12 were obliged to perform the maximum corvee in the
village. For example, full peasants in Ivachiv Dolishnii, Ternopil circle, owed
, Steblii, "Peredmova," Klasova borotba, 10. See also Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, 1:262-3;
Rosdolsky, Die grosse Steuer- und Agrarreform, 44-50, 93-8, 192, 195; and Rosdolsky, "The
Distribution of the Agrarian Product," 247-65. In general in Austria the peasant retained 30
per cent of his net income. Blum, Noble Landowners, 71.
, Blum, Noble Landowners, 75.
U panshchyna, P panszczyzna, G Robot.
Kaunitz in 1772 referred to Galician serfdom as "the most profound slavery." Rosdolsky, Die
grosse Steuer- und Agrarreform, 12. Pre-partition Polish jurists themselves equated serfdom with
Roman slavery. Mises, Entwicklung, 15.
, Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, 1:121, 129-30. Labour rent "is not only directly unpaid
surplus-labour, but also appears as such." Marx, Capital, 3:790.
, Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, I: 174-5. The limitation on corvee labour was part of a
longer-range plan to convert all labour rents to money rents. See Vilfan, "Die Agrarsozialpolitik,"
8-11.
, The relation of the size of peasant tenure to the obligations required from individual households
is clearly explained in Blum, Noble Landowners, 68-9. See also Mises, Entwieklung, 23-5.
, P pblgruntowi, pblrolniey; G Halbbauern; L semi-emethones.
10 U zahrodnyky, horodnyky; P zagrodniey, ogrodniey; G Gartlern; L hortulani.
4
S
"TsDlAL, 168/1/228, p. 81v.
12 U tsilogruntovi; P ealogruntowi, kmieci, rolniey; G Ganzbauern; L emethones.
The Nature of Serfdom
3
133 days of corvee a year, while half peasants owed 81 and quarter
peasants" as well as gardeners owed 52.'4 The corvee was rendered either
with draught animals provided by the peasant" or without draught animals
("pedestrian corvee").16 Generally, full peasants did corvee labour with two
draught animals, half peasants with one and the lower strata of the peasantry
with none. For this reason, full, half and quarter peasants were also known
respectively as "paired" peasants," "single" peasants" and "pedestrians.""
Joseph II's limitation of the number of weekly corvee days to three
alarmed Galician landlords. One writer has even compared the Galician
nobility after the reform to "ants, whose ant hill has been destroyed"; the
nobility "threw itself into a flurry of activity ... to reinstitute, as far as possible, the status quo ante, and its efforts in this regard in fact comprise the
entire content of its economic activity."20 Some landlords demanded that their
serfs compensate them in money for the abolished labour days, threatening to
confiscate land or cattle from serfs who did not pay; but the Austrian
government prohibited such compensation. 21 Other landlords resorted to
imposing piece-work on the serfs to increase the number of labour days.22 A
serf would be assigned a certain task, such as to plough a specified area of
field, and, no matter how long the task took in reality, it would be counted as
one day of corvee. Through this device the manor of Kunashiv, Berezhany
circle, in the 1840s managed to extract 5,688 pedestrian and 3,600 draught
corvee days beyond what was legally required of the serfs.23
The manor's most important mechanism for multiplying labour days,
however, was the institution of the so-called "auxiliary days."24 Amidst the
Il
U chertovyky; P cwierciogruntowi, cwierciorolnicy; G Viertelbauern.
14 TsDIAL, 488/1/613, pp. 50v-53v.
15
16
17
18
U tiahla panshchyna, P pahszczyzna ciqgla, G Zugrobot.
P pahszczyzna piesza, robota r{!Czna; G Handrobot, Fussrobot.
P parowi, G Zweispannigen.
P pojedynki, G Einspannigen.
" P piesi, G Handfrohner. There were also other, less popular, designations for the same system
of stratification. In Vynnyky, Zhovkva circle, the serfs were divided into strata according to the
number of days of corvee they owed each week. Thus there were three-day peasants,
two-and-a-half-day peasants, etc. (P III Dniowi, etc.). TsDIAL, 168/1/571. In Volytsia, Stryi
circle, the serfs were simply divided into first-class and second-class peasants (G I Classe
Bauern, II Classe Bauern). TsDIAL, 488/1/62, p. Iv.
20 Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 98.
21 Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze, J: 177-8.
22 Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 107.
23 The illiterate serfs kept track of the illegal days by putting notches in their rafters. The circle
authorities recognized the legitimacy of their grievances after serfdom was abolished in 1848 and
imposed a hefty fine on the manor. But in 1852 the peasant commune still had not been able to
collect any of the money it was owed. TsDIAL, 146/64b/3213, pp. 114-15v; TsDIAL,
146/64b/3214, pp. 109-JOv.
24 U dopomizhni dni, P dni pomocne, G Lohnhilfstage.
4
Serfdom and Servitudes
clamour of Galician nobles protesting that the three-day limitation on corvee
would bring them to ruin, Emperor Joseph II decreed in 1786 that serfs who
were not obliged to work free three days a week on the estate could be required to work up to the full three days for wages. 25 Thus, for example, a
quarter peasant with the inventory obligation of one day of corvee a week
could also be made to work for pay on the estate another two days. Since
compulsion was still involved and the wages were fixed and very low,26 the
auxiliary days differed little from serfdom from the point of view of either the
landlord or the peasant. Joseph II's intention and the letter of the law were
that the auxiliary days could only be demanded during haymaking and the
harvest. Hence they were also known as the "summer auxiliary days." In
practice, however, the seasonal character of the auxiliary days was ignored.
An official of Ternopil circle complained to the governor of Galicia in March
1846 that the auxiliary days were being used "to keep [peasants] on corvee
day after day throughout the entire year-and not only during haymaking
and harvests." In Chortkiv circle in 1838 peasants were compelled to work in
distilleries in fulfillment of their auxiliary days. As low as the wages were,
some landlords depressed them further either by luring peasants into debt and
having them work off usurious interest as auxiliary days or by paying the
serfs not in money but in tokens that could be redeemed solely at the
landlord's tavern. 27 The auxiliary days, so hateful to the peasantry, were only
abolished by the imperial patent of 13 April 1846, in the wake of a bloody
peasant uprising in Western Galicia. 28
Landlords could raise labour rents not only by increasing the number of
labour days but also by expanding the number of hours in the working day.
In some districts there had been the custom of working only half a day on
corvee or of starting the working day at eight or nine o'clock in the morning.
In response to the three-day-limit, landlords universally replaced these shorter
working days with days that lasted from dawn to dusk. An imperial patent of
16 June 1786 (N.S.) limited the corvee working day to twelve hours in
summer (from 1 April through 30 September) and to eight hours during the
rest of the year (winter). These working days included a two-hour rest period
in summer and one hour in winter. Only during the harvest could the work
day legally be extended for one or two hours.29 However, the legal situation
did not correspond to the reality.30 In Chortkiv circle, as gubernial councillor
F. Hannsmann reported to the crownland presidium in 1838, landlords were
making serfs work twenty-four hours in the demesnal distilleries and counting
25 Similar legislation applied to the Czech lands. Blum, Noble Landowners, 184.
26 A day's work with a scythe was remunerated at 15 kreuzer; with a sickle at 12; less demanding
work at 8. Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze, 1:201-2.
Klasova borotba, 217-21,291.
27
28
Istoriia selianstva URSR, 1:344.
29 Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze, 1:177-8, 191.
30 Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 107, 16 I.
The Nature of Serfdom
5
the twenty-four hours as one day of pedestrian corvee. 31 When in April 1846
an imperial patent reiterated the limits to the length of the working day, it
came as news to the peasantry. Serfs, reported a Przemysl (Peremyshl) circle
authority to Lviv, had been working on estates from early morning until late
evening, and sometimes late into the night. Awareness of the limits awakened
an interest in time-keeping among the peasantry, since "no one now wants to
be on corvee one minute longer than the labour time established by the
patent." For the first time, peasant communities began investing in clocks."
There were many, many other (for the most part illegal) ways for the
inventive landlord to increase corvee labour. Just one gubernial document
(from 2 January 1802) listed the following: drawing up a new inventory with
augmented labour dues whenever there was a change in the person of the
landlord; using deceit, threats and violence to acquire peasant signatures on a
new inventory with increased obligations; requiring double days of pedestrian
labour in place of draught labour; postponing the collection of winter corvee
to the summer; collecting fines for trespassing peasant cattle in labour rather
than money; and demanding payment of tavern debts in labour rather than
money.JJ
The peasants' own crops suffered because of corvee obligations. As
Tadeusz Wasilewski, a critic of the existing form of serfdom, wrote in the
1840s: " ... The peasant who must perform corvee labour goes to his own
field not when he has to, but when they allow him. How many times has his
own grain demanded the sickle, but he performs corvee labour on Monday,
Tuesday and Wednesday, while the grain is dropping from his own crops. He
is lucky if on Thursday rain does not prevent him from harvesting."l4 In one
of his short stories, set in 1846, the Galician-born writer Leopold von
Sacher-Masoch described a moonlight harvest, necessary because the peasants
had spent the days harvesting their lord's grain. J5
Landlords also collected lesser labour rents in addition to the corvee. These
included obligations to repair and make roofs for manorial buildings, to
perform guard duty and sometimes even to gather mushrooms and nuts for
the lord's kitchen. Almost universally serf women were obliged to spin a certain quantity of thread for the manor.36 The imperial patent of 16 June 1786
abolished a number of forms of labour rent then existing in Galicia
(L prohibita generalia) , such as transporting the manor's grain to Gdansk
31 Klasova borotba, 221.
12
Ibid., 322.
Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 106-10; see also p. 103.
34 Cited in ibid., 161. A similar point had been made by Galician officials in 1781. Mises,
Entwicklung, 27 note 3.
J5 Sacher-Masoch, "Der Jesuit: Erzahlung eines polnischen Emissairs von 1846," Galizische
Geschichten, 97-120.
36 TsDIAL, 168/1/1222, p. 2v; 488/1/613, pp. 50v-53v.
JJ
Serfdom and Servitudes
6
(without this being counted as corvee) and netting all the fish in the lord's
ponds, cleaning out the silt and stocking them again with fish.J7
Labour dues to the state (aside from military service) included road work38
and transport obligations." In 1821 Galician peasants worked 1.6 million days
on road construction and repair for the state; in that same year they worked
31.5 million days of corvee on the estates. 40 Corvee labour on behalf of the
church, unless the church figured as owner of an estate, was not sanctioned
by law, but in some parishes serfs were expected to work free on the priest's
land 41 (U daremshchyna). Peasants were, however, legally required to provide
labour to construct and repair churches and parish buildings;42 this was not
particularly onerous, since, once built, a church could stand for a century or
longer.
Rents in kind to the manor usually included grain and poultry. In Polove,
Zolochiv circle, full peasants gave the manor 4.5 "bushels"43 of fodder oats, a
capon and six chickens. 44 In Ivachiv Dolishnii full peasants gave 1 "bushel"
(l23 litres) of wheat and 2 "bushels" of oats; half peasants gave half that
amount and quarter peasants a quarter. Full peasants, or rather their wives,
also gave 2 capons, 2 hens and 20 eggs, while half and quarter peasants gave
proportional quantities. 45 In some villages peasants also paid a tithe in
sheep.46 Rents in kind to the state consisted of irregular deliveries of
provisions for soldiers. Rents in kind to the church, when they existed, were
established by local custom or what the pastor could successfully impose. In
Dubno, Rzeszow circle, the Greek Catholic pastor demanded 1,800 sheaves of
grain annually from his parishioners in the 1840s. 47
Collection of money rents by the manor was irregular. In some villages,
such as Ivachiv Dolishnii, all peasants paid the manor a tax on their farms,
with full peasants paying 6 gulden, half peasants 3 and quarter peasants 1.5.
In other villages no taxes were paid on farms. Some serfs, especially
craftsmen and peasants in state-owned villages, paid all their rents in
money." It was the custom in nearly all villages for bee-keeping serfs to pay a
money tax on their hives to the manor. 49 The state, of course, was the largest
J7 Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddaneze, 1:195-200.
38
U sharvarok, P szarwarek, G Seharwerk.
39
U forshpan, P forszpan, G Vorspann.
40
Ibid., 1:262.
41
See Klasova borotba, 515; and Adriian, Agrarnyi protses, 62.
Klunker, Die gesetzliehe Unterthans-Verfassung, 1:297-8.
U kortsi, P korey, G Koretz; 553.5 litres.
TsDIAL, 168/ I / 1222, pp. I v-2v.
TsDIAL, 488/1/613, pp. 50v-53v.
Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddaneze, 1:200. Mises, Entwieklung, 20.
Klasova borotba, 515. Mises, Entwieklung, 20-1, mentions tithes in grain to the pastor.
U ehynshovi, P ezynszowniey, G Zinsler.
P oezkowe, G Bienenzins. See TsDIAL, 168/1/1222, p. 3v; 488/1/613, pp. 50v-53v.
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
The Nature of Serfdom
7
collector of money dues, in the form of taxes. The Austrian central
government collected four times as much in taxes as had the prepartition
Polish government. 50 In fact the principal aim of Joseph II's agrarian reform
legislation was to increase the taxability of the countryside by alleviating the
lot of the peasantry.51 However, since the landlords did everything in their
considerable power to nullify the effect of the Austrian reforms, the increased
state taxes were a great burden on the peasantry.52 The main form of money
rent to the church were the fees collected by priests for performing baptisms,
marriages and funerals. These sacramental fees were deeply resented by the
peasants, who felt they were paying taxes on their very births and deaths. 53
What did the peasants receive in return for all the feudal rents they paid?
From the church they received certain civilizational benefits and from the
state some protection against their landlords. But what did the landlord, who
collected 80 per cent of their rents, give to the peasants? After serfdom was
abolished in 1848, the Austrian government made a list of all feudal
obligations in every Galician village. For the village of Polove we have seen
what the peasants owed the landlord. In the list of obligations there was also
a rubric for the landlord's obligations vis-a.-vis the peasants. 54 In the Polove
list, which was typical of dozens of others consulted, the landlord's obligations
were described with a single German word: Keine, i.e., none."
Actually, by Austrian law landlords did have one obligation vis-a.-vis their
subjects: to lend them seed grain and food in times of distress. This
obligation, legally imposed from 1772 to 1848, proved extremely difficult for
the government to enforce, and strong pressure had to be brought to bear on
landlords before they fed starving serfs.56 In 1847, while the great potato
famine raged not only in Ireland but also in Galicia, the senior police
50 Historia Polski, vol. 2, pt. I, p. 223. Austrian, as well as Prussian, civil servants were amazed
at how little the old Commonwealth had demanded in taxes. Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze,
1:28.
51 Rosdolsky, Die grosse Steuer- und Agrarreform, esp. 9-24; Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze,
1:12-15,28. See also Vilfan, "Die Agrarsozialpolitik," 30-I. For a good discussion of cameralist
theory and the role of taxation in Maria Theresia's agrarian reforms, see Liebel-Weckowicz and
Szabo, "Modernization Forces," esp. 304-8.
52 See the moving case of the aptly named Havrylo Neporadny, of Kunashiv, Berezhany circle,
who was unable to sow his land, let alone pay his taxes in 1825. He fled from the village, but
found no refuge and eventually returned. He was arrested and lost his land and horses. TsDIAL,
146/64b/3212,pp.46-7.
53 A folk song from 1846 lamented: "Popy takzhe nas derut. / Za pokhoron hrosh berut. /
Urodytsia-tra platyty. / Uzhe trudno v sviti zhyty." ("The priests also fleece us. They take
money for funerals. If a baby is born, one has to pay. It's getting difficult to live in the world.")
Klasova borotba, 345.
54 P powinnosci wzajemne prawodzierzcy, G Gegenleistungen des Berechtigen.
"TsDIAL, 168/1/1222, pp. 17v-42v. Describing the situation in 1773, Kaunitz stated that "on
the one side are only rights, on the other there are nothing but obligations." Rosdolsky, Die
grosse Steuer- und Agrarreform, 12.
56 Rosdolsky, Die grosse Steuer- und Agrarreform, 141 note 64. Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze,
1:38, 223-4.
8
Serfdom and Servitudes
commissioner in Przemysl was worried that the widespread hunger would lead
to unrest; he felt this could be avoided "if every landlord were humane
enough to help his suffering serfs, as his means allowed; but such humanity,
unfortunately, is lacking."" Even when landlords did provide grain subsidies
to their peasants, this was not necessarily done out of humanitarian motives.
In Chortkiv circle in the late 1830s landlords were lending grain to povertyor disaster-stricken peasants so that they could later demand repayment in
labour, in the form of extra auxiliary days."
In addition to appropriating the peasants' surplus through feudal rents,
landlords in the early nineteenth century also expropriated peasant land, both
the so-called rustical land, which the peasants tilled as their individual farms,
and the communal land, largely forest and pasture, which the peasants used
collectively. (Communal land will be examined later, in the sections on
servitudes.) The landlords' interest in peasant land was the result of their
fear, awakened by Joseph's reforms," that serfdom would be abolished. In
that event, the manors wanted to have in their possession sufficient land to
compensate for the loss of labour obligations. The encroachment of the manor
on rustical land was forbidden by numerous decrees (in 1781, 1786, 1787,
1789, 1798, 1804, 1811 and 1827); that the legal prohibition had to be repeated so often says much about its effectiveness.'" A more important brake
on the manors' invasion of peasant land was that a landed peasantry was a
fundamental requirement of Polish-style serfdom, based on labour rents. 61
Landlords throughout Galicia took 342,659 loch of rustical land away from
their serfs from 1789 to 1847; this was almost 6 per cent of all rustical land
registered in 1789. Most (over 80 per cent) was taken before the land survey
of 1820,62 i.e., in the immediate aftermath of the Josephine reforms.
Landlords used the survey to claim as their own empty rustical plots
(U pustky). They might themselves have emptied the plots in the first place.
By illegally denying a peasant in need the loan of seed grain, the manor could
force the peasant to abandon his land. By encouraging a peasant to drink
liquor on credit or through usurious lending, the manor could also eventually
remove him from his land. 6J Landlords also forced peasants to exchange
57 Klasova borotba, 357.
" Ibid., 218. The same abuse was recorded in a gubernial document of 2 January 1802, cited in
Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 110.
5. "It was first under Austrian rule that the demesnes began to appropriate peasant lands .... "
Mises, Entwicklung, 17.
'" Ibid., 57, 64-6. Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 99-100.
61 Mises, Entwicklung, 17, 21. This brake did not work very well in Hungary, where about 60
per cent of the peasantry was landless on the eve of emancipation. Kann and David, The Peoples
of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 236, 239, 241. However, in Hungary rents in nature, the
so-called (G) Neunte or (L) nona, played a much larger role in the traditional feudal system.
Blum, Noble Landowners, 75-6.
62 Rosdolsky, Wspblnota gminna, 49-50.
6J All these methods were used by landlords in the mid-1840s in Ternopil circle. Klasova
borotba, 291-2.
The Nature of Serfdom
9
rustical for demesnal land, giving their serfs plots of a smaller size and
inferior quality.64
No survey of the feudal system in Galicia, however brief, can dispense
with an account of the extra-economic aspects of the landlord-peasant
relationship'" In old Poland the relations of personal dependence between
landlord and serf were similar to those existing elsewhere between master and
slave. Landlords could kill serfs on their own authority66 and could sell them
without the land to which they were in theory attached. 67 Austrian legislation
made the Galician peasant a subject of the law and not, as formerly, beyond
any law,68 but the landlord's power over him remained great. Manorial
officials could punish disobedient serfs. If peasants had complaints against the
manor, they had first to bring them to the manor itself. In spite of Joseph II's
prohibition of displays of servility, Galician peasants doffed their caps within
three hundred paces of the manor.69
The feudal system, with the landlord's unbridled or barely bridled
domination of the peasant, even affected the most intimate spheres of life.
Until 1782 Galician serfs had to receive the lord's permission to marry. Serfs
had also been required to pay a marriage tax to the lords, but Maria Theresia
and Joseph II, who wanted to increase the population-especially the
agricultural population-by removing all obstacles to marriage and
64 Peasants of the Komarno region, Sambir circle, complained to the emperor in 1822: " ... the
lords have taken good land from us, and given us in exchange absolutely bad and small plots."
Ibid., 133. This was forbidden by laws of 1787, 1805 and 1825. Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny,
100--1.
65 Of course, if feudalism (or even serfdom) is understood primarily as a system of juridical
relations, and not-as in this study-a mode of production, then what follows, rather than what
preceded, is the crucial aspect. Those who consider feudalism/serfdom primarily as a juridical
category consider it abolished in Galicia by the Josephine suspension of personal servitude
(G Leibeigenschaft) on 5 April 1782 (N.S.). See Mises, Entwicklung, 42-6.
66 L ius vitae necisque, ius gladU.
67 Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, 1:127-32. Mises, Entwicklung, 12-14. Even during the first
decades of Austrian rule Galician landlords rented out their serfs' corvee labour to other
landlords. This was forbidden by laws of 1800 and 1801. Gubernial order of 2 January 1802,
cited in Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 108.
68 Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, I :260. "In the days of old Poland the landlord was the sole
owner of all land in the village and the autocratic master of his peasants .... No one dared to
interfere in his relations with his peasants; no one dared to restrict his almost limitless power over
them and over their land; there was no state power and control over his conduct." Terletsky,
Znesenie panshchyny, 98-9. "The protection of the law, which the absolutist state accorded,
extended to both sides. For the serfs it meant more effective protection vis-a-vis the landlords,
but the landowning class was also protected by the state vis-a-vis the serfs. But since the
landowners had hitherto been in a by far stronger position than their subjects, the new protection
of state law meant rather a gain for the peasants." Vilfan, "Die Agrarsozialpolitik," 29.
69 Klasova borotba, 418. " ... Our peasant takes off his cap from afar before the landlord, ... he
bows down almost to his feet .... " Tadeusz Wasilewski, writing in the mid-I 840s, cited in
Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 158.
\0
Serfdom and Servitudes
procreation, abolished this ancient custom in 1777.'0 In spite of this
legislation, some manors refused to allow peasant lads to marry until they
had paid a tax." By his patent of 5 April 1782 (N .S.), Joseph II prohibited
the landlords' practice of taking serf children to work in the manor
(G Zwangsgesindedienste), but the prohibition was not entirely effective. As
late as 1847 Count B~kowski, lord of Ustie Zelene, Stanyslaviv circle, took
serfs' daughters to serve in the manor. A gubernial document of May 1847
reported that B~kowski forced the daughters "in a manner grossly offensive to
public morality and enraging to human feeling to satisfy his lusts." B~kowski
also dumped the dead body of one of his male servants, Fed Kostiv, into the
Dniester River before an autopsy could be performed. The gubernial acts
speak of forty rapes perpetrated by B~kowski on serfs. But in the end, the
severe justice of feudal Galicia caught up with him and, blind to his exalted
position, banished him from his own estate for six years (1847-52)."
The case of Count B~kowski illustrates that it was not possible simply to
legislate away the abuses of serfdom. Its abuses could only disappear with the
abolition of the entire system.
The Enforcement of Serfdom
The peasantry ... delights in
violence and dreams about it.
-A Galician official, 1847 73
The feudal system rested on violence, not the violence o/the peasantry, but
violence against the peasantry. There was no positive incentive for the serf to
work on the lord's estate, and all that could move him was coercion. A critic
of the 1840s, who argued that hired labour would be more efficient on the
demesnes, correctly summed up the situation when he declared that the only
motive forces in Galician serfdom were "threats on the one hand and fear on
the other."" The manorial authorities, particularly the mandator" and
steward,'· made peasants compliant by beating them and locking them up in
the manorial prisons. Joseph II had limited the right of the manor to inflict
10 Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, 1:94-5, 138-9. See also Mises, Entwicklung, 11-12.
" In villages belonging to the Bohorodchany manor, Stanyslaviv circle, peasants who wanted to
marry were required to pay 61.5 litres of wheat or a monetary equivalent (1799). Klasova
borotba, 61.
" Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, 1:137-8. The situation was much the same in Russia. Even
Richard Pipes, who feels that "it is particularly important to be disabused concerning alleged
landlord brutality toward serfs," admits: "Sexual license was not uncommon; there are enough
authenticated stories of landlords who staffed regular harems with serf girls." Russia under the
Old Regime, 152-3. See also Istoriia selianstva URSR, 1:318.
13 Klasova borotba, 373.
14 Tadeusz Wasilewski, cited in Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 163.
15 U mandator. mandatar; G Mandatar.
,. U ekonom. okonom.
The Enforcement of Serfdom
11
corporal punishment on serfs in 1775 and abolished it completely in 1788; but
Franz I renewed that right in 1793. 77 Even so, the manor was not permitted
to have peasants beaten with cudgels (U kyi; the cudgel was the prerogative
of the circle authorities or their delegates). The efficacy of this prohibition
was such that the government felt obliged to repeat it in 1805, 1818, 1821,
1828 and 1841. 78
Some insight into the punitive measures applied to enforce serfdom can be
gained by looking at the individual case of Hrynko Liush, a peasant from
Kunashiv, Berezhany circle, who brought his complaints against the manor to
the circle authorities in 1848. Liush's grievances dated back to Easter 1835,
when he spent eight days in the manorial prison. At that time the manor had
expropriated some bush-covered land from the peasant commune," and the
commune was protesting this. The commune eventually won its land back,
but Liush-simply for carrying the commune's grievance to the circle
authorities-was imprisoned by the manor. In August 1836 Liush was made
to work two days of corvee in one week instead of the one and one-half days
he was actually obliged by the inventory. In protest, he refused to work a
third, auxiliary day. For this insubordination he spent two days in chains in
the manorial prison and received twenty blows with a cudgel. He spent only
two days in prison then because his labour was needed during the harvest.
When the exact same conflict between Liush and the manor was repeated
after the harvest in 1836, he was chained and imprisoned for eight days.80 In
the winter of 1837 the leaseholder (U posesor) of the estate, Suchodolski,
tried to make Liush do corvee on a Ukrainian holy day. For his refusal, Liush
spent another eight days in prison. In April 1837 Liush harnessed four oxen
to a plough and ploughed the estate for a day and a half. Considering how
many animals he used, he thought his labour should be counted for more
than two days of corvee. For insisting on this he spent another four days in
chains in prison. Later that same year Liush wanted to rent some pasture
from the manor, but was refused. He therefore put his four oxen out to
pasture in a neighbouring village. But soon thereafter the leaseholder
demanded that Liush perform draught corvee. Liush pleaded for pedestrian
work, since his oxen would die in the fields if he took them so soon from their
grazing. His pleas cost him eight more days in chains in prison. After the
harvest in 1837 Liush was ordered to make a two-day trip. Since he had no
bread just then and no fodder for his horses, Liush requested that the order
be postponed for one day. The leaseholder struck Liush several times in the
face, neck and other parts of his body, and then put him in prison for eight
days. Liush's trials did not end here. He was punished again in 1838, 1839,
1840, 1842, 1846 and 1847. Altogether in 1835-47, Liush spent 88 days in
77
78
79
Steblii, "Peredmova." Klasova borotba, 7, 10. Istoriia selianstva URSR, 1:339.
Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, III.
U hromada. P gmina, G Gemeinde.
80 A landlord could not imprison a serf for more than eight days without permission from the
circle authorities. Vilfan, "Agrarsozialpolitik," 27.
12
Serfdom and Servitudes
the manorial prison, many of them in chains. In 1846 he was beaten until he
could no longer stand. 81
Liush was obviously a stubborn individual. There were also stubborn
communes. In 1780 the peasants of the small town of Stoianiv, Belz circle,
refused to perform corvee labour beyond what was specified in the inventory.
The manorial officials responded brutally. "Wherever they catch us,"
complained the peasants to the circle authorities, "they beat us, cripple us,
murder us, attack our houses and frighten our children. They beat our
women, causing miscarriages and endangering life." One day a serf, Demko
Huliuk, was conscripted by soldiers to transport wood to Komarno and was
unable to show up for corvee labour. For failing to appear, the demesnal
authorities "twisted his neck, ripped the hair from his head and gave him 28
or 30 lashes without his shirt." He showed up for corvee labour the next day,
but "as soon as ... the steward saw him there, he instantly, like some fury,
pounced on him, grabbed him by the forelock and tossed the man back and
forth; and then he ordered him to be laid out and flayed as the greatest
felon.""
When the violence of the demesnal authorities did not suffice to enforce
serfdom, the manor appealed to the circle officials for aid. The circle officials
were not (heaven forbid!) cruel. Before they beat a particular peasant, a
doctor would estimate how many blows that peasant could endure without
crippling or killing him. For example, in Dorozhiv, Sambir circle, in 1846, the
doctor told the circle commissioner that two peasants could each endure fifty
blows with a cudgel. After the fifty blows were administered, the two
peasants still refused to make up the auxiliary days they owed the manor.
The commissioner ordered that the recalcitrants only be imprisoned,
because-to use his own words-"it would have been cruel to punish them
further on that same day.""
In documents emanating from the circle authorities themselves, there is
never a description of the cudgel that they used on serfs. But a peasant document from 1848 (Turie, Zolochiv circle) describes one cudgel as "an oak stick
covered with lead."84
When the violence of the circle authorities proved insufficient, they called
in the military." The serfs were made to quarter and pay the soldiers who
81 TsDIAL, 146/64b/3214, pp. 27-8.
" Klasova borotba, 41-2.
" Ibid., 328.
84 Ibid., 407. Whips were favoured by the manorial authorities. A Russian traveller to Galicia in
the 1860s heard a description of a manorial whip from a peasant who drove him in a cart:
" ... like my horsewhip, only the handle was very, very short, and the strap was long, about the
length of a man's body, plaited, with a knot at the end." Kelsiev, Galitsiia i Moldaviia, 106.
"The whip, wielded by estate supervisors, played a formidable role in forcing peasants to work.
Estate officials in Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia were called karabiicnik by the peasants, for
karabiic is the Czech word for whip." Blum, Noble Landowners, 186.
" When a peasant commune refused to perform corvee obligations, "the military was brought in
and the peasants were beaten until they were willing to do corvee; and there have been some
The Enforcement of Serfdom
13
were sent in to quell them. From mid-October 1847 until January 1848,250
infantrymen and 65 cavalrymen were stationed in several communes in
Zolochiv circle that refused to fulfill what they considered excessive corvee
obligations. We have a peasant description of how the soldiers behaved:
Urged on by the manor, these soldiers bullied us as much as they wished. They
ordered us to catch flies and fry them in butter. Then they threw [peasants 1 on
dung-heaps. They forced the women to make prostrations in the roads. One
woman was beaten to death, another had a miscarriage as a result of a beating.
Even officers brought in several skinny horses, fattened them up on oats they
took from people and then sold the horses."
Violence against peasants, particularly beatings, was an absolutely
indispensable component of the feudal system. This was eloquently argued by
a Przemysl circle commissioner, Mikolaj Pobog-Rutkowski. In a letter dated
18 December 1783 (N.S.), the noble Rutkowski pleaded with the higher
circle authorities to allow him to beat every tenth peasant in the village of
Vyshatychi:
For the local peasant, who lives in gross ignorance and has no concept of
honour, there is no better threat than the threat of corporal punishment. The
local peasant is as stupid as he is stubborn, and the cudgel will instruct him
more quickly than hunger or imprisonment. I was born on this land and I have
observed the local peasants since I was a child. It is not without foundation that
I can affirm that the local peasant can be corrected more quickly with ten blows
than with ten days in prison .... Nothing but corporal punishment can make the
local peasant obedient. Any other punishment will make the peasant still more
stubborn and fresh."
Rutkowski's conviction that the peasants were little better than beasts and
that, as other beasts of burden, they needed to be beaten," was shared by
other noblemen. Johann Christoph von Koranda, who headed up Galicia's tax
department, wrote in 1781 that the serfs were "regarded as cattle" by the
Polish nobility.89 A radical Polish democrat in the 1830s wrote: "The peasant
in the eyes of a magnate was not a man, but an ox, destined to work for his
comfort, whom it was necessary to harness'" and thrash with a whip like an
"(continued) cases in which peasants have received the last rites on the bench, under the
blows of the cudgel." This is the testimony of a spokesman for the Polish nobility in 1848. Die
Revolutionsjahre, 13.
86 Klasova borotba, 488-9.
87 Ibid. 52.
" "The beating of enserfed peasants by landlords and manorial officials was in
inseparable attribute of the system of serfdom, without which it did not at all seem
maintain the discipline of corvee labour. The psychological counterpart of this fact
conviction of the nobility that it was necessary to beat the peasant just like
animal. ... " Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, 1:77.
89 Mises, Entwicklung, 43 note I.
90
On the harnessing of peasants, see below, 28.
essence an
possible to
was ... the
a draught
14
Serfdom and Servitudes
animal."91 The image of peasants as beasts is also explicit in a letter from an
official of Stanyslaviv circle to the crownland presidium (September 1846):
" ... In the hill peasants of this circle those features that distinguish people
from animals are but little developed."" In this case, the official was not
interested in beating the peasants; he just wished to emphasize how ignorant
they were!'
In fact, the peasants' ignorance was almost as important as violence in
maintaining the feudal system. Rutkowski, for example, in the same letter
where he justified beating peasants because they were "stupid" and denizens
of "gross ignorance," also asked the circle authorities to think of some "special form of punishment" for one of the peasants of Vyshatychi, the mayor
Ivan Beheka. Rutkowski felt that Beheka was the leader of the commune's
resistance to corvee and road-work. Not only was Beheka "importunate and
stubborn," but "he can read and write and knows some Latin."94 As
Rutkowski implied, an educated peasant was a dangerous peasant.
Landlords frequently had educated peasants sent to the army," and did
what they could to prevent the peasants from becoming educated. In 1825 the
priest Stefan Hryhorovych founded a parish school in Zaluche, Kolomyia
circle. At first he himself instructed the village youth in the school, teaching
them reading and writing in Ukrainian as well as basic arithmetic. Eventually
he turned the task over to a cantor, but the landlord had the cantor drafted
into the army. (Military service then lasted fourteen years.) The same story
repeated itself with a second cantor, and with a third. In 1840 the peasants of
Zaluche appealed to the Greek Catholic school inspector in Horodenka: "We
hear that they teach the deaf and dumb to read, but we are neither deaf nor
dumb and we pay for the school ourselves. We do not understand what it
means that our school is so disliked." In the end, Father Hryhorovych himself
had to return to teaching and persisted in this work, despite persecution by
the manor, until his death in 1845!6 The landlord of Kunysivtsi, Kolomyia
circle, expropriated the lumber that peasants had set aside to build a school
in the mid-1840s!'
Landlord opposition to peasant education was not confined to placing
obstacles in the way of individual peasants and individual schools on the
91 Cited in Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 8.
92
Klasova boro/ba, 348.
9' The Galician peasantry was called "hoc genus hominum pertinacissimum, quamvis stupidum"
in a memorandum of the Estates Administration (P Wydzial S/anowy) , 10 November 1784.
Rosdolsky, S/osunki poddancze, 2:214. A court chancery memorandum of 1781 said that
"laziness and stupidity" made the Galician peasant "unfeeling"; hence "only the most extreme
hard treatment" could "awaken him from his inactivity."
94 Klasova boro/ba, 52-3.
95
Kachala, Shcho nas huby/.
96 Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni," 429. Klasova bora/ba, 229. Vozniak, lak
prabudylosia, 151-2.
9' Klasova boro/ba, 474.
The Enforcement of Serfdom
IS
village level. The entire political influence of the Galician nobility was used to
hinder the development of popular education. In 1840 the Greek Catholic
bishop of Przemysl, Ivan Snihursky, proposed in the Galician estates diet that
more elementary schools be founded in the countryside. He was almost
unanimously voted down!' The noble Kazimierz Krasicki argued that public
schools
do not have a good influence on the mass .... For the mass suffice little church
schools where it will be a holy, spiritual obligation to inculcate in the people an
understanding of religion, morality, the individual's obligations from the
perspective of society, the duties placed on him by his estate and a love for work
and order."
In 1842 only IS per cent of Galician school-age children attended school,
while in Bohemia 94 per cent attended and in all of Austria excluding Galicia
75 per cent attended. loo When Galician peasants finally gained a political representation, during the revolution of 1848-9, the peasant deputies in the
Austrian parliament (G Reichstag) made the expansion of education one of
their foremost demands. Their programmatic statement of 3 September 1848
(N.S.) affirmed: "We consider it of the utmost necessity that schooling begin
in every commune so that many persons of the lower estate can leave the
darkness for the light."101
Lack of education put the peasantry at a great disadvantage during the
feudal conflict with the landlord. When the nobles voted down Snihursky's
proposal to found more schools in 1840, they derisively asked: Should we establish more schools so that the peasants can write more complaints against
us to the circle authorities? 102 They were right, of course. An illiterate
peasantry could not itself formulate any of the documents necessary to
prevent landlords from extracting extra days of corvee, closing off pastures
and forests and conscripting peasant girls for service in the manor. Ignorance
also meant that the peasants had difficulty understanding the work of
government commissions dispatched to resolve disputes between them and the
manor; this was especially true if the commission's proceedings were
deliberately conducted in German, as was the case in Horoshova, Chortkiv
circle, in the 1840s. The peasants of Horoshova complained to the Supreme
Ruthenian Council (U Holovna ruska rada) in 1849 that "at such
investigations everything is carried on in German, and we can neither understand it nor read it; therefore we generally end up cheated."lo3 Finally, the
S.B., "0 prawach wloscian w Gallicyi," Biblioteka Warszawska, no. 4 (1843): 134.
Cited in Zabrovarny, "Sotsialna svidomist," 284; also in Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 134.
100 Tafeln zur Statistik .. . 1842 (unpaginated).
101 Klasova borotba, 427. See also Vozniak, lak probudylosia, lSI, for another example of
peasant demands for education in 1848.
102 S.B., "0 prawach wloscian," 143.
103 Klasova borotba, 500. See also below, 30. The Hungarian nobility preferred Latin to both
German and Magyar precisely because it was so difficult for the common people to understand.
Rosdolsky, Die grosse Steuer- und Agrarreform, 157-8.
9.
99
16
Serfdom and Servitudes
peasantry's ignorance was used as a pretext to keep it from exerclsmg an
influence over its own affairs. For example, Joseph II wanted to have
peasants work on his famous land survey to make up for a shortage of trained
engineers. Civil servants, however, protested (in vain) that "often in an entire
commune one cannot find an individual who can write a single letter of the
alphabet, read or even count beyond fifty." In fact, though, Joseph was
correct: the peasants did very good work during the land survey. The
bureaucracy's objections were rooted in its feudal outlook. 104
The Resistance to Serfdom
Oi ne budu. khlop molodyi.
panshchynu robyty.
fa utechu v Voloshchynu i tam
budu zhyty.
Oi ne pidu na panshchynu. ne pidu.
ne pidu.
Koly bude temna nichka zrobliu
panu bidu.
Ne boiusia ia ni viita. ani ekonoma.
fa ne pidu na panshchynu. budu
sydiv doma.
-Ukrainian folk song lO5
In spite of all the force used against them, in spite of the servility
in<;ulcated by the frequent beatings lO6 and in spite of their great ignorance,
Galician peasants waged an impressive struggle against serfdom and the
landlords throughout the period of Austrian rule and eventually succeeded in
forcing the abolition of serfdom in 1848.
Rosdolsky, Die grosse Steuer- und Agrarreform, 34 (and 35-7, 39-41).
"I, a young man, will not do corvee labour. I'll flee to Wallachia and live there. I will not do
corvee labour. I will not, I will not. In the dark of night I will do the lord harm. I am not afraid
of the mayor or the steward. I will not do corvee labour. I will sit at home." "Na panskii roboti,"
in Khodyly opryshky, 45.
106 The psychological effect of beating on the peasants was "the view, full of slavish
submissiveness and resignation, held by the peasants themselves, that one must endure without
murmur the lashings and floggings administered by the landlords, stewards and manorial bailiffs,
simply because one had the misfortune to be born a peasant. And none of the negative aspects of
the system of serfdom-with the one exception perhaps of the promotion of drunkenness by
manorial tavern-keepers-had such a fatal, destructive influence on the peasant psychology as
well as on the entire 'character' of that class as the continual corporal punishment meted out by
the manorial authorities." There was even a Ukrainian proverb to the effect that sparing the rod
spoils the peasant (U Khlopa ne byi. khlop bude hnylyi). Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze, 1:77.
Corporal punishment so permeated social relations that even herd boys after emancipation chose
one of their number to be the "mayor" of the pasture "and he used a whip on the disobedient."
Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 123-4.
104
105
The Resistance to Serfdom
17
The resistance to serfdom took many forms. By far the most common was
the submission of complaints against the manor. The complaints did not bring
into question the institution of serfdom itself, but only abuses, such as the
augmentation of rents beyond what was specified in the inventory or by
Austrian law, the seizure of rustical or communal land by the manor and
excessive or cruel physical punishment of serfs (and any corporal punishment
from 1788 to 1793).
The submission of complaints demanded literacy. Not only did grievances
have to be presented in written form, but the peasants had to know what
constituted an abuse, i.e., they had to know what was written in the inventory
and what was written in imperial patents regulating serfdom. Since literacy
was so rare among the peasantry, the peasants largely relied on non peasants
to formulate their grievances. These nonpeasants were the so-called
corner-scribes. l07
Corner-scribes were the outlaw intelligentsia of feudal Galicia. They were
a diverse group, including the educated dissenters that every oppressive
society produces, the marginal elements that had received an education but
no corresponding position in society, as well as unscrupulous hucksters out to
take advantage of the ignorance of the peasantry. They were renegade petty
officials, such as "the notorious" Adalbert Gizejewski, who lost his post in
connection with a suit against Count Komorowski of Nestanychi, Zolochiv
circle, and thereafter made his miserable living writing complaints for
peasants. They were the sons of such officials, like the younger Gizejewski,
who carried on the profession of corner-scribe after his father was arrested
and imprisoned in 1846.108 They were young burghers like Piotr Majbek,
"without parents, without profession," who ran his business from a tavern in
Ternopil and paid for his formulation of grievances by conscription into the
military.109 They were teachers, tavern-keepers, former manorial officials and,
more rarely, petty leaseholders. 110
Government and manorial officials as well as the landlords themselves considered them the cause of all unrest in the Galician village. 11I According to
nobles like Count Jan Kanty Stadnicki, Kazimierz Badeni and Ignacy
Poniatowski, who "well know the character of the peasants," only "restless
heads" could provoke the serfs to "erroneous actions." Therefore, the
107
108
109
U pokutni pysari, P pisarzy pokqtni, G Winkelschreiber.
Klasova borotba, 339, 356, 536 note 64.
Ibid., 204-6.
Rosdolsky, review of Grynwaser, Przywbdcy i burzyciele wioscian, 356-61.
Klasova borotba, 73, 82, 91, 121-2, 139-40, 187, 192, 196-8,313,321,330,360,367. There
is also an exceptional report by gubernial councillor Hannsmann that contains the truth about
corner-scribes. Sent to investigate widespread unrest in Chortkiv circle in 1838, Hannsmann
reported back to Lviv: " ... Nowhere did I notice that so-called corner-scribes influence the
peasants seditiously. The complaints that have been submitted are formulated without passion
and contain nothing but a simple description of the oppression that the communes, in their view,
experience." Ibid., 213. For aversion to corner-scribes at the highest, imperial, level, see Vilfan,
"Die Agrarsozialpolitik," 29.
110
III
18
Serfdom and Servitudes
presidium of the Galician estates diet begged the gubernium in 1822 to apply
the sternest measures against corner-scribes.'" Numerous laws prohibited the
existence of corner-scribes and men who risked engaging in that profession
faced unremitting persecution. Where it proved possible to eradicate
corner-scribes, it became difficult, if not impossible, for peasants to register
any formal, legal protest against feudal abuses.'13
When grievances involved not individual peasants, but the entire commune,
as was most frequently the case,'14 the commune elected one or more of its
members to represent it. These plenipotentiaries'l5 were often singled out for
persecution by the manor, as was Hrynko Liush, whose repeated
imprisonment and occasional thrashing has already been described. Ivan
Smytsniuk, plenipotentiary of Iamnytsia, Stanyslaviv circle, was so
importunate that the circle authorities decreed in 1835 that he could no
longer represent the commune; but he continued in this role into the early
l840s. In 1836, to discourage Smytsniuk further, his son was conscripted into
the army. Smytsniuk travelled to Vienna twice to bring his commune's
grievances to the emperor; when he set off a third time in 1843 he was
murdered by hirelings of the manor." 6 The plenipotentiaries of Smarzowa,
Tarnow circle, in Western Galicia, suffered diverse persecutions at the hands
of their landlord: imprisonment, confiscation of produce, expropriation of land
and numerous beatings. One of the Smarzowa plenipotentiaries was lakub
Szela, who later led the savage peasant revolt in Western Galicia in 1846.'"
Plenipotentiaries also led the less violent peasant unrest that encompassed
Eastern Galicia in that same year. "' The primary function of these peasant
leaders, however, was to carry the commune's grievances through the various
levels of government until the commune had received satisfaction.
The right of Galician peasants to submit grievances against their landlords
certainly represented an improvement in their situation compared to the
lawlessness of old Poland.'19 The enlightenment of the Habsburg emperors in
this regard is all the more striking when we recall that a neighbouring
enlightened absolutist, Catherine II of Russia, issued legislation in 1767
stipulating that any landlord's serf who registered a grievance against his
landlord was to be punished with hard labour (R katorga).120 Nonetheless, the
grievance procedure in Galicia was an instrument of very limited efficacy.
Klasova borotba, 136.
Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, I: 152.
114" ... 1t was the rare peasant who dared to fight the manor 'in a duel.'" Ibid., 1:146.
115 U povnomochnyky, upovnovazheni; P peinomocnicy; G Bevollmiichtigen.
116 Klasova borotba, 181-5,228,533 note 35.
117 Rosdolsky, "Do historii 'krwawego roku,'" 410. In his dreadful account of 1846, Norman
Davies identifies Szela as "an irascible peasant from Smorzowy [sic], famed for his successful
litigations against wealthy landowners." God's Playground, 2:147.
112
III
"' Klasova borotba, 323-4, 330-1.
119 For some of the sixteenth-century legislation prohibiting serfs from complaining to the royal
authorities about their landlords, see Mises, Entwicklung, 7 (see also 12-13).
120 Wojcik, Dzieje Rosji, 291.
The Resistance to Serfdom
19
Until 1846 121 grievances had first to be brought to the manor for consideration, unless they involved expulsion from rustical land or corporal
punishment. The effect of this regulation was to warn the landlord that the
peasants were bringing charges against him and to allow him the opportunity
to attempt to stifle their complaint. According to a gubernial document of 2
January 1802, "some manors, their officials and leaseholders ... use all sorts
of methods and tricks to hinder the peasants in submitting grievances, to
frighten them off from seeking to redress their injury in the circle captaincy
and in higher offices, and, if nonetheless the peasants demand recompense for
injuries endured, to threaten them with further exploitation and injury .... ".22
If the peasants remained firm in their intention to pursue their grievance,
they could appeal to the circle authorities after the manor had informed them
of its decision. Appeals could later be made by both sides to the gubernium
and to the imperial court chancery.123 In the appeals beyond the manorial
level, peasants were entitled to the gratuitous services of a subject's advocate
(G Untertansadvokat) , a government-appointed legal councillor. Although
this was certainly the law under Maria Theresia and Joseph 11,124 it is
difficult to find evidence of the advocates' activity in the sources.
The circle and gubernial authorities, especially during the reign of
Joseph II, were inclined to side with the peasants, particularly if the
legitimacy of their grievance was convincingly documented or if the grievance
concerned an abuse of unusual enormity. Some Austrian civil servants,
especially in the 1770s and 1780s, distrusted the Polish nobility and sought to
alleviate the plight of the peasantry. I2l From the landlords' point of view, the
Austrian bureaucracy "took the side of the peasants," "provoked them to
[submit] unending, unfounded grievances against the manor" and "incited
serfs who were hitherto peaceful and obedient."'26 In 1846 some estate owners
complained that "many peaceful landlords say that they fear the coming of a
government official as much as the coming of a communist emissary."'27 From
the peasants' point of view, however, government officials were not so
favourably disposed to them. In 1822 the peasants of the Komarno region,
Sambir circle, complained to the emperor that circle officials sent to
investigate their grievances "appeared at night and quietly settled their affairs
.2. Blum, Noble Landowners, 228.
122
• 23
Cited in Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 105 .
Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, 1:144-7.
124 Link, The Emancipation of the Austrian Peasant, 119-20. Vilfan, "Die Agrarsozialpolitik,"
25-6 .
• 25 But cf. Rosdolsky, Die grosse Steuer- und Agrarreform, 158-9, 169-71.
.26 Klasova borotba, 111-12, 145. These statements date from 1820 and 1824.
127 Blum, Noble Landowners, 229. Much of the Galician gentry believed or pretended to believe
that the peasant insurrection of 1846 had been instigated by the Austrian bureaucracy. This false
interpretation has also dominated Polish historiography of the jacquerie. See Simons, "The
Peasant Revolt of 1846."
20
Serfdom and Servitudes
with the lords .... Even if there was any investigation of the injustice against
us, this was done only superficially, for appearances' sake, and always in
favour of the lords."128 The peasants of Horoshova, Chortkiv circle, were not
surprised that the circle authorities always sided with their landlord, since the
circle captain l29 was a good friend of the mandator and enjoyed hunting on
the Horoshova estate. 110 A Ukrainian folk song from 1846 summed up the
peasants' attitude: "The circle sides with the lords / And does not care about
our injuries. / Complain-it doesn't help. / 0 God, grant us patience."lll
Failing to find justice among the lords and officials, peasants took their
grievances to the emperor, whom they regarded as their protector. 132 Like
many other peasantries, the Galician peasantry viewed the monarch as a
stern, but just and benign, ruler who curbed the nobility and officials
whenever he became aware of the injustices they perpetrated or tolerated.
This view of the emperor was not only an ideological consequence of the
isolation and dispersement of the small peasant proprietors,i3J but also a reflection of the historical experience of the Galician peasants, of the
improvement in their lives when Emperor Joseph II reformed the conditions
of Galician serfdom. l34 The naive monarchists of rural Galicia sent
plenipotentiary after plenipotentiary on the long journey to Vienna, certain
that only the local officials were blind to the justice of their grievances. What
the plenipotentiaries' audience with the emperor was like has been vividly
described by the Serb awakener Vuk Karadiic:
128
Klasova borotba, 133.
129
U okruzhnyi starosta, P starosta cyrkulowy, G Kreishauptmann.
Ibid., 499.
IlO
"Tsyrkul z panamy trymaie. / 0 kfyvdy nashi ne dbaie. / Uskarzhysia-ne pomozhe. /
Terplyvosti dai nam. Bozhe." Ibid., 345.
132 " ..• 'I'll go to the Emperor, for there I shall get justice!' The belief was that no one could
deal out such justice as the emperor himself, and men said 'everywhere else there is only
corruption!'" Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 159-60.
III "In so far as millions of families live under economic conditions of existence that separate
their mode of life, their interests and their cultural formation from those of other classes and
bring them into conflict with those classes, they form a class. In so far as these small peasant
proprietors are merely connected on a local basis, and the identity of their interests fails to
produce a feeling of community, national links, or a political organization, they do not form a
class. They are therefore incapable of asserting their class interest in their own name, whether
through a parliament or through a convention. They cannot represent themselves; they must be
represented. Their representative must appear simultaneously as their master, as an authority
over them, an unrestricted governmental power that protects them from other classes and sends
them rain and sunshine from above." Marx, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,"
Surveys from Exile, 239.
134 "It was the agrarian and peasant reforms carried out by the enlightened absolute rulers that
spread royalist feelings among the populace, especially among peasants .... In time, the
stereotyped presentation of Joseph II as a benign, severe but just monarch gave way to a myth of
the peasants' emperor, a myth which was handed down from generation to generation in an
increasingly idealized form. During the following decades this myth exerted a strong influence on
the attitudes and social behaviour of the peasantry throughout the entire monarchy."
Chlebowczyk, On Small and Young Nations, 64.
131
The Resistance to Serfdom
21
When 1 entered the private office at 7 in the morning, there were 100 men and
women waiting in one room. I imagined we'd all have our fixed time for talking
to the Kaiser, and I thought that we'd go in one by one, as to a priest for
confession. Then we went into a big reception room, and stood in order all
round, when all of a sudden a whisper began to be heard: "Is that the Kaiser?"
I looked, and there he was going from one to another, taking the petitions from
each and asking what it was about. ... When the Kaiser came to me, 1 gave him
my petition, but what could I say to him with such a crowd listening: (I suppose
that the whole thing has been arranged so that people can't beg of him
personally and reveal all their troubles). When he took my petition, he said that
I'd get what I wanted .... 135
Some plenipotentiaries returned with the overly optimistic news that they had
spoken with the emperor and that he had seen that the manor and local
government were in the wrong. l36 It is not difficult to reconstruct the
motivation of such false reports by the plenipotentiaries. They may have been
deluded, by themselves or others, including the weak-minded emperor; they
may have lacked the heart to confess to the commune that they had not
received an audience with the emperor or that he had given them a
noncommittal answer; or they may have lied in order to bolster the resistance
of the commune to the manor.
The naive monarchism of the peasants, in Galicia as elsewhere in the
eastern Habsburg lands,'" was an important component of their ideology of
resistance throughout the late eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth
century. When in January 1784 Przemysl circle commissioner Rutkowski
read peasants the imperial patent of 1 October 1781 reforming serfdom, they
told him that part of the patent was indeed composed by the emperor but the
part that obliged them to do corvee and road work was written by the
landlords. 13' In 1819 the peasants of Komarno refused to give fodder, chickens
and capons to the lord until they heard from the emperor. "When the
emperor writes to us in response to our petition, then will we do and give
whatever he tells US."13" In 1847 the peasants of Turie, Zolochiv circle, also
refused to give rents in kind to their lord, falsely believing that the emperor
had abolished them and that only "the circle authorities in league with the
manor" demanded them. 140 The truth of the matter was, however, that the
emperor-like the gubernial and circle authorities-protected the institution
135 Cited in Wilson, The Life and Times of Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic, 121. When Emperor
Ferdinand finally did get the opportunity to give everyone what they wanted, in 1848, he did!
136 For example, Fedir Chubei was sent to Vienna by the commune of Babyntsi, Chortkiv circle,
in 1838. Here is how the circle authorities described his activities after returning: "He is
deceiving the peasants that he spoke with his majesty the emperor, that he received money and a
written order which frees them from corvee labour." Klasova borotba, 193.
137 Verdery, Transylvanian Villagers, 99-103.
138 Klasova borotba, 50.
139 Ibid., 90; see also p. 110.
140 Ibid., 355.
22
Serfdom and Servitudes
of serfdom, and necessarily many of its abuses, until constrained to abolish it
in 1848.
Justice for the peasantry was not only uncertain but slow. The manor had
a month to respond to a grievance before the commune was entitled to appeal
to the circle authorities. Once the grievance reached the circle level, the
commune would be fortunate if its grievance was reviewed within months and
not years.I4I Franz Stadion, the governor of Galicia, took circle authorities to
task on the eve of the 1848 revolution: "While the government is always
willing to give the manors indispensable [military] assistance to collect rents
from the serfs or in the event of a refusal to perform corvee labour, often
many years pass before the serf can receive satisfaction in connection with
the oppression against which he registers a complaint. This exasperating
circumstance makes him, and not without reason, distrustful of the
government. "142 If the circle authorities finally decided that the peasant
commune was in the right, the landlord could, and usually did, appeal to the
gubernial authorities. At this level of appeal as well as at the highest, the
imperial court chancery, the case could also rest for a long time. During the
entire process, peasants were obliged to be obedient to their landlord until
their grievance was proven legitimate in the final instance. I4J Thus, the
landlord could impose an extra day of corvee on the peasants and extract that
day for years while the peasants, with the aid of a hounded corner-scribe,
pursued their complaint down legal channels. If the peasants refused at any
time to perform the extra day of corvee, the military would be sent in to beat
and bleed them into submission. And if, in the end, the peasants were found
to be right in their protest and the lord had to reimburse them in money for
the extra days of labour, it could prove very difficult to extract the required
payment from him.I44
In this situation, it is hardly surprising that peasants also resorted to illegal
measures in their struggle against feudal oppression. Most frequently, these
took the form of refusing to fulfill feudal obligations. In its mildest
incarnation, the refusal appeared as the shirking common to every system
based on forced labour: working just hard enough to avoid the lash, bobbing
up and down during harvesting while not actually cutting, spending more
time sharpening than using a scythe, keeping inferior tools and animals
precisely for use during corvee labour and so on.I4S A more forthright form of
refusal on the part of an individual was flight, often to Bukovyna or
Moldavia, where feudal dues were at first-at least through the end of the
eighteenth century-less burdensome than in Galicia. At the outset of the
141 Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze, 1:144-7.
142
Klasova borotba, 379.
I4J Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze, 1:147.
144 See above, note 23.
145
Tadeusz Wasilewski, cited in Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 162.
The Resistance to Serfdom
23
Austrian period, serfs were prohibited by law from leaving their masters,I'.
but the Josephine reforms gave them the largely formal right to buy their
way out of serfdom and move elsewhere. Few peasants could afford to pay
the required quitrent and there was little opportunity for a former peasant to
find employment. Near the middle of the nineteenth century, peasants felt
that "running away would have done no good, for elsewhere it was no
better." 1.7
Communally, the refusal to fulfill feudal obligations took the form of a
strike. Feudal strikes were often sparked by the authorities' delay in
investigating a specific communal grievance, but also by false rumours that
the emperor had abolished or severely curtailed serfdom. In the course of
such a strike, communal solidarity played a key role. In Vyshatychi, Przemysl
circle, the peasants told the circle commissioner in the winter of 1783-4: "We
have all unanimously made a compact that even if they lock us all in chains
as well as our plenipotentiaries and even if they drive us off our farms as they
are threatening, even then we will not perform [feudal] obligations or
road-work. "148 In Perehinsko, Stryi circle, in 1817 a peasant threatened a
potential strike-breaker with these words: "If you do not stand up for the
commune and do not join with the commune, then the commune will hang
you. The commune is a higher authority than the 10rd."I" In Chortkiv circle
in 1838 the commune of Melnytsia took an oath in the church to maintain
solidarity. With candles burning and the gospel book raised above them, the
peasants knelt down and swore that "one would not allow injury to another
and one would stand up for the other completely."150 In 1847 the peasants of
Turie, Zolochiv circle, refused to give rents in kind to the manor. Their
resistance was extremely difficult to break, as the circle commissioner
reported, "because of the collectivity of their erroneous idea, which is
manifested in the response that rose simultaneously from hundreds of throats:
'If the commune gives [the rents], then so will I.'" The commissioner chose
twenty of "the loudest and most arrogant shouters" and had them flogged to
the limit suggested by an attending surgeon. "The stubbornness of those
punished grew into fanaticism; supported, on the one hand, by entreaties and
demands to stand firm, and frightened, on the other hand, by threats
from ... the crowd in the event of a binding declaration [to give rents], the
14. See the order of Count Anton Pergen, governor of Galicia, issued on 16 November 1772
(N.S.), in Klasova borotba, 39; the same text, in the original, is in Rosdolsky, Stosunki
poddancze, 2:65-6. For the situation on the eve of Austrian rule, see Mises, Entwicklung, 10-11
(on the early years of Austrian rule, 31-2).
147 Slomka. From Serfdom to Self-Government, 15. See also above, 7 note 52. As Kann and
David have noted in reference to a reform act passed by the Hungarian diet of 1839-40, which
permitted peasants to buy their way out of serfdom: "It was clear that the impecunious peasantry
could not be emancipated in this way. The device had failed a generation before under
Joseph II." The Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 233.
148 Klasova borotba, 49-50.
14. Ibid., 76-7.
150
Ibid., 187, 199-201.
24
Serfdom and Servitudes
majority bore their punishment with stoic resignation. They considered themselves martyrs for the happiness of the entire commune .... "151 But no matter
how much solidarity the individual commune or several communes displayed,
until the refusal to render feudal dues threatened to encompass all of Galicia
in 1848 the use of military force always succeeded in crushing the peasants'
resistance.
Given the violent context of the enforcement of serfdom, it is
understandable that the peasants also resorted at times to violent forms of
struggle in their resistance to serfdom. Arson, directed against manorial
property (e.g., the manorial prisons) and sometimes against strike-breaking
peasants, was fairly common,l52 in spite of the dangers it posed for the
entirely wood structures of the commune itself. Social banditry
(U opryshkivstvo) was also prevalent, especially in the Carpathian mountains
in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. l53 Other manifestations
of violence emerged only sporadically in Eastern Galicia under Austrian rule.
Here there were no counterparts to the Ukrainian Cossack and haidamak
uprisings of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries or to the Galician Polish
peasant revolt of 1846.
This is not to say that there were not isolated instances of large-scale or
particularly intensive peasant unrest. In the Komarno region of Sambir circle
in 1819 several thousand peasants were in open revolt. They occupied a
tavern at an important crossroads, thus interrupting communications for the
ludicrously undermanned government commission sent to pacify them. They
also captured circle officials and held them hostage in the tavern. In a
moment very characteristic of the serf mentality, they took away all the
documents from the circle commissioner and forced him to write new
documents guaranteeing that they would never be forced to do corvee labour
again. 154
In the summer of 1838 a great wave of unrest swept Chortkiv circle,
inspired by events in neighbouring Bukovyna. lll Thirty-nine villages took part
in strikes and other forms of protest before the disturbances were quelled by
the military in September. The leaders of the unrest were arrested and many
participants punished with the cudgel. 156
The slaughter of the landlords that took place in Western Galicia in
1846 157 also had repercussions in Ukrainian villages. In 1846 in Horozhanna,
151
Ibid. 355-6.
Ibid., 136, 141, 143,269,281,292-3,295,335,358.
Ibid., 91-3. There is a large literature on Ukrainian and Carpathian social banditry. See the
bibliography in Magocsi, Galicia, 91; also Khodyly opryshky; Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels,
13-29; Sacher-Masoch, "Magass der Rauber," Galizische Geschichten, I-53.
154 Klasova borotba, 101, 104, 106, 110.
III Ibid., 185-227.
152
153
156 Radianska Entsyklopediia Istorii Ukrainy, sv. "Chortkivske selianske zavorushennia 1838" by
Iu.H. Hoshko.
157 Galician, mainly Polish. peasants killed 728 noblemen and destroyed 474 manors in 1846.
Istoriia selianstva URSR, 1:344.
The Resistance to Serfdom
25
Sambir circle, where the military had put down peasant unrest in 1833,'58 the
hated mandator and other manorial representatives and nobles tried to win
the serfs over to the Polish insurrection against Austria. Instead of joining the
noble insurgents, however, the peasants killed them. I,. In that same "bloody
year," the peasants of Bilka, Lviv circle, were heard to be singing a song that
started with a description of the evils of serfdom and ended with a summons
to butcher the landlords. '60
More peaceful, but also more ominous for the future of feudal relations,
were other repercussions of 1846. The ill-starred Polish noble insurgents had
hoped to win the peasants to their side by proclaiming the abolition of
serfdom. This was the first time that peasants heard the nobles themselves
speak of such a thing. Even though the peasants distrusted the insurgents and
their promises, they realized that the end of the feudal system was at hand.
For their loyalty to the Austrian state during the insurrection, the serfs expected to receive from the emperor what the rebel nobles had promised them:
the end of the corvee and other feudal dues. When the emperor abolished the
auxiliary days to alleviate peasant unrest in the spring of 1846, he only
exacerbated the situation. The peasants were convinced that the emperor had
abolished the corvee, and not just the auxiliary days as the manorial and
circle officials informed them. The refusal to do corvee spread throughout
Eastern Galicia and the villages had to be placed under military siege.'"
Peasant resistance to serfdom spanned the entire period from 1772 to
1848, but it was particularly acute in the aftermath of the Napoleonic wars
(when social banditism was also most rife)'62 and, much more so, in the
decade preceding emancipation.'63 The latter period was marked by an
intensification of opposition to serfdom not only in Ukrainian Galicia, but
also in Polish Galicia (the 1846 uprising) and in Ukrainian Bukovyna (the
uprising led by Lukian Kobylytsia). The accumulation of resistance made it
impossible not to abolish serfdom after revolution broke out in Austria in
March 1848.'64
158
Klasova boratba, 178-80.
Ibid., 279-81. Rosdolsky, "Do historii 'krwawego roku,'" 411-16. For another incident of
violent peasant unrest in a Ukrainian village in 1846, see HJadylovych, "Spomyny," 1-20.
160 "flf Pany kazhut. zhe my svyni, / Zhe ne znaiem, shcho to nyni, / Tilky panshchynu
robyty, / I tym maiem v sviti zhyty. / f2f Pan nas kazhe vyhaniaty, / a okonom daie baty, / A
iak vyidesh na panshchynu, / 'Roby,-krychyt-sukyi synu!' j. ... flOf Ale to vso ne pomozhe, /
Boronim zhe sia, nebozhe. / A zheby iuzh spokii maty, / Treba paniv vyrizaty." Klasova
borotba, 344-6.
161 Ibid., 287-349.
159
l62
Istoriia selianstva URSR, 1:341-2.
A very rough gauge of the intensity of peasant resistance is the number of documents from
various decades in the collection Klasova borotba. For the decades between 1778 and 1817 there
are from 3 to 6 documents each; from 1818-27 there are 44 documents; from 1828-37 there are
7; and from 1838-47 there are 128.
164 "The unsettled conditions in the countryside continued until the spring of 1848 when the news
163
26
Serfdom and Servitudes
The Revolution of 1848-9
The events of 1848 had a very
pernicious influence on the
peasantry.
-Galician governor Agenor
Goluchowski to Austrian interior
minister Alexander Bach, 1850 165
The all-European revolution of 1848-9 had a tremendous effect on
Ukrainian society in Galicia. The Ukrainian national movement, which had
hitherto been a cultural movement embodied in grammar books and
collections of folk songs and verse penned by priests and seminarians,
emerged for the first time as a mass movement with a political dimension. In
May 1848 educated Ukrainians, primarily but not exclusively clerics, formed
the Supreme Ruthenian Council, which established affiliated Ruthenian
Councils throughout Eastern Galicia."6 The Council formulated the first
political demands of the Ukrainian movement, particularly the division of
Galicia along ethnic lines into two separate provinces.
The revolution left in its wake a nationally conscious intelligentsia, both
clerical and secular, and a liberated peasantry that had already had its first
exposure to politics and the national movement. A very thin stratum of
Ukrainian secular intelligentsia was just emerging in the 1840s. The
revolution crystallized its formation, partly because of a deliberate and
far-sighted policy of the Greek Catholic clergy to give disproportionate
prominence to laymen. Two of five places in the presidium of the Supreme
Ruthenian Council were reserved for secular figures, and a numerus clausus
was imposed on clergy in the Council's branches outside Lviv. The revolution
also marked a turning-point for the clergy. Before 1848 most of the lower
clergy and seminarians were not only linguistically Polonized, but some had
assimilated Polish political ideals. Although individual churchmen had been
the initiators of the Ukrainian cultural movement prior to 1848, it was only
as a result of the revolution that Ukrainian national consciousness became
164(continued) of the March Days in Vienna swept through the Monarchy. Then all factions
realized that the peasants held the balance of power, and that that party would win out which
could attract and hold the peasantry to its side." Blum, Noble Landowners, 232.
165 Klasova borotba, 522.
166 The affiliated Ruthenian Councils were organized territorially to correspond to the deaneries
of the Greek Catholic church. By I October 1848 there were forty-three councils, in Berezhany,
Bibrka, Bohorodchany, Bolekhiv, Brody, Buchach, Chortkiv, Drohobych, Halych, Horodok,
Hrushiv, lavoriv, Jarostaw (Iaroslav), Kalush, Khodoriv, Kolomyia, Komarno, Lubacz6w, Lviv,
Naraiv, Olesko, Perehinsko, Pidhaitsi, Przemysl, Rohatyn, Rozdil, Sambir, Sanok (Sianik), Stryi
(lesser Council), Stryi (circle Council), Terebovlia, Ternopil, Turka, Uhniv, Utishkiv, Zaliztsi,
Zarvanytsia, Zbarazh, Zboriv, Zhovkva, Zhuravno and Zolochiv. Ibid., 435. This list is
incomplete, unless the Vysotsko Ruthenian Council, constituted in June 1848, no longer existed
by October. See ibid., 409-10.
The Revolution of 1848-9
27
hegemonous in the Greek Catholic clergy as a whole. '" A consequence of the
revolution, therefore, was the production of a critical mass of intelligentsia,
secular and clerical, in whom the Ukrainian national idea resided. It would be
the Ukrainian intelligentsia forged in 1848 that would ultimately integrate
the Ukrainian peasantry into the nation.
For the peasantry the major result of the 1848 revolution was
emancipation from serfdom, which was announced on 22 April 1848 (N.S.)
and became effective on 15 May.'" The sundering of servile relations was a
precondition for the participation of the peasantry in national politics.
Without personal emancipation and mobility and without the weakening of
the manor's power in the village, the national movement could never have
penetrated among the peasantry.
Already in 1848 the newly emancipated peasants received their first introduction to politics. They took part in elections to the constituent Austrian
parliament and sent dozens of Galician peasants to Vienna as their
deputies."9 The peasant deputies were the plenipotentiaries of the feudal era,
only writ much larger. They came into parliament with the same devotion to
the emperor and hatred for the landlords that had fueled them in their
resistance to serfdom.I7O And they bore all the marks of newly emancipated
serfs: their primitive ways sent civilized Vienna into titters and their weak or,
in some cases, nonexistent knowledge of German made it difficult for them to
follow and participate in the proceedings. To overcome their handicaps, the
peasant deputies, both Ukrainian and Polish, collaborated closely with the
representatives of the Supreme Ruthenian Council. 171
The peculiar political constellation of revolutionary Austria in 1848 put the
Galician peasant deputies in the camp of the reaction. The revolutionary
forces of German Austria had entered into an alliance with the Magyar and
Polish nobility, whose national struggles were directed against the imperial
forces. The presence in the revolutionary camp of the nobility that oppressed
them made the peasants, especially of the so-called "non historic peoples,"
align themselves against the revolutionaries.'" The traditional naive royalism
of the peasants and the influence of the pro-imperial Greek Catholic hierarchy in the Supreme Ruthenian Council drew the peasants and their deputies
'" Himka, "Greek Catholic Church," 436-7.
I.' Klasova borotba, 391. Kravets, Selianstvo, 14-15.
"9 The peasant deputies in the Vienna parliament in 1848-9 are the subject of an admirable
study by Roman Rosdolsky (Bauernabgeordneten).
170 "The only feeling that governed them, aside from their loyalty to the emperor, was a
passionate hatred for the Polish nobles. Even in the parliament there were moments when one
could read in their eyes that they were ready to let loose against the noblemen and frock-Poles
[nonpeasant Polish deputies] and bash their skulls in." Kudlich, Ruckblicke, 2:27.
171 See the letter of parliamentary deputy Iuliian Velychkovsky to the Supreme Ruthenian
Council, 21 August 1848, in Klasova borotba, 419-20.
172 The social and national contradictions of the Austrian revolution are analyzed exceptionally
well in Rosdolsky, Zur nationalen Frage.
28
Serfdom and Servitudes
even closer to the camp of reaction. But the peasant deputies were very
revolutionary reactionaries. We have already seen that they dnanded an
expansion of elementary education, and later we will see that they also took
an anticlerical stance. However, their most radical demands concerned
servitudes (discussed later in this chapter) and the question of compensation
to the landlords for the abolition of corvee labour.
The compensation question was heatedly debated in the pariiament.11J
Almost all of the nonpeasant deputies felt that the landlords deserved some
form of compensation for the loss of the corvee. Even the deputies representing the Supreme Ruthenian Council thought that compensation of the
landlords was a moral obligation. They realized, however, that this position
endangered their alliance with the peasant deputies: "We must either lose the
confidence of our peasants and offend the radical Germans or vote against
our conscience. One spoils our cause, the other is a sin."'74 The peasant
deputies were entirely opposed to any form of compensation to the landlords.
Their position was most eloquently expressed by the Ukrainian Ivan
Kapushchak in his speech of 27 August 1848 (N.S.):
The landlords had the right by law to demand corvee labour from us. This is
indisputable. But were they satisfied with this? No and once again no! If we
had to work 300 instead of 100 days [a year], if we had to work three or four
days or an entire week and the landlord counted it as only one day, then I ask
you, gentlemen: Who has to pay compensation, the peasant or the landlord?
"But," they say, "the landlord treated the peasant kindly." That's the truth.
But who considers it kind treatment if the peasant, after working the entire
week, is "hosted" by the landlord on Sundays and holy days, that is, if the
peasant is clapped in irons at the landlord's order and thrown into the stable, so
that next week he would be more diligent about showing up for corvee labour?
And for this the landlords should receive compensation?
Then they say: "The noble is humane!" And that too is the truth, because he
encouraged the exhausted peasant with lashes. If someone complained that his
draught animals were too weak and he could not perform draught corvee, what
did he hear in reply? "You and your wife step into the yoke!"'"
See Rosdolsky, Bauernabgeordneten, 105-45.
Letter of deputy Hryhorii Shashkevych to the Supreme Ruthenian Council, 28 August 1848,
in Klasova borotba, 422.
175 The harnessing of serfs to the plough in fulfillment of draught corvee obligations was also
practiced in the region of Right-Bank Ukraine where the Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko grew
up. (Marian Jak6biec, "Wst<;p," in Shevchenko, Wybbr poezji, xix.) This is why the image of
peasants harnessed to ploughs occurs so frequently in Shevchenko's works: "Liudei zapriahaiut /
V tiazhki iarma . ... Syny serdeshnoi Ukrainy! I Shcho dobre khodyte v iarmi, I Shche luchche,
iak batky khodyly." ("I mertvym, i zhyvvm, i nenarozhdennym," in Shevchenko, Kobzar, 256,
259-60.) "'Aby faida v rukakh bula, I A khlopa iak toho vola, I U pluh holodnoho
zapriazhesh. '" ("Mezh skala my, nenache zlodii," ibid., 365.) " ... Skriz na slavnii Ukraini I
Liudei u iarma zapriahly I Pany lukavi . .. Hynut! Hynut! I U iarmakh lytsarski syny." ("I vyris
ia na chuzhyni," ibid., 369.) In Left-Bank Ukraine as well peasants were yoked as draught
animals. The poet Ivan Kotliarevsky, in his Eneida, imagined landlords tortured in hell because
"liudiam lhoty ne dava/y I I stavyly ikh za skotiv." (Cited by M.O. Maksymovych in Ivan
Kotliarevsky u dokumentakh, 194.) The yoking of peasants was also known in Eastern Europe
outside Ukraine. Verdery, Transylvanian Villagers, 262.
I7l
174
The Revolution of 1848-9
29
Then they say: "The manors protected the rights and property of the
peasants." That's also the truth! But the manors took a bit of farmland away
from one peasant and a bit of pasture away from another. Should we perhaps
pay them compensation for these privileges? No!
... If a poor peasant wanted to climb the steps of the [manor] house, he was
told to wait in the yard, because he would dirty the palace, because the peasant
stinks and the lord cannot bear this [stench] in his living quarters.
For all this abuse are we now supposed to pay compensation? My opinion is:
no. The whips and scourges that they used on our heads and on our exhausted
bodies-yes, these we can leave them. Let these be their compensation.I76
Kapushchak's speech made such an impression that it was reported in a
number of European newspapers, including the Neue Rheinische Zeitung
edited by Marx and Engels.177 It represented the authentic voice of the
Galician peasant, the "beast" that learned to speak in 1848. Other peasants
felt exactly the same as Kapushchak: "They [the landlords] haven't
compensated us for what we did: we worked for them for centuries day and
night, more than once while we were hungry, and we destroyed our health
and property on account of them. Therefore they are not entitled to any
compensation." Moreover, "there will be no prosperity in the country until the
nobleman walks behind a plough."178
In spite of the peasants' demonstrative opposition, the parliament and the
emperor decided to compensate the nobility. The compensation, which
extended to all of Austria, was particularly onerous in Galicia. The peasants
here paid compensation until 1898, and most of what they paid was interest
on the loan the Galician government took out to settle the landlords' claims.
By 1898 the peasants of Eastern Galicia had paid over 50 million gulden for
compensation proper and almost 62 million as interest. 179
The new, political profile the peasantry exhibited in 1848 had important
national ramifications. Pre-emancipation peasants did not yet display national
consciousness in their grievances against the manor. 180 In fact, one finds in the
176 Rosdolsky, Bauernabgeordneten, 136-8. Klasova borotba, 416-18. Die Revolutionsjahre, 12.
The latter source also (pp. 12-14) reprints the response of the spokesman for the Polish nobility,
Marian Dylewski.
177 Rosdolsky, Zur nationalen Frage, 66-7.
178 These are the words of anonymous peasants of Zagorze (Zahirie), Sanok circle, as reported by
the priest Andrii Karpinsky to the Supreme Ruthenian Council, 15 February 1849, in Klasova
borotba, 465.
179 Sviezhynsky, Ahrarni vidnosyny, 14. See also Himka, "Background to Emigration," 12-13,24
note 5.
180 There is a deceptive document from Horozhanna, Sambir circle, dated 7 April 1846. The
commune appealed to the circle authorities to transfer Horozhanna to state ownership "because
Polish lords have been flaying us and oppressing us by various means." The same petition refers
several times to "Poles" and "Polish lords." Klasova boratba, 300. This is a unique instance of a
Ukrainian serf document (written, of course, in Polish) which identifies the landlords as Poles.
However, this identification does not really represent national self-consciousness on the part of
the peasants, who do not identify themselves by nationality in the document. In stating that the
30
Serfdom and Servitudes
documents of their struggle against serfdom passages that suggest oblivion to
national concerns. For example, in 1819 the Ukrainian peasants of the
Komarno region refused to allow the circle commission to record its proceedings in German and demanded that Polish be used instead. lSi It never
occurred to them to ask that their own language be used. In 1822 the
peasants of the town of Potik, Stanyslaviv circle, requested permission to
settle in another "nation" (G Nation) to escape oppression from their
landlord. The "other" nation they had in mind was Ukrainian-inhabited
Bukovyna. l82 This national indifference characteristic of the pre-1848
peasantry was shattered by the revolution.
Had the Austrian revolution been able to confine itself to barricades in the
cities and the expulsion of unpopular politicians and even the monarch, the
peasantry might have remained relatively indifferent to the doings of the
fractious gentlemen. But this was impossible two years after 1846. The Polish
landlords feared another, even more terrible jacquerie l83 and faced a
practically universal refusal on the part of the peasantry to perform corvee
labour. For their part, the imperial authorities feared lest the vulnerable
Polish nobility abolish serfdom on its own initiative, thus repeating the
attempt of the radical Polish democrats of 1846 to win the peasantry to the
Polish cause. In this inflammable situation, emancipation from serfdom could
not be postponed; governor Franz Stadion announced it on 22 April 1848
(N .S.), a little over a month after the revolution broke out in Vienna and
months before serfdom would be abolished throughout Austria. ls4 Almost
from the start, therefore, the revolution commanded the attention and
participation of the Galician peasantry. The abolition of serfdom left
unresolved two issues of great import to the peasantry: Would the peasants
have to pay high taxes so that the lords might be compensated? Would the
lords or the communes own the forests and pastures? The peasantry had to
take what cognizance its ignorance permitted of the political situation in
Galicia. It saw two contending forces in the crownland: the Polish National
Council and the Supreme Ruthenian Council. In the former council were the
hated landlords, in the latter their pastors. The Polish council took
unabashedly pro-landlord positions on every issue of concern to the peasants.
The Ruthenian council, though soft on compensation, supported the peasantry
ISO(continued) nobles who oppressed them were Poles, the peasants were merely underscoring
that their landlords were outlaws in the emperor's eyes, supporters of the abortive Polish
insurrection of 1846.
lSI Ibid., 112-13.
182 Ibid., 137. The Ukrainian peasants in Bukovyna returned the compliment. Their name for
Galicia was Liadchyna, i.e., Poland. Narysy z istorii Pivnichnoi Bukovyny, 117. In the 1860s a
Galician Ukrainian peasant referred to Right-Bank Ukraine as "Muscovy." Himka, "Hope in the
Tsar," 128.
183 Even the Polish mob in Lviv was panic-stricken in late March 1848 over rumours that
Ukrainian peasants were ready to march on the city and slaughter its inhabitants. Vozniak, Iak
probudylosia, 127-8.
IS4
For a detailed discussion, see Kieniewicz, Pomifdzy Stadionem a Goslarem.
The Revolution of 1848-9
31
completely on servitudes and also posed, not without justification, as the
champion of peasant interests. It is hardly a cause for wonder, then, that the
Ukrainian peasants of Galicia, like the Ukrainian and Polish peasant deputies
in parliament, aligned themselves with the Supreme Ruthenian Council.'85 By
doing so they not only took their first steps into the Ukrainian nation but also
endowed the nation with unexpected force.
The power of the Ukrainian movement during the revolution of 1848-9
truly appears as something anomalous. Anyone familiar with the meager
achievements of the Ukrainian national awakening of the 1830s and early
1840s'86 can only be astounded by the creative energy unleashed by the
revolution. Although Ukrainian awakeners before 1848 had toyed with the
idea of a Ukrainian periodical, it was only late in 1847, under the pressure of
the intensifying revolutionary atmosphere, that concrete steps were taken in
this direction, and even then at governor Stadion's initiative. The periodical
remained in the planning stage until the outbreak of the revolution made its
appearance imperative. The first issue of the newspaper Zaria halytska came
out on 15 May 1848 (N .S.), and it exceeded any expectations entertained before the revolution. Its first issues had a press-run of 4,000, and after a few
months it had over 1,500 subscribers.1S1 During the course of the revolution it
doubled its frequency, from weekly in 1848 to semiweekly in 1849. In these
same two years it was joined by six other Ukrainian periodicals. 1S8 The
revolutionary years also saw other phenomena that would have been difficult
to imagine in the previous decades, including a congress of ninety-nine
Ukrainian scholars, which convened in Lviv in October 1848, and the
formation of a Ukrainian national guard. Moreover, those Polish-speaking
clergymen with at most a romantic attachment to things Ukrainian were
transformed into Ukrainian politicians, capable of promoting their own goals
in the Vienna parliament, at the Prague Slav Congress and in the backrooms
of imperial ministries and the crownland administration. No one who knew
them from the 1830s and early 1840s would have imagined them
entertaining, let alone effectively pursuing, so political a plan as the division
1S5 The Supreme Ruthenian Council also enjoyed a good reputation among peasants in regions
neighbouring Eastern Galicia. Polish peasant deputies asked the Council to publish a newspaper
in Polish for the peasants of Western Galicia. Klasova boro/ba, 419-20. Peasants in
Russian-ruled Right-Bank Ukraine envied the Galicians their "good priests who freed [them]
from serfdom." Himka, "Hope in the Tsar," 128.
1S6 For example, when the greatest of the Galician Ukrainian awakeners, Markiian Shashkevych,
died in 1843, his friend Mykola Ustiianovych could find no outlet in which to publish an
obituary. The obituary had to wait until 1848 to appear. Vozniak, lak probudylosia, 109.
1S1 Ibid., 122-5, 148-9.
1S8 Ihnatiienko, Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 32-5. A similar flourishing of the periodical press
was evident among the other Austrian Slavs during the revolution. The Czechs quadrupled the
number of their periodicals, from 13 on the eve of the revolution to 52 during it. The Slovenes
had one periodical in 1847 and six in 1848. The Slovaks and Croats also increased the number of
their periodicals during the revolution, although not so dramatically. Pech, "The Nationalist
Movements of the Austrian Slavs in 1848," 347.
32
Serfdom and Servitudes
of Galicia into two provinces, Polish and Ukrainian. When their Polish rivals
in 1848 denounced the Ukrainian movement as the mere invention of Stadion,
they were not merely trying to slander their opponents, but were also trying
to explain to themselves the inexplicable force that confronted them. I ' 9
The unforeseen intensity of the Ukrainian movement in 1848 was due
partly to the political freedom accompanying the revolution, but also to the
engagement of the peasantry. The Supreme Ruthenian Council became the
focus not only of the national ideals hesitantly developed by the Ukrainian
intelligentsia in the 1830s-40s, but also of the social struggle of the
Ukrainian peasantry, which had accelerated in the same period. With the
peasants harnessed to the national cause, the cause was propelled forward by
an elemental power.l9{)
Peasants joined local Ruthenian Councils. In Vysotsko, Sambir circle, for
example, peasants accounted for ten of the Council's thirty members and a
peasant was even elected president. 191 The peasants also signed, with crosses,
petitions drafted by the Supreme Ruthenian Council. 192 Thanks to peasant
support, by the end of January 1849 the Council was able to collect over
200,000 signatures on a petition to divide Galicia into two provinces. 193 The
meaning of the petition was explained by a peasant, Andrus Protsian, to other
peasants who did not know whether or not they should sign:
I was there myself on 3 August 1848 [O.S.] at the meeting in the circle capital
of Stryi and I heard with my own ears how they declared that the Ruthenian
1.9 The anomaly of 1848 is also evident by comparison with what immediately followed. The
Ukrainians did not publish a twice-weekly newspaper again until 1861, when Slovo appeared.
(Ihnatiienko, Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 44.) In 1880 Slovo had a press-run of 850 and its
national populist rival Dilo had a press-run of 550. (TsDlAL, 146/7/4149, pp. 406-7.) In 1885
the respective press-runs were 600 and 1,300. (TsDlAL, 146/7/4352, P 129.) The social structure of the Ukrainian movement exhibited in 1848, with its significant secular components, was
not to emerge again until the late 1860s-early 1870s. See the comparison of the social
compositions of the Supreme Ruthenian Council (1848), the subscription list of the almanac
Zoria halytskaia (1860) and the popular educational society Prosvita (1868-74) in Himka,
"Polish and Ukrainian Socialism," 136.
19{) Much the same was true in Romanian Transylvania: " ... The significance of 1848 for
Romanians is precisely the crucial chance it offered for political socialization, for Romanian
intellectuals and peasants. Leaders took from the mass meetings a new awareness of the
possibilities for a broadly based social movement. Peasants both saw that their social grievances
were at last being taken seriously by important people-lawyers, bankers, gentlemen-and also
perceived the importance of nationalist politics. Romanian intellectuals and peasants had
certainly recognized these aspects of their situation before; but in 1848 they formulated for the
first time a specific platform containing both nationalist and social-reformist planks, thereby
uniting and systematizing in a single national movement objectives that different groups had
been pursuing piecemeal." Verdery, Transylvanian Villagers, 189-90.
191 Klasova borotba, 409-10.
192 See ibid., 392-3.
193 Kozik, Mifdzy reakcjq a rewolucjq, 113. Polish politicians claimed that the peasants were unaware of what they were signing and that the petition therefore did not represent the authentic
will of the people. Florian Ziemialkowski proposed in parliament that the government "send to
Galicia a commission which would ask the peasant whether he knew what he had signed." Die
Revolutionsjahre, 21.
The Revolution of 1848-9
33
people is eminent, great and powerful, that it is the original inhabitant and
numerous in Galicia, that, although until now we have been scorned and
humiliated, this is a Ruthenian land and more of us Ruthenians live here than
Poles. Therefore it is correct that there should be a Ruthenian gubernium here
and that petitions submitted in the Ruthenian language should be answered by
the authorities in that same Ruthenian language. Why should the Ruthenian
people be so abased that its language can be heard neither in the schools nor in
government offices, but only on the lips of a poor peasant?'"
The peasants supported the Supreme Ruthenian Council "because they
have the hope that through it they will see all their desires, wishes and needs
brought to a better result."19' The peasants sent the Council numerous
concrete grievances concerning landlords who oppressed them and stole their
land. They beseeched the Council to intercede for them to obtain justice.
What is striking about these grievances, otherwise so similar to the grievances
brought to the circle authorities and the emperor before 1848, is that for the
first time the landlord-peasant conflict is formulated as a Polish-Ukrainian
conflict. The expression of the fact that the landlords were Polish in Eastern
Galicia and the peasants Ukrainian was an innovation of the revolution. l96
Before the revolution, as Hryhorii Shashkevych noted during it, the words
"landlord" and "Pole" were synonymous in the peasant's consciousness, "but
he was unable to make the distinction, and moreover he never even had a
reason or occasion to do SO."197 But he had reason and occasion enough in
1848-9.
Thus the peasants of Pidhorodyshche, Berezhany circle, now referred to
the beatings they had received under serfdom as blows "to the bodies of the
Ruthenian people."19' The peasants of Semyhyniv, Stryi circle, after
explaining to the Council how the landlord and the mandator have abused
them and how all appeal to the circle authorities has been fruitless, urged the
Council to intercede and asked it rhetorically:
194 Unfortunately, the lease-holder overheard Protsian's conversation and had the mandator lock
him up for five days without food, water or the opportunity of relieving himself outside his small
cell. "From the stench and from hunger he lost his strength and, as he tells it, by Friday he was
no longer really conscious. He asked to be confessed, but this kindness was not allowed him."
When the mandator realized that Protsian was in danger of death he released him. Klasova
borotba, 425-6.
195 Report from the Horodok Ruthenian Council to the Supreme Ruthenian Council in Lviv,
31 August 1848, in ibid., 423.
196 The Polish nobility was also aware of the close connection between nationality and class in
Eastern Galicia in 1848. They referred to the Ukrainians as "the population belonging exclusively to the agricultural class," while the Poles represented "intelligence and great property." The
creation of a separate Ukrainian province of Eastern Galicia would above all hurt "the landlords
and all members of the wealthier and more intelligent class of society." Die Revolutionsjahre, 59,
69.
197 Cited in Vozniak, lak probudylosia, 134.
198
Klasova borotba, 456.
34
Serfdom and Servitudes
How long will our enemies oppress us on our own land? How long must we
await justice? And where can we find it, when it's not in the circle authorities?
As soon as a Ruthenian deviates [from the law) in the slightest, the dragoons
are called in .... 199
The Council received a request to protect the rights to wood and pasture of
the inhabitants of the town of Nyzhniv, Stanyslaviv circle, located "in a
Ruthenian land, Galicia."2°O The inhabitants of the town of Oleshnychi,
Zhovkva circle, also wanted the Council to help them regain their rights to
use the forest: "If our national council aids us, we will see it as an authority,
sanctioned authority, and we will shout 'Hail!' to our Ruthenians many times,
until it echoes from shore to shore."201 Peasants of Derzhiv, Stryi circle,
compained of "injury received from the Poles [U liakhy]" when hayfields
were appropriated by the manor. 202 The commune of Hryniv, Berezhany
circle, asked the Council to protect its land from expropriation by the
demesnal administration: "Our poverty forces us, the whole commune, to
place ourselves under the protection of the honourable council and [to
request] a defence of the Ruthenian nationality of Galicia against the
difficulties and injuries caused us in our farms and pastures by the demesnal
representatives of Count Potocki .... We, in such misfortune, ask [you] to
recognize the justice of what we have described, so that such foes, the enemy
Poles [U liakhy], would now finally stop mistreating us .... "20J The peasants
of Troscianiec (Trostianets), Przemysl circle, complained to the Council about
hayfields stolen by "the Poles" (U liakhy), i.e., the manor; "and although
they are in the wrong they defend their action, and it is no wonder-for such
is their Polish nature" (U ba ta liakhivska ikh taka pryrada).204 For the
peasants of Ozerianka, Zolochiv circle, regaining a pasture taken by the
manor was nothing less than "our cause, the Ruthenian cause. "205
Expropriations of land in Horoshova, Chortkiv circle, were "crying abuses
against poor and faithful Ruthenians."206 The peasants of Mylkiv, Zhovkva
circle, would have taken their land back from the manor by force, "but since
we are neither Poles [U paliaky] nor the Tatars of old, but Ruthenians by
birth, this is not fitting .... "207
\99
Ibid., 460.
200 Ibid., 465.
201 Ibid., 471.
202 Ibid., 475.
20J Ibid., 475-6.
204 Ibid.,
478. Close to this in sentiment was a statement by Ivan Kapushchak in parliament.
Defending the existence of a separate Ukrainian nationality in Galicia, Kapushchak explained
that Poles and Ukrainians differed in language, religion and customs. The latter point he jokingly
elaborated as follows: "They also differ in customs ... the Poles like to rule over the other
nationality." Die Revolutionsjahre, 20.
205 Klasova borotba, 487.
206 Ibid., 499.
207 Ibid., 518.
The Revolution of 1848-9
35
These first expressions of national consciousness among the Galician
Ukrainian peasantry are strikingly concrete. The Ukrainian national cause
was identified in the peasants' minds with immediate, local, socio-economic
grievances. Crucial to the emergence of even this simple identification with
the Ukrainian national movement was the existence of a concrete embodiment
of the movement in the form of the Supreme Ruthenian Council. The Council
was viewed as a protector of peasant interests.
Not surprisingly, the ultimate ineffectiveness of the Council in defending
the peasantry's interests undermined its popularity and authority. What the
peasantry expected of the Council was nothing less than a reversal of the
relationships existing in Eastern Galicia so that the peasants dominated the
landlords. The Polish nobility, sensitive to the socioeconomic aspirations of its
former serfs, perceived that ultimately the Ukrainian movement would have
to propose "the division of demesnal property among the villagers."'o, Such a
radical social transformation proved beyond the power and vision of the
Council. By the summer of 1849 the Council realized that it was not powerful
enough to retain the allegiance of the peasantry. On 15 June 1849 (O.S.) the
Brody Ruthenian Council reported to Lviv that priests with grievances
against the manor were not receiving a proper hearing in the Zolochiv circle
government. This has "removed the confidence that the people formerly
placed in their clergymen," the local representatives of the Council. "Now
[the people] see the ineffectiveness of their clergy in giving them aid, which is
ultimately and singularly what they hoped to obtain from them; they see the
priests too are just as impotent as they are themselves .... "209 On 17 July
1849 (N.S.) the Supreme Ruthenian Council appealed to the Austrian
ministry of justice to respond quickly and justly to the many peasant
grievances it had passed on to the ministry. Otherwise the peasant could easily be led astray by "the enemies of authority, who will daily tempt him with
[visions of] a better future once the government is overthrown."
... And the Supreme [Ruthenian] Council will not be able to counteract this,
because the negative response to the petitions it has submitted will deprive it of
any influence and authority.
Up to now the peasant has heard from the Supreme [Ruthenian] Council
only appeals to perform obligations that are in the state's interests, to join the
corps of free riflemen [national guard], that is, he has heard appeals to give
everything, but, notwithstanding so many petitions [submitted by the peasant],
he has yet to hear about any decisions in his favour. The settlement of these
grievances, which concern the essence of private and public prosperity in
Galicia, cannot be dragged out any longer. 210
An indication of the waning confidence in the Council was that in May
and June of 1849 the peasants began to take the settlement of their
grievances into their own hands, reclaiming by force property that the manor
208
209
210
Die Revolutionsjahre, 69.
Klasova borotba. 481-2.
Ibid., 497-8.
36
Serfdom and Servitudes
had appropriated from them. The seizure of demesnal property affected
"truly the whole crownland," "localities in each of the circles."21! This
extra-legal movement, so characteristic of the preceding, antifeudal struggle,
was crushed by military intervention.
Servitudes
Who doesn't know how little our
peasantry holds sacred someone
else's forest property?
-A Galician landlord before a
servitude commission, 1859,
explaining why peasants' testimony
must be disregarded 212
Servitudes213 were the rights of peasant communes and individual peasant
households to take wood for fuel and construction from the forest and to
graze their livestock in pastures. 214 In the theory of the landlords, these were
rights that the serfs enjoyed in the manorial forests and pastures by virtue of
their servitude. In fact, before the Austrian period peasant communes owned
their own woods and pastures which they used collectively. But throughout
the late eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth century, landlords
appropriated these as their private property, allowing the peasants only
"servitude" rights to wood and pasture. One aspect, then, of the servitudes
dispute between landlords and peasants in Galicia was the question of
ownership of the forests and pastures. Moreover, sometimes before and almost
universally after 1848, the landlords denied the peasants even their servitude
rights and demanded payment in labour or money for access to the forests
and pastures. This was the second aspect of the servitudes dispute: the question of access, irrespective of ownership.
The manorial appropriation of communal land began with the very onset
of Austrian rule in Galicia. The Austrian agrarian reforms, placing so many
limitations on serfdom, seemed to the landlords a form of economic
persecution as well as the first steps toward the complete abolition of
serfdom. Driven by fear of the collapse of the feudal system, landlords sought
to cushion the blow by augmenting their property holdings. They
appropriated individual peasant farms in comparatively small number, since
as long as serfdom continued to exist the estates demanded landed peasant
labourers. But because communal land did not present the same obstacle, it
was taken in much greater quantity.
Galician governor Agenor Goluchowski to Austrian interior minister Alexander Bach,
17 March 1850, in ibid., 524; see also p. 525.
212 TsDIAL, 146/64/198, p. 35v.
2!3 U servituty; P serwituty, sluzebnictwa; G Servituten.
214 Norman Davies's definition of "serwituty" as "minor feudal services not involving labour" is
entirely a product of his vivid imagination. God's Playground, 2: 187.
211
Servitudes
37
The forest legislation of Maria Theresia and Joseph II, which was
motivated by concern over deforestation, provided the original pretext for
landlords to assume control of communal land. An imperial patent of 28
January 1773 (N.S.), regulating royal forests only, forbade peasants to cut
wood for construction or sale and allowed them only to gather dead wood for
fuel. Although the law was not intended for private estates, the nobles immediately began to enforce similar rules in the villages' woods. The crucial piece
of legislation, however, was the forest law of 20 September 1782 (N.S.)
which placed all nonroyal woodland under the supervision of the manors. The
intent of the law was to prevent the devastation of forests by regulating
access to wood. Peasants were still entitled by law to use their forests, but
they could do so only on certain days of the week and with the landlords'
permission. The effect of the law was that landlords began to treat the woods
as their own property and to consider the peasants' access to wood as their
rights of servitude. Moreover, very many landlords immediately denied
peasants any free use of the forest. They recognized that control of the forest
was a way of obviating the three-day limit on corvee labour: if the peasant
wanted to heat his home in the winter or repair a fence, let him pay for the
required wood with extra labour on the estate. The state rejected this
manorial interpretation of the patent and attempted to restore peasant rights
to wood by the patent of 12 January 1784, which forbade nobles from
abolishing customary forest rights, even including the right of cutting wood
for sale where this practice had been established by custom. But the damage
had been done: control, and ultimately ownership, of forests passed to the
landlords, and even access to wood became problematic.'" Landlords took
advantage of the land surveys of 1789 and 1820 to formalize this
arrangement, having the forests, and pastures as well, recorded as their own.
Of course, the manorial aggression against communal land was bitterly
contested by the feudal peasantry, which submitted thousands of grievances
in protest and suffered many a military incursion while defending its
traditional lands and rights. But the conflict over servitudes became extremely acute with the abolition of serfdom in 1848.
Within the first days of the Austrian revolution, on 19 March 1848 (N.S.),
a group of Galician landlords, who had already reconciled themselves to the
fact that serfdom was soon to be abolished, submitted a proposal to the
governor of Galicia on the way in which emancipation should be
implemented. Their proposal included, as the governor expressed it, "a
regulation of landholding, that is, a better rounding-off of demesnal lands"
(the appropriation of more peasant land), as well as a long delay before the
actual cessation of corvee obligations. Servitudes played a key role in their
proposal. The abolition of tpe peasants' obligations vis-a.-vis the manor, i.e., of
all the corvee and other feudal rents in labour, nature and money, would be
accompanied by the abolition of the manor's obligations vis-a.-vis the peasants,
21S
Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze, 1: 218-19. Kravets, Selianstvo, 97 note 3.
38
Serfdom and Servitudes
specifically of servitudes,216 i.e., the peasants' rights of access to what were
formerly their own forests and pastures. The abolition of servitudes would
mean that the forests and pastures would become the completely private
property of the landlords, unencumbered by the traditional rights of the
peasants. This would allow the landlords to retain cheap, almost feudal labour
for their estates, because the formally emancipated serfs would be unable to
survive without wood and pastures.
The text of the gubernial circular announcing the abolition of serfdom had
stated that "the existing servitudes remain in force, but in the future they will
be redeemed."217 In spite of this, landlords throughout Galicia began
implementing the aforementioned proposal, that is, simultaneously with the
abolition of serfdom and completely on their own authority, they abolished
the servitudes, barring peasants from the forests and pastures.218 Now they
demanded payment in money or labour before allowing customary access. In
the Kalush region landlords were demanding 300 and more days of labour a
year even from small communities to continue their traditional use of forests
and pastures.219 In Monastyryska and neighbouring villages in Stanyslaviv
circle, the peasants complained that their landlord not only denied them
traditional access in 1848, but appropriated as-yet-unappropriated communal
hayfields, pastures and fallow land. Thus, they said, "the favour of the most
illustrious emperor, which for millions of his subjects has become a remedy,
for us has become a poison, hastening us to our political [sic] grave .... " The
peasants explained that their lord had only acquired an estate within the last
three years and felt cheated by the abolition of serfdom: "he cannot live without serfdom and by various most unworthy methods he tries to reintroduce
it." The landlord "acts as his stony heart tells him, as if there were no power
over him, no authority on earth and no judgment after death."220
By abolishing servitudes the landlords were compensating themselves for
the abolition of corvee labour. The peasants understood this well and were
enraged to see the lords arguing in parliament for legally sanctioned
pecuniary compensation, while simultaneously compensating themselves
generously and illegally with forest- and pasture-land in the villages. One of
the arguments against pecuniary compensation advanced by the peasants of
216 Klasova boro/ba, 383, 536 note 70. The proposal of March 1848 repeated the main thrust of
a petition of the Galician Estates of 1845: " ... A study should be made to determine what
methods [of commutation and redemption] are most suitable, and what arrangements are needed
for a proper consolidation of the land of both lord and peasant; and for peasant land alone,
determination of what is needed for the most expeditious promotion of the division of the
commons and the abolition of the harmful servitudes." Cited in Blum, Noble Landowners, 220.
In fact, the idea of exchanging servitudes for corvee labour went back to the late eighteenth
century. Rosdolsky, Die grosse S/euer- und Agrarreform, 149. Mises, En/wicklung, 68.
217 Klasova boro/ba, 391.
218 See, for example, TsDIAL, 146/64/39; 146/64/40, pp. 3-3v; 146/64/41, p. 4; 146/64/198,
p.l3v.
219 Klasova boro/ba, 393-4.
220 Ibid., 457-8.
Servitudes
39
Zag6rze, Sanok district, was that the landlords "are already giving themselves
compensation for the abolished corvee, because they don't want to give us so
much as a stick from the forest, but tell us we have to pay."22) Peasants from
Stryi circle said that the landlords "would like to take all the communal
fields, pastures and forests [for the abolition of feudal rents]; they don't
remember that they [already] received compensation for serfdom .... [If this
continues,] the peasants will come to ruin and the abolition of serfdom will be
paid for with the blood of poor peasants."'"
The political representatives of the peasantry took a firm stand on the
issue of servitudes. The Galician peasant deputies demanded that the rights of
the communes to forests and pastures remain intact.22J The Supreme
Ruthenian Council was inundated with petitions from villages asking it to
protect their ownership of and access to forests and pastures. 224 Local
Ruthenian Councils also asked the Supreme Council in Lviv to take an active
role in the defence of servitudes and communal land ownership.225 On several
occasions, the Supreme Ruthenian Council appealed to the imperial ministries
on the servitudes issue. 226 Its strongest statement was in a petition to the
ministry of justice, submitted 17 July 1849 (N.S.). The Council pointed out
that it had appealed many times to the higher authorities to look into the
grievances of the peasantry concerning servitudes and the ownership of
communal land. These appeals, however, were completely ignored, and this,
the Council argued, "impedes any positive influence on the peasantry." The
peasantry had stopped heeding the Council's pleas for patience and legality; it
was taking wood and pastures without sanction. In this, said the Council, the
peasantry was only following the example of the landlords, who were also
taking the law into their own hands by "continuing to take away rustical land
and to deprive the peasants of their servitude rights .... " The Council noted
with regret that the circle authorities were quick to send in soldiers when the
peasants broke the law, but procrastinated when it came to investigating the
crimes of landlords. The Council called on the ministry to enforce the law
equally for lords and peasants and to establish unbiased commissions to settle
the individual servitude disputes.'"
Servitude commissions for all of Austria were established in accordance
with the imperial patent of 5 July 1853. They were divided into local
commissions, which carried out the preparatory work of gathering facts and
making initial recommendations, and crownland commissions, which made
225
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
226
See, for example, its letter to the ministry of the interior, 28 October 1848, in ibid., 451-2.
22)
222
22J
224
464-5.
521-2.
427-9.
455-8, 465-7, 469-71, 475, 477-80, 487, 498,501,515-19,521-2.
393-4, 434.
'" Ibid., 492-8.
40
Serfdom and Servitudes
decisions that could only be appealed to the ministry of the interior. 22S The
crownland servitudes commission for Galicia was officially activated on
26 November 1855 (N.S.)229 and remained in existence until 24 March 1895
(N.S.), when servitude issues were transferred to the courts and political
authorities.
The patent of 5 July 1853 established three methods for settling servitude
disputes: 1) the landlord could buy the servitudes from the commune or
individual peasants; 2) he could compensate them for the lost rights by giving
them an "equivalent," i.e., some forest- or pasture-land; or 3) he could allow
the servitude rights, as regulated by the commission, to remain in existence.
It was usually most convenient for the landlord to purchase the peasants'
servitudes. He could pay in promissory notes with a nominal interest of 5 per
cent; in circulation, however, the notes were discounted. The commission
estimated the monetary worth of servitudes not on the basis of prices then
current, but on the basis of the much lower prices of 1836-45. Thus a cartful
(U pidvoda) of wood was valued at 8.5 kreuzer for redemption purposes,
while a peasant might have to pay as much as 2 or 3 gulden for that same
quantity of wood after emancipation.230
By the end of 1893 the Galician servitudes commission prided itself on
having settled 30,571 disputes and having awarded the peasants of Galicia
over 1.2 million gulden and 278,374 Joch of land as compensation for the loss
of servitudes. These awards may seem to be high. Not, however, if they are
understood in context. The several million peasants of Galicia received for the
abolition of servitudes about forty times less in money than the several
thousand landlords received for the abolition of serfdom. The peasants
received in land less forest and pasture than the amount of rustical, primarily
arable, land taken from them by the landlords just between 1789 and 1820.
What could 1.2 million gulden mean to a peasantry that had spent 15 million
gulden on lawyers, scribes, court fees, fines and other expenses directly
related to the servitudes struggle? And what could 278,374 Joch mean to a
peasantry that lost over 3.6 million Joch of forest and pasture in the course of
that struggle?231 These numbers mean that the peasants were to spend the
next few decades after the abolition of serfdom in a fruitless and frustrating
struggle to regain their rights to forests and pastures.232
A Case in Point: The Events in Dobrotvir
Dobrotvir (today Staryi Dobrotvir) was a small town in Kaminka
Strumylova district. In 1880 it had a total population of 2,887, largely
228 Kravets, Selianstvo, 96.
229 TsDIAL, 146/64/1, pp. 9, IOv.
230 Kravets, Selianstvo, 96.
231 Figures not derived from those already mentioned in this chapter are taken from ibid., 102.
232 Here is how Norman Davies summarizes the servitudes struggle: "Unfortunately, in the haste
of the moment, the landlords' title to woods and meadows was upheld .... " God's Playground,
2:187. Emphasis added.
A Case in Point: The Events in Dobrotvir
41
Ukrainian (2,163 Greek Catholics, 2,231 Ukrainian-speakers) with Jewish
and Polish minorities of about equal size (379 Jews, 333 Roman Catholics,
643 Polish-speakers) and a very small German colony (13 German-speakers,
12 Protestants). In the town proper lived 1,877 inhabitants and the rest lived
in villages attached to the town: Dolyna (479), Rohale (376) and Rokyty
(155).211 Part of the town had retained its own communal pasture. 234 Another
part, however, together with the small villages, had lost its communal land by
1848, in spite of petitions to the government protesting the appropriation.
(References to Dobrotvir in the remainder of this section concern only that
part which had lost its communal land.)
The servitudes commission came to Dobrotvir in the mid-1850s and
gathered testimony and documentation to establish what rights the commune
enjoyed by custom. It decided that the forest was not communal as the
peasants held, but manorial, and that the peasants had only servitude rights
to cut wood and graze cattle in the forest. It estimated the needs of the
peasants and recommended that the manor cede the commune 77 Joch
698 square Kla/ter of forest as an equivalent for the abolished servitude
rights. The peasants still thought the entire forest was rightfully theirs,
especially since many had built their homes in the forest. They fought the
commission's recommendation through their plenipotentiaries and brought
their case before every court of appeal. However, the viceroy's decisions of
5 October 1867 and 10 March 1870, as well as the Austrian ministry of the
interior's decisions of 24 January 1870 and 2 November 1871 (all dates in
this section N.S.), confirmed the commission's recommendation, and the
commune was legally bound to accept the equivalent and refrain from grazing
livestock or cutting wood in the rest of the forest.
On 5 January 1872 the viceroy's office ordered the district authorities to
send surveyors to measure and mark off the equivalent. They finished their
Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880, 177.
This account is based on fragmentary documentation from 1872-3 preserved among the
records of the supreme state prosecutor's office in Lviv: a report of the Zolochiv prosecutor
Julian Garbowski to the supreme state prosecutor's office in Lviv, I July 1872 (TsDIAL,
156/1/62, pp. 2-3v); a copy of a report of Zolochiv judge Modest Piasecki to the Zolochiv
circuit court, 22 July 1872 (TsDIAL, 156/1/62, pp. 5-IOv); an inquiry from the Zolochiv
prosecutor's office to the supreme state prosecutor's office in Lviv, 14 September 1872 (TsDIAL,
156/1/62, pp. 12-12v); a report of the Lviv prosecutor Johann Reiner to the supreme state
prosecutor's office in Lviv, 10 October 1872 (TsDIAL, 156/1/62, pp. 13-20); an appeal of the
Galician viceroy Agenor Goluchowski to the supreme state prosecutor's office in Lviv,
25 January 1873 (TsDIAL, 156/1/59, pp. 2-3); and two reports of the Zolochiv prosecutor
Julian Garbowski to the supreme state prosecutor's office in Lviv, 7 February 1873 (TsDIAL,
156/1/59, pp. 6-9v) and 18 September 1873 (TsDIAL, 156/1/59, p. 16). The information in
these documents is often repetitive and sometimes contradictory. It is unfortunate that I did not
have access to the relevant papers of the Zolochiv prosecutor's office, which may not have been
preserved, and to the documents of the servitude commission concerning Dobrotvir, which should
be preserved in TsDIAL, fond 146, opys 64, 64a or 64b. To identify government officials I have
used Szem. krbl. Gal. 1873.
2ll
234
42
Serfdom and Servitudes
work five months later, on 8 June. Boundary markers were erected and
ditches dug to separate the equivalent from the rest of the forest. In the presence of witnesses, the equivalent was legally transferred to the commune, and
the district commissioner, Erazm Zaremba, informed the commune that as of
this day its rights to wood and pasture in the manorial forest had expired.
Although the officials had spoken their final word, the peasants of
Dobrotvir would not reconcile themselves to the loss of their forest. They held
secret meetings about what to do. Some proposed destroying the boundary
markers and filling in the ditches separating the little equivalent from the
mass of the forest. In the end they decided to appeal the case once more and
registered a provisional grievance'" with the district court in Kaminka
Strumylova.
A number of peasants, probably delegated by the commune, continued to
graze their cattle in the forest. They knew they were risking the confiscation
of their cattle and perhaps fines and imprisonment, but they also knew from
the proceedings and questions of the servitudes commission in the previous
two decades that without the continuous exercise of customary rights the
rights would be considered expired. The peasants broke the ban on grazing
cautiously. They first took their cattle onto the equivalent and then led them
where the boundary ditches had not yet been completed. They crossed the
boundary here and let their cattle graze in the area outside the equivalent.
The manor sent a complaint to the district authorities, who immediately
dispatched the district adjunct Wiktor Halajkiewicz. On 14 June
Halajkiewicz arrested several dozen peasants, fined them and warned the
commune never again to trespass outside the equivalent. The offending
peasants promised obedience, as did several other members of the commune.
Around this same time several peasants from Dobrotvir travelled to the
district capital, Kaminka Strumylova, and spent Sunday in the tavern.236 Here
the peasants from Dobrotvir listened to the public reading of a letter that
understandably electrified them. The letter was from Fedko Shyshka, a
soldier in the imperial guard in Vienna, to his brother in the small village of
Hrushka, located in Zhovkva district, but very close to Kaminka Strumylova.
Shyshka said that numerous peasant deputations were travelling daily to see
the emperor and that the emperor was responding favourably to their
petitions. Shyshka urged his brother to inform the peasant communes of
Hrushka ·and vicinity to send delegations to the emperor immediately if they
had any grievances against the manor. The grievances had to be submitted to
the emperor before the end of June, when new laws were otherwise supposed
to abolish all traditional communal rights. Shyshka wrote that the delegations
should contact him upon arrival in Vienna and he would counsel them.
235
P skarga prowizorjalna, G Provisialklage.
236 Until the coming of the national movement the tavern was a strategic centre for peasant
resistance (Klasova borotba, \0\-4, 237, 35\-2, 378-9) and one of the few institutions that
allowed peasants from different villages to exchange information about issues of concern to them
as a class.
A Case in Point: The Events in Dobrotvir
43
When the Dobrotvir peasants returned home and told the rest of the
villagers what they had heard in the tavern, two peasants were immediately
sent to Hrushka to find the letter and bring back the original or a copy. The
peasants found the letter in nearby Batiatychi, in the possession of a cantor.
They copied the letter and took it home to Dobrotvir, where a special meeting
of the village council was called to discuss it. The main spokesmen at the
meeting were Petro Maik, who was a plenipotentiary for the commune in
servitude affairs, and Datsko Khymka,2J7 a former soldier who had served in
Vienna. Maik may at one point have signed his name to an agreement to
accept the equivalent and seems to have opposed sending a delegate to the
emperor. Khymka represented the view of the overwhelming majority of
Dobrotvir peasants, who gave the letter full credence and hoped that now
they would have their rights to ownership of the forest restored. He argued
that the commune could not give up its rights, but should send him to bring
its case before the emperor. He had contacts in Vienna from his years in the
service and these would help him obtain an audience with his majesty.
Khymka convinced the villagers to send him to the imperial capital. He
collected 100 gulden for the journey and took with him two documents to
support the commune's claims: a very old document stating that the forest
was the property of the commune and a favourable decision by the circle
authorities in 1844. Almost as soon as he arrived in Vienna he was able to
send a telegram to the mayor of Dobrotvir, Ivan Batiuk, saying that he was
scheduled for an audience with the emperor on 20 June. The telegram raised
the expectations of the commune to new heights. Franz Joseph did receive
Khymka, as scheduled, on 20 June; he gave him a warm reception and
promised him that within two weeks he would have an answer to his petition.
Following the interview, Khymka returned to Dobrotvir, arriving on 23 June.
The peasants of Dobrotvir plied their representative with questions about
his reception by the emperor. Everything Khymka said seemed to confirm the
hopes that the letter had awakened. No sooner had he arrived in Vienna than
the emperor received him. From the cordial reception he was accorded it was
clear that the emperor favoured their obviously just cause. From the speedy
settlement that the emperor promised it was certain that justice would soon
be theirs. The peasants wanted to renew pasturing their cattle in the forest
immediately. Khymka cautioned them against it, since the emperor had not
actually promised to decide the dispute in their favour. Nonetheless, on that
same day, 23 June, the peasants Dmytro Bratash, Mykhailo Koshakivsky and
Oleksa Khymka drove their cattle out of the equivalent and onto the territory
of the legally manorial forest. Following their example, all the inhabitants of
Dobrotvir drove their cattle into the forest. They also began chopping wood.
Apparently Datsko Khymka was soon won over to the majority view, because
the events of the next two weeks show that someone with military experience
was directing the other peasants; this is also confirmed by subsequent events.
2J7 The author is descended from the Khymkas (Himkas) of Dobrotvir.
44
Serfdom and Servitudes
For the next few days the peasants of Dobrotvir pastured their cattle in the
forest. There was nothing that the manorial forest wardens dared do to
prevent this, because the herders were accompanied by groups of peasants
armed with cudgels. The wardens could not confiscate the trespassing cattle;
they could not even approach them without being chased off by peasants
swinging cudgels and shouting threats. All they could do was report the
trespassing to Felix Sosnicki, the administrator of the estate, who in turn
reported it to the district authorities.
To restore order in Dobrotvir, the district authorities once again sent
adjunct Halajkiewicz to the town, this time in the company of four
gendarmes. On 26 June, on the way to Dobrotvir, Halajkiewicz and the
gendarmes twice came upon bands of cudgel-bearing peasants grazing their
cattle in the forest. At Halajkiewicz's command, the peasants immediately
chased their cattle onto the equivalent.
Halajkiewicz then called a meeting of the town council in the communal
chancery. He ordered the commune to desist from its illegal actions once and
for all. But the council said that it could not enforce this in the commune.
Several peasants explained that their houses were located within the boundaries of the forest and that accepting the equivalent would force them to
abandon their homes. Others said that their rights to the forest were
traditional and inviolable; this was where their cattle had grazed in the past,
would graze in the future and were grazing at this very moment.
This last remark spurred Halajkiewicz to return to the forest. He took with
him the four gendarmes; the forest wardens, whom he deputized; Sosnicki;
and Batiuk, the mayor. They came upon a clearing in the forest where
peasants were watching over several hundred head of cattle. When
Halajkiewicz ordered them to disperse, they only drove their cattle more
tightly together and deeper into the forest. Sosnicki and Halajkiewicz then
instructed the forest wardens to begin confiscating the trespassing cattle. As
the wardens approached, the herders began yelling "Gvalt!" and hundreds,
perhaps a thousand, peasants sprang from concealment-men, women and
children, most of them armed with cudgels. The mayor was the first to take
to his heels. Halajkiewicz and the others also withdrew, while the peasants
ridiculed and insulted them.
In the days following, the peasants not only continued to have the run of
the forest, but liberated cattle that the manor had confiscated earlier. They
also attacked the forest wardens, who had to go into hiding. The district
captain himself, Mateusz Mauthner, came to Dobrotvir to restore order, but
the peasants boycotted the public meeting he called.
The authorities had no choice but to send in the military, which was very
busy that year putting down similar outbreaks of unrest. A squadron of
cavalry arrived in Dobrotvir at the beginning of July. Mauthner himself
joined the squadron commander on a patrol of the forest. They came upon
the peasants, this time gathered in greater number than ever before and once
again armed with their cudgels. The peasants let out a fearsome cry and
brandished their weapons. Before the squadron could catch up with them,
A Case in Point: The Events in Dobrotvir
45
they drove their cattle onto ground so marshy that the horses could not follow
them. They also formed tight phalanxes. The squadron commander informed
the head of the district that the only way to dislodge the peasants would be to
shoot at them with rifles, in which case many would be killed. Mauthner
refrained from implementing so drastic a measure and appealed to Lviv to
send reinforcements.
On 5 July a company of infantry arrived in Dobrotvir. Three days later
Mauthner, accompanied by the entire small army he had sent for, once again
patrolled the forest. He found peasant cattle there, but this time only under
the protection of herders. The forest wardens confiscated the cattle and the
herders fled, without shouting for help from other peasants. The cattle were
paraded through the streets of Dobrotvir, but the peasants offered no
resistance.
In the meantime, an investigative commission had been formed to look into
the events in Dobrotvir. It was headed by Modest Piasecki from the circuit
court in Zolochiv. Normally the case would have gone to the investigative
court in Busk, but, considering the gravity of the case and that the Busk
court had a backlog of over a hundred pending investigations, the case was
turned over to the Zolochiv prosecutor's office. Piasecki arrived in Dobrotvir
on the same day that Mauthner finally pacified the rebels, i.e., 8 July. Within
his first few days in the town, Piasecki ordered a number of arrests. He
ordered the arrest of Datsko Khymka, but was told that Khymka had gone
off again to Vienna to see the emperor. Piasecki found his task very difficult.
He had so many charges he wanted to bring against the peasants that he had
difficulty sorting them all out and following anyone of them through. It also
seemed to him that the peasants' resistance had been so carefully planned
that none of the forest wardens or officials had approached close enough to
identify individual peasants engaged in illegal actions (more likely, the
wardens feared for their life and property and pretended not to have recognized anyone). Moreover, the peasants refused to talk. Before Piasecki could
even finish asking a question, he would be told: "I know nothing." And when
peasants did talk, they gave him only confusing and contradictory information. Although Dobrotvir was comparatively quiet during the second week of
July, the peasant commune had not formally renounced its resistance and
individuals were still venturing into the forest and assaulting the wardens.
In mid-July the viceroy's office communicated to the commune that its
petition had been answered by the emperor in the negative. This was a
crushi~g disappointment for the peasants, who believed that all they had to
do was hold out a little longer and the just emperor would give them back
their forest. On 16 July the town council held a meeting to decide whether or
not to abandon the struggle, accept the equivalent and request that the
soldiers be removed from Dobrotvir.
As the council debated in the chancery, throngs of peasants gathered
outside to listen to the proceedings. The pastor, Iosyf Kalechynsky, spoke to
the council for two hours, pleading for obedience to the law and an end to
resistance. The councilmen were inclined to agree with him. However, not all
46
Serfdom and Servitudes
the peasants approved. Stefan Prots, who was reportedly quite tipsy at the
time, circulated among all the other peasants present and expressed his
disagreement with the priest. He also denounced the council, particularly
those councilmen who had served as plenipotentiaries at the time that the
servitude commission had made its original unfavourable decision. He accused
Petro Maik, councilman and plenipotentiary, of having sold the commune's
rights. Although, as later events would bear out, Prots's views were widely
shared in the commune, a majority of the council voted to abandon resistance
and to request that the military forces be removed from the town. On 21 July
the commune of Dobrotvir formally submitted this request to the district
officials. The district passed the request on to the viceroy's office, which had
reserved to itself the right to terminate the military presence in Dobrotvir. By
the second half of July, therefore, it seemed that the peasants of Dobrotvir
had been subdued.
For the rest of the summer the government carried on its investigation into
the incident. Judge Piasecki arrested Stefan Prots and Datsko Khymka as the
main instigators of the trouble. Khymka, it turned out, had not gone to
Vienna at all, but had been hiding in the store-house (U and P komora) of
Panko Maik. He was discovered and arrested on the night of 16 July, probably when someone went to inform him how the council meeting had turned
out. Piasecki also had Panko Maik arrested, for aiding the fugitive Khymka,
and Mykola Ladyshevsky, for "public violence." On 6 August the Zolochiv
court decided to refer the case to the Lviv criminal court and on 3 September
the Lviv prosecutor, Johann Reiner, began studying it. He came to the
conclusion that there was insufficient evidence to convict any of the accused
individuals. On 26 October the Lviv criminal court dismissed the case and,
after more than three months in prison, Datsko Khymka and the others were
released.
Immediately upon Khymka's return to Dobrotvir, the commune elected
him its plenipotentiary in servitude matters. He decided that an educated
man, a lawyer, was needed to defend the commune's rights. He therefore
hired a certain Johann Schon, who introduced himself as a lawyer. In reality,
Schon was no lawyer; he had been a secretary in the district government until
he was fired and thereafter supported himself as a corner-scribe, one, it
seems, of the more unscrupulous variety. He sold his services dearly to the
peasants of Dobrotvir, taking 50 gulden in cash and 450 gulden in a
promissory note from Khymka. When the district authorities got wind of
what Schon was charging and of how he had misrepresented himself as a
lawyer, they had him arrested for fraud. All this occurred within the first
week of Khymka's release from prison.
Before Schon could be prosecuted, however, a cholera epidemic broke out
in Busk, where he was incarcerated. The Busk court decided to release him,
lest he fall victim to the epidemic, and to suspend proceedings against him.
The supreme state prosecutor's office in Lviv ordered the Busk court to renew
its investigation and prosecution on 31 December, but by then SchOn was already at liberty. Early in January of 1873 he made his way to Dobrotvir. It
A Case in Point: The Events in Dobrotvir
47
was probably not difficult for Schon to regain the confidence of Khymka and
the commune. If he had said that the district authorities were only
persecuting him for helping the peasants of Dobrotvir to regain their rights
(which may, in fact, have been the case), the peasants should have found this
explanation entirely plausible. With the return of this educated ally, the
peasants of Dobrotvir were ready to renew their struggle.
Their first step was to take control of the local government. On 10 January
1873 the town council met in the chancery to review the communal accounts
for 1872 and to establish the budget for 1873. The mayor, Ivan Batiuk, let it
be khown that the meeting was public and that all were invited to come and
be convinced of the council's good management. The opposition to the
council, led by Datsko Khymka, Pavlo Mudryk and others, turned up in force
at the meeting. They behaved politely until the expenditures for 1872 were
read aloud. Then Mudryk began to shout that the council did not look out for
the welfare of the commune and that its budget consisted of superfluous and
fictiti0us expenditures. "You vagabonds!" he shouted at the councilmen, "why
have you come here?" (P Wy wakabungy, pocosci tu przyszli). When one
council member tried to respond to him, Mudryk waved his clenched fist at
him and said: "I'll punch your face if you say a word" (P Dam ci wpysk, jak
b~dziesz co gada!).
After this exchange, Khymka took the floor. He said that the council was
doing no good for the commune. As plenipotentiary in servitude matters, he
objected that the council stood by quietly while the manor felled wood on
land that belonged to commune members. He demanded that the manor be
prevented from cutting any more wood. Mayor Batiuk replied that the question of servitudes had already been settled definitively. But Khymka said that
the council was deliberately procrastinating on the issue and that the
commune had to elect a new council, mayor and scribe. After Khymka
proposed that the assistant teacher'38 Petro Kostruba be appointed scribe, the
incumbent scribe, Andrei Nakryiko, resigned. Then one by one the
councilmen slipped out of the chancery in order to avoid additional
accusations, and after two hours had passed only the opposition, consisting of
about sixty peasants, was left.
The opposition transferred its meeting to Mudryk's house, where Johann
Schon was waiting. After the peasants resolved to depose the current
government and hold new elections, they sent for mayor Batiuk. He was
informed that now the office of the communal government would be here,
where Mudryk and the new scribe, Kostruba, lived. Khymka requested that
Batiuk give the government's papers to Kostruba. Batiuk obeyed. He was
later to justify himself before the authorities by saying that, although
Khymka's demand was phrased in the form of a request, he was afraid to
oppose it; also, since Nakryiko had resigned as scribe and he himself was
illiterate, it made sense to give the papers to Kostruba.
238
P pomocnik nauczycielski, G Lehramtsgehu/fe.
48
Serfdom and Servitudes
This coup in the local government might have escaped the notice of the
higher authorities had not Rudolf Kurzweil arrived in Dobrotvir on
14 January. Kurzweil was a retired manorial steward sent from Kaminka
Strumylova to confiscate property from the peasants of Dobrotvir as payment
for overdue taxes. Kurzweil needed some information from the town
government and sought out Batiuk and Nakryiko. Batiuk told him that he
could give him no information, since he did not have the council's papers. But
Nakryiko advised Batiuk to go to Kostruba and get what the tax-collector
needed. When Batiuk entered Mudryk's house to speak with Kostruba, he
found about twenty peasants there as well as Schon. Kostruba refused to
return the council papers and Batiuk went back to the chancery, where
Nakryiko and Kurzweil were waiting for him. However, all who had been
assembled at Mudryk's house followed Batiuk back to the chancery. Batiuk
locked the chancery door to keep the rebels out. They demanded the key,
saying that Schon had now been appointed scribe and needed access to the
chancery; moreover, they wanted to elect a new council in the chancery.
Batiuk refused to give them the key.
Khymka, Mudryk, SchOn and the others then went to the tavern, where
Schon made a speech. He stated that he was a certified Austrian lawyer and
that he would win back Dobrotvir's rights to the forest. He accused both
Batiuk and Nakryiko of being in league with the manor and of deceiving the
commune. He insulted Kurzweil and declared that he had no business being
in Dobrotvir. The speech won the approval of all who were gathered in the
tavern, and they appointed him scribe by acclamation.
On the next day Batiuk travelled to Kaminka Strumylova and reported all
that had transpired to the district authorities. The latter sent commissioner
Erazm Zaremba to restore the legally elected town council to authority.
Kostruba handed over the council's papers without resistance. The district
authorities also informed viceroy Agenor Goluchowski of the latest events in
Dobrotvir. Goluchowski recommended the matter to the attention of the
supreme state prosecutor's office in Lviv, "because this is the sort of case that
demands swift and energetic investigation as well as exemplary punishment of
the guilty, especially since the commune in Dobrotvir has already several
times given proof of its obstreperous and turbulent disposition."
In the end only two of the rebels, Mudryk and Schon, faced trial. The
prosecutor asked that Schon be sentenced to six years of severe incarceration
(G schwerer Kerker) and Mudryk to one month of imprisonment. But the
court only sentenced them, on 28 August 1873, to four months of severe
incarceration and eight days of imprisonment respectively.
Here the documentation on which this account has been based stops.
The Servitudes Struggle and Its Lessons
The conflict in Dobrotvir was not untypical of Eastern Galicia in the
second half of the nineteenth century. About three thousand communes in
Eastern Galicia-more than three-quarters of the total-were involved in
The Servitudes Struggle and Its Lessons
49
legal disputes with the manor over servitudes.'39 Most of these conflicts were
fought out before the servitude commissions and courts without recourse to
the sort of mass, illegal action that broke out in Dobrotvir. Yet between 1850
and 1900 illegal servitude actions encompassed 984 villages and towns in the
Ukrainian-inhabited portions of Galicia and Bukovyna (see Table I). Eastern
Galicia alone seems to have accounted for almost 90 per cent of these
localities (c. 880).240 Allowing for the repetition of illegal servitude actions in
the same locality in different years (est. 10 per cent) and adding to the number of village communes in Eastern Galicia the number of small towns,241 we
can conservatively estimate that one in five communes in Eastern Galicia
resorted to illegal mass action to defend its forest and pasture rights.'4'
The illegal servitude actions have been studied extensively by the Soviet
historian M.M. Kravets. He counted how many such actions occurred in
Eastern Galicia and Northern Bukovyna, and how many localities took part
in these actions, in every year from 1850 to 1900. The results of Kravets's
count are reproduced in Table I. The table can be viewed as a barometer of
the intensity of the peasants' involvement in the servitudes struggle.
The table shows that the servitudes issue was most heatedly contested in
the early 1850s and continued to be important until about 1870; thereafter it
declined in intensity. The illegal action in Dobrotvir in 1872 came at the end
of a large wave of peasant unrest.
The greatest number of illegal actions occurred in 1850-2, in the
aftermath of the revolution of 1848-9, as a direct continuation of the
peasantry's seizure of manorial lands in the spring and summer of 1849; these
actions also occurred before the imperial patent of 5 July 1853 and before the
activity of the servitude commissions provided the peasants with legal
channels for the pursuit of their rights to forests and pastures. The relative
decline of illegal servitude actions in the period 1853-9 is directly
attributable to the peasantry's faith in the imperial patent and the conflict's
change of venue to the legally established servitude commissions.24J
Beginning in 1860, however, there was a striking resurgence of illegal
actions in the Galician countryside, which was to remain turbulent throughout the decade. Three factors account for the intensity of the servitudes
239 Kravets, "Dzherela," 63. There were 3,734 village communes in Eastern Galicia in 1902 and
I ,906 Greek Catholic parishes in all of Galicia in 1900. Bujak, Galicja, 1:48, 139.
240 According to Kravets, "Servitutne pytannia," 66-72, illegal servitude actions took place in 109
villages and towns in Eastern Galicia in 1867-9; according to Table I, in both Galicia and
Bukovyna during the same years such actions broke out in 122 localities.
24, Eighty-three in 1910. Rosenfeld, Die polnische ludenfrage, 79.
'42 The total number of communes is calculated on the basis of official statistics from 1900-10.
The number of communes was smaller in 1850-70, when the majority of illegal servitude actions
took place. There were not 3,500 village communes in the first half of the nineteenth century.
Is/oriia selians/va URSR, I :335. The total number of illegal servitude actions, which is based on
what one scholar could discover from surviving historical documentation, understates the extent
of illegal resistance.
243 Kravets, Selians/vo, 153.
Serfdom and Servitudes
50
TABLE 1 Illegal Servitude Actions in Eastern Galicia and Northern Bukovyna,
1850-1900
Number
Number
Year
1850
1851
1852
1853
1854
1855
1856
1857
1858
1859
1860
1861
1862
1863
1864
1865
1866
1867
1868
1869
1870
1871
1872
1873
1874
1875
Of
Actions
Of Towns and
Villages Involved
9
8
103
51
56
39
24
30
21
31
38
29
54
26
27
41
51
37
27
45
33
44
19
16
16
9
8
7
7
88
46
46
32
15
24
17
25
36
27
42
22
27
38
46
35
26
41
28
36
17
15
16
Year
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
1897
1898
1899
1900
Total:
Of Actions
Of Towns and
Villages Involved
6
6
8
8
8
8
7
7
5
5
7
7
5
5
4
4
0
o
4
4
4
4
7
2
7
2
1
4
3
3
1
4
3
3
4
4
3
3
2
5
2
2
2
5
2
2
3
3
3
3
871
984
SOURCE: Kravets, Selianstvo, 151 table 20 (based on the materials of LODA and
Chernivetskyi oblasnyi derzhavnyi arkhiv and the press).
struggle in the 1860s. Firstly, by 1859 the servitude commiSSIOns had
proposed settlements for most of the disputes and the peasantry recognized
that it was being cheated, absolutely legally, of its cherished traditional
rights. Secondly, the peasants were spurred to illegal action by the
constitutional changes in Austria. Just as under serfdom the peasantry interpreted various patents limiting corvee labour to mean that corvee labour was
being greatly curtailed or even abolished, so for the first decades after
The Servitudes Struggle and Its Lessons
51
emancipation it interpreted laws extending political freedom to mean that its
rights to the forests and pastures were being restored. The particular intensity
of the conflict in the years of the two constitutions, 1860 and 1867, bears this
out. Thirdly, in the 1860s, in connection with the abolition of serfdom in the
Russian empire and the defeat of the Polish insurrection of 1863, many
peasants abandoned their traditional naive loyalty to the Austrian emperor
and put an equally, in fact even more, naive hope in the Russian tsar.'44
In Dobrotvir traditional naive monarchism had remained intact into the
early 1870s and even served as the ideological justification for the peasants'
struggle. In many other villages, however, the unjust settlements of the
servitude conflicts destroyed the peasants' faith in the justice of their
emperor. Before the national movement took hold of the Galician countryside,
the ideological vacuum created by the collapse of traditional naive
monarchism was filled by a radical variant of this ideology that displaced all
the peasants' hopes to a foreign monarch, namely the Russian tsar. From
contact with the peasants of Russian-ruled Right-Bank Ukraine, Galician
peasants learned that the Russian tsar had abolished serfdom in 1861, at the
same time that it seemed serfdom was being reintroduced in Galicia through
the loss of rights to forests and pastures. Also, the tsar brutally crushed the
Polish nobility's insurrection in 1863-4, while the Austrian emperor was
sanctioning the Polish nobility's plunder of communal land in Galicia.
Moreover, in reaction to the Polish rebellion the tsar in 1864 stipulated terms
of emancipation for Right-Bank Ukraine that were punitive to the local
Polish nobility and seemed more favourable to the Ukrainian peasantry there
than the terms of emancipation in Austrian Galicia. The importance to
Ukrainian peasants in Austria of the Right-Bank agrarian reform of 1864 is
corroborated by the large number of illegal servitude actions in that year: 46,
a number that had not been surpassed since 1850 or equalled since 1852 and
would never be achieved again.
Expressions of naive tsarism appeared almost throughout Eastern Galicia
in the period. For example, in 1863 in Vyzhnie Synevidsko (Verkhnie
Syniovydne), Stryi circle, peasants, armed with pikes and stones, attacked
gendarmes who had confiscated their cattle for grazing in the forest. One of
the peasants declared to a gendarme: "What are you doing and what do you
want? You side with the lords, so you are thieves just as they are. And your
emperor is a thief and a highwayman. If only the Russians'45 would come,
This phenomenon is discussed in detail in Himka, "Hope in the Tsar," 125-38. See also
Tarnavsky, Spohady, 52-4. Naive tsarism was by no means limited to the Ukrainian-inhabited
regions of Austria. Also in Polish Western Galicia, during the mass peasant unrest of 1886, the
peasants "praise Russia because Polish peasants are very well off there." "Zavorushenia posered
Mazuriv," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 16 (23 [II] April 1886): 94.
'44
Kravets has put the passage into modern Ukrainian and uses the word moskali. It seems
probable to me that the original read moskal, in the singUlar, and referred to the Russian tsar.
Kravets may not have been aware of the specific meaning of the word moskal or, as would not
be unusual in Soviet historiography, he may have wished to mute the naive monarchism as such
and emphasize general pro-Russian feeling.
245
52
Serfdom and Servitudes
then we would slaughter all [of yoU]246 to the last man."247 In May 1867, when
the Borshchiv district authorities officially transferred a disputed pasture to
the manor, the peasants of Kudryntsi crossed the river Zbruch into Russian
territory and appealed to the local people to help them.'48 In April 1873, in
Verbytsia, Rava Ruska district, an angry crowd of peasants prevented a
surveying commission from measuring the equivalent and marking off its
boundaries. One peasant told the commission: "If there is no justice in
Vienna, then we will find it in the Moskal," that is, the Russian tsar.'49
Naive tsarism, then, was born in the servitudes conflict in the early 1860s
and continued to exist as an ideological component of many of the illegal
servitude actions thereafter. It is no coincidence that when Austro-Russian
tension flared up over the Balkans in 1887 and naive tsarism took on new life
(see LA 33),'50 the number of illegal servitude actions also increased
temporarily (see Table 1).
The intensity of the servitude struggle declined after the 1860s, especially
after 1872. From 1872 on, illegal servitude actions were confined to actions
by a single commune, while previous actions had sometimes involved more
than one commune. Still, even at a lower intensity, the servitudes struggle
lingered on into the twentieth century. Illegal servitude actions did not even
stop in 1900, as our table does. In 1901, for example, peasants were shot in
Monastyrets, Lisko district, in the course of a dispute with Count Krasicki
over ownership of the pasture. 251
The relative decline of the servitudes struggle after the 1860s coincided, by
no means accidentally, with the rise of the national movement in the
countryside. The national movement, whose cadres were often veterans of the
servitudes struggle,252 took over the defence of peasant interests and conducted
it in a new, political style.
246 Similarly, Kravets may have substituted the "[of you]" (U vas) for what was more commonly
said in such circumstances: "landlords (or Poles) and Jews" (U paniv [liakhiv] i zhydiv).
247 Kravets, Selianstvo, 161.
248 Ibid., 164.
249
TsDIAL, 156/1/99, p. 3v.
The abbreviation LA stands for Appendix IV, "List of Activists," the number for the specific
activist's biography.
2ll Levytsky, Istoriia politychnoi dumky, 1:347.
252 It proved possible to identify in the list of activists five peasants (LA 89, 90, 207, 299, 343)
and one cantor-scribe (LA 328) as former servitude plenipotentiaries. Another peasant had been
plenipotentiary before the indemnization commission (LA 287) and it is reasonable to assume
that he had also served as such before the servitudes commission. One peasant had been fined
and imprisoned for his part in an illegal servitudes action (LA III). Other peasants came from
families with a history of involvement in the servitudes conflict (LA 19, 215; probably 202).
Priests had also been engaged in the struggle, since the manors encroached on parochial lands
and rights. Three priest-activists had been involved in servitude disputes (LA 93, 112, 323) and
one was the Lviv archeparchy's commissioner of servitude affairs (LA 70). This list is far from
complete. I only had access to acts of the servitudes commission referring to less than one-ninth
of the localities in which the sample of 368 activists of 1884-5 lived; it was possible to obtain
some information from other sources, but unsystematically and very incompletely. I estimate that
about a quarter of all the national activists had some direct or family connection to the servitudes
250
The Servitudes Struggle and Its Lessons
53
The question naturally arises: where was the national movement in the
1850s and 1860s when the servitudes struggle dominated the East Galician
countryside? Why was there not a political and national face to the peasant
in struggle for forests and pastures? For the 1850s, the answer is clear. This
was a decade of reaction that precluded political representation by anyone in
Austria, let alone by the Ukrainian peasants of Galicia. In the 1850s the
organized Ukrainian movement, like so many of the creatures of 1848, went
into hibernation. The government dissolved the already quite moribund
Supreme Ruthenian Council in 1851 and what little national leadership
survived was concentrated in the intimidated Greek Catholic metropolitan
consistory in Lviv. With the predawn of the constitutional era in 1860
appeared some harbingers of the future. Galician peasants elected peasant
deputies to the diet and placed great hopes in their ability to push through a
satisfactory solution to the servitudes issue; this accounts for the relative ebb
in illegal servitude actions in 1861-2 (see Table 1).253 Ukrainian
parliamentary deputies, who were inundated with peasant petitions much as
the Supreme Ruthenian Council had been, presented strong statements on
servitudes to the emperor on 11 May and 1 August 1861 (N.S.).254 The
political conjuncture, however, did not allow the Ukrainians in the imperial
parliament and Galician diet any real influence.
Characteristic of the position of the Ukrainian movement during the early
1860s are the contents and fate of a brochure written by Iosyf Lozynsky, a
priest and one of the early grammarians and national awakeners of Galician
Ukraine. In 1862 Lozynsky published a nineteen-page brochure on the
servitudes question entitled "Reflections on Property." The work was written
in the vernacular in a popular style and was clearly aimed at the peasantry.
Lozynsky argued that communal rights to forests and pastures were "natural
and eternal" and necessary for the very existence of the peasantry.255 Some
said that the demands of the peasant communes display an appetite for
others' property256 and infection with communism, "but this is a vain and
senseless cry, because the communes are not encroaching on someone else's,
but claiming their own property, to which they had a right and which has
passed into the hands of the large landowners illegally."257 Even if the manors
had managed to acquire the legally formulated consent of the peasant
252 ( continued) struggle as presented in the listing above. If one were also to include all members of communes that had engaged in a servitudes dispute, then the vast majority of peasants in
the list of activists could be considered veterans of the servitudd struggle.
253 Kravets, Selianstvo, 159.
254 "Nove podane nashykh poslov Dumy derzhavnoi z dnia I. Avhusta s.h.," Slovo 1, no. 54 (5
[17] August 1861): 1; no. 55 (9 [21] August 1861): 1; no. 56 (12 [24] August 1861): 1-2; no. 57
(16 [28] August 1861): 1-2; no. 58 (19 [31] August 1861): I.
255 Lozynsky, Hadky, 7.
256 See above, 36.
257 Lozynsky, Hadky, 15.
54
Serfdom and Servitudes
communes to abandon these rights, this consent was obtained under duress
and was therefore invalid. Under serfdom, "the peasant became the slave of
his master, who denied him his natural rights, denied him any property, any
right to land, to pasture, to forest, which rights belonged to him by nature
and eternally."258 The servitude commissions awarded such poor compensation
for the suspension of rights to forests and pastures that the communes could
not be satisfied. Lozynsky recommended that servitude disputes be settled on
the basis of how land had been registered in 1789. A comparison of the
Josephine land cadastre of 1789 with the Franciscan cadastre of 1820 would
show that many forests and pastures registered as communal in the first
cadastre appear as demesnal in the second. Since, as he correctly pointed out,
this cadastre already reflected the unlawful acquisition of communal land by
the manors, it represented a compromise on the part of the peasantry. He
concluded his brochure with a plea to the communes "to await the settlement
of their cases in patience and peace and without any illegal measures."259
Lozynsky's brochure was in the mainstream of the Ukrainian national
movement's view on the servitudes issue. It staunchly defended the Ukrainian
peasants' rights, but tendered a compromise to the nobility and supported exclusively legal action. The Greek Catholic metropolitan consistory
recommended the brochure's distribution to the rural clergy.26o However, the
brochure was suppressed by the viceroy's office as liable to incite the
peasantry and was therefore never circulated. 26l
Thus the Ukrainian national movement could not assume leadership of the
peasants' struggle over servitudes, since there was insufficient political
freedom to permit it to make its ideas known. Censorship was only one of the
disadvantages under which the movement laboured at the height of the
servitudes struggle. The lack of freedom of association also precluded the
emergence of organizations that would mediate between the peasantry and
the leadership of the national movement. Without a relatively free press, such
as existed in 1848-9 and would exist again after 1867, and without rural
organizations, such as the local Ruthenian Councils of the revolutionary years
and the reading clubs of the constitutional era, a linkage between the national
movement and the class struggle of the peasantry was simply impossible.
In spite of this mutual isolation, the national movement was to gain a
great deal from the peasants' bitter experience during the servitudes conflict.
The peasants learned important lessons: that their ignorance and illiteracy
were severe drawbacks and that they required allies in the educated strata of
society. Consider the case in Dobrotvir where, after the failure of petitions
and force, the peasants sought their salvation in an educated man, albeit the
corner-scribe Johann Schon. Throughout Galicia the peasants saw that the
258
259
260
261
Ibid., 11.
Ibid., 19.
TsDIAL, 146/4/1307, p. 3.
I have used a copy preserved in ibid., 50-9.
The Servitudes Struggle and Its Lessons
55
literacy of the landlord gave him the upper hand in the courts and
commissions. Most communes had no written proof that they owned the
forests and pastures. Their submissions to the servitude commissions frequently said: "from time immemorial we remember" or "our fathers and
grandfathers told us and our forefathers told them" that the forest or pasture
was communal property. They had only oral tradition on which to base their
claim. The landlords had documents. These could be receipts from the
l780s-little slips of paper signed with crosses, saying that the undersigned
peasants had received wood from the manorial forest. Did those peasants
know when they made their marks in order to receive indispensable construction materials that they were signing away the rights of their descendants?'6'
When a commune picked plenipotentiaries to defend its rights in the
commission, it picked its best members; some of them were even able to read
and write. When the landlord picked a plenipotentiary, he chose someone
with a good education and experience in the ways of the world, a lawyer if
need be or a veteran estate official. The legal contest was hardly equal.
The peasantry, then, left the servitudes struggle with a heightened
appreciation of the power of education. When the national movement founded
reading clubs in the villages and urged the peasantry to build schools and
otherwise educate itself, it struck a responsive chord in those far-sighted
peasants who had learned the lessons of the struggle for wood and pasture. It
is entirely understandable that precisely in the wake of the most intense
period of the servitudes conflict, reading clubs and newspapers heralded the
advent of the national movement in the countryside.
In looking back on the servitude disputes, peasants active in the national
movement condemned the ignorance that had impeded their struggle.
Mykhailo Pikh (LA 259), a peasant or cantor turned merchant in Stariava,
Mostyska district, surely expressed the view of many other local activists in
an item of correspondence sent to Batkivshchyna in 1886. Pikh censured the
naive tsarism, violence and, above all, ignorance characteristic of the
servitudes struggle. When "communes, Ruthenian and Mazurian [i.e.,
Polish], could not comprehend the loss of their property, they said: 'Things
will not be right until the White Tsar comes.' But, dear brothers, such talk is
sinful, on the one hand, and foolish, on the other."263 His own village,
Stariava, was once very rich, with about a thousand loch of forest and
pasture.
Today it is poorer than all the surrounding villages. It has neither forest nor
pasture, but only many sandy wastelands totalling 182 Joch. Whoever reads this
will be amazed and will ask: what is the reason for such a change? To this there
is only one answer: the main reason, aside from others, is ignorance .... During
that time full of grief [i.e., before the abolition of serfdom] the commune of
'60 Hence the intense aversion of peasants to signing documents of any sort. See Rosdolsky, Die
grosse Steuer- und Agrarreform, 127-8, and Adriian, Agrarnyi protses, 57-8.
263 Mykhailo Pikh, "Pysmo z Mostyskoho povitu," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 39 (8 October
[26 September] 1886): 233.
56
Serfdom and Servitudes
Stariava lost all its pastures and forests. How? Just listen! During the reign of
Emperor Joseph II of blessed memory, on 20 September 1782, a law, i.e., an
imperial patent, was issued that put communal forests under the supervision of
the landlords so that wood would be cut properly without allowing thoughtless
people to destroy the forests. The commune of Stariava, after having used [its
rights] for a long time, was forced to sue for its forest. It received the following
resolution: the landlord supervised the forest, hence it must be the landlord's
forest. They [the peasants of Stariava] sued for forests, pastures and meadows
for several decades, but they did not conduct the case intelligently. Forty years
ago [c. 1846; 1849?], probably incited by some dishonest corner-scribe, they
wanted to take back their property through rebellion and assaulted the manorial
servants when the latter tried to chase the commune's cattle from the disputed
pasture. The rebellion was reported, and hussars came and beat all without exception. They gave 25, 50 and 90 blows with a cudgel to whomever they could
catch-men, women and even children. And many were also put in prison,
where some died. The people were so terrified that they never defended
anything again. They retreated, with only a heavy sigh, from every piece of land
that the manorial servants forbade them. Did not similar things happen in very
many villages? And now that it's too late, everyone weeps over the loss.
Let's tell ourselves the straight truth: was not cursed ignorance the cause of
the misfortune and poverty of the commune?264
The replacement of desperate rebellion with rational political action, the
eradication of ignorance through popular education and the formation of an
alliance against the Polish landlords with educated conationals in the
cities-these ideals of the national movement held a powerful attraction for a
peasantry that had run the gauntlet of serfdom and servitudes.
The Memory of Serfdom in the Late Nineteenth
Century
As the folk who knew this system
and remembered it used to tell of it,
no worse punishment could be
found for men and women than
serfdom was. People were treated
worse then than cattle are today.
They were beaten both at work and
at home for the merest trifle. It is
unbelievable how men could thus
torture their fellows.
-Jan Slomka, mayor of Dzikow in
Western Galicia, 1912 265
'64 Ibid.,
232-3. Very similar sentiments are expressed in Slomka, From Serfdom to
Self-Government, 158.
265 Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 14-15.
The Memory of Serfdom in the Late Nineteenth Century
57
In the late nineteenth century when the national movement was
penetrating the Galician Ukrainian village, the servitudes issue was more
than a memory, since peasants were still contesting their rights to forests and
pastures in the courts. Serfdom, however, was merely a memory, but a very
powerful one. It continued to be, as a Polish anthropologist has observed,
"one of the factors mobilizing the [emancipated) peasant masses in their
struggle for social and political emancipation."266 It was the power of this
memory that moved the peasants of Iamnytsia, Stanyslaviv district, to erect a
monument in 1905 to their martyred plenipotentiary Ivan Smytsniuk. 267
Numerous other villages erected crosses in commemoration of serfdom's
abolition. The crosses stood as a reminder of the past oppression until the
Soviet authorities tore many of them down, as religious symbols, after the
Second World War.
In the second half of the nineteenth century the Ukrainian national
movement initiated the custom of celebrating the abolition of serfdom every
year on its anniversary, 3 (15) May. The peasants, dressed in their festive
clothes, would gather in the village church. If several villages celebrated
together, the peasants from the peripheral villages would march in procession
to the designated church. Here they would celebrate a solemn liturgy and a
memorial prayer service for Emperor Ferdinand I, who emancipated them.
After the service, the peasants would march in procession to the cross
commemorating the abolition of serfdom. The cross would be decorated with
garlands and ribbons, and the procession would be accompanied by religious
songs, the ringing of the church bells and shots from mortars. At the cross
another prayer service would be held, to commemorate those who died under
serfdom, and water would be blessed. The priest would then speak on the
significance of emancipation. This would be followed by more singing and a
picnic at the cemetery (CC 84,94).268
A particularly revealing account of the commemorative ceremony and the
emotions it evoked has been left by a latynnyk, i.e., a Ukrainian-speaking
peasant of the Latin rite. He had first heard of the existence of the
commemoration from his pastor, who denounced it as a "schismatic holy
day." But by chance he travelled to the nearby village of Roznoshyntsi,
Zbarazh district, on the very day of the celebration. He arrived to the roar of
mortars being set off near the church "so that the village was shaking." He
266
Dobrowolski, "Peasant Traditional Culture," 293.
267 See above, 18. There is a photograph of the monument in Klasova borotba, 182; see also
p. 533, note 35. In the summer of 1984 I met in Hunter, New York, a gentleman born in
lamnytsia. He spoke of Smytsniuk as part of the living tradition of his village (which he left
during the Second World War).
26' The abbreviation CC stands for Appendix II, "Corpus of Correspondence"; the numbers refer
to specific items of correspondence.
abolition of serfdom is also based on
(6 June [30 (sic) May] 1884):
Batkivshcyna 10, no. 22 (1 June [20
This composite picture of the ritual of commemorating the
Tam[oshniiJ, " ... vid Rozhnitova," Batkivshchy.no. 23
140, and Vasyl lakubiv et al., "Pysmo z Brodskoho,"
May] 1888): 135.
58
Serfdom and Servitudes
looked for the weaver he had come to see and found him bustling about a
mortar.
I went into the cemetery and asked someone what was going on. I was answered
by an old, grey-haired man: "Aren't you a peasant just like us? Didn't the
landlords beat you with cudgels and whips as they did us Ruthenians? Didn't
you go out every day at dawn for corvee labour as we Ruthenians did? Didn't
you spend every Sunday and holy day in the mandator's prison as we
Ruthenians did? Didn't your livestock perish beneath the landlord's burden as
our Ruthenian livestock did? Didn't your wives spin thread, bleach linen, grind
millet, give capons, eggs, fodder, hens and chickens [to the lord] as our
Ruthenian wives did? Or maybe they didn't take your children by force to the
manor, as if into Egyptian slavery under King Pharaoh, as they did our
Ruthenian children? Don't you know what day this is?"
By then I had already guessed myself that on this very day serfdom had been
abolished. The words of that old man sent a chill and a fire through my body.
And then they once again rang all the bells and set off the mortars, and my
body for some reason just shook with joy (CC 94).
2. The Cultural Revolution in the Village:
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
In the late 1860s Austria embarked on a series of reforms with immense
repercussions for the Galician peasantry. Among the reforms were the introduction of compulsory education and of relative freedom of the press and
association. In Galician conditions, i.e., under the hegemony of the Polish
nobility, none of these reforms could be thoroughly implemented. The school
system in particular was not as well developed as elsewhere in Austria and
the censor's handiwork was much in evidence in the Ukrainian press. Even so,
the proliferation of schools, newspapers and voluntary associations in the
Galician countryside engendered change significant eno~gh to warrant the
use of the term "cultural revolution" in the title of this chapter. We will
return to the problem of culture in chapter four. Here we concentrate on
those cultural innovations that laid the foundations for the emergence of a
rural national movement.
Education and the School System
In 1886, in a front-page editorial of the Ukrainian pedagogical newspaper
Shkolna chasopys, the educator and journalist Kyrylo Kakhnykevych
compared the progress of education in Galicia with the situation in Bohemia,
a crownland with about as many inhabitants: " ... Galicia has
[proportionately] well nigh the most illiterates in Cisleithania, namely
4,835,283 illiterates among a population of six million (in Bohemia, with a
population of 5,560,000, there are only 1,255,000 illiterates); there are 2,939
elementary schools (Bohemia has 16,000); there are 709,000 children of
mandatory school age (926,000 in Bohemia), but only 380,000 attending
school (890,000 in Bohemia) .... "I Ten years later, according to Siegfried
Fleischer, secretary of the Oesterreichisch-Israelitische Union, the situation
1 [Kyrylo Kakhnykevych.J "Oplata shkilna i materialne stanovyshche uchyteliv narodnykh,"
Shkolna chasopys 7, no. 13-14 (8 [20] August 1886): 97. The figures were collected by Natal
Vakhnianyn in an effort to have the Lviv city council petition the Austrian ministry of education
to take measures to alleviate the situation.
60
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
was still scandalous: "An official statement of the Galician crownland school
council shows that in 1896 there were four million illiterates in Galicia, three
thousand communes without any school, two thousand communes that had to
close down classes because of a lack of teachers and a thousand teachers
without qualification.'"
Galicia's proportion of illiterates was only exceeded by the crownlands of
Bukovyna and Dalmatia. In Galicia in 1880 only 17.3 per cent of the men
and 10.3 per cent of the women could read and write (the corresponding
all-Austrian percentages were 61.9 and 55.13). Another 8.5 per cent of the
men and 9.8 per cent of the women in Galicia could read but not write,
leaving 74.2 per cent male and 79.9 per cent female illiteracy (in all of
Austria, 32.6 and 36.1 per cent respectively).' In 1890 64.9 per cent of
Galicia's population was illiterate, as was 75.5 per cent of Bukovyna's.
Illiteracy was concentrated in the Ukrainian portions of the crownlands. Over
90 per cent illiteracy could be found in 34 districts of Eastern Galicia and in
the Ukrainian-inhabited distri(;ts of northern Bukovyna (excluding the city of
Chernivtsi): In 1900, 63.8 per cent of Galicia's population was still illiterate
and in 1910-58.7 per cent (41 per cent if children under nine years of age
are excluded).'
Literacy varied from village to village. Some villages boasted nearly total
literacy: "Our people [in Utishkiv, Zolochiv district) are already quite
enlightened; starting from a forty-year-old peasant and ending with
seven-year-old boys, all are literate. It pleases one's soul to enter our church
and see how everyone, small and big, even women and girls, pray from books"
(CC 216). "In our village [Zhulychi, Zolochiv district) all the youth, girls as
well as boys, and even a majority of the older people are able to read and
write ... " (CC 224). In other villages there was barely any literacy. In
Novosilka Iazlovetska, Buchach district, according to CC 48, there were only
about ten literate people (the commune had a population of 1,055 in 1880):
As the correspondence cited above implies and the statistics on literacy in
1880 confirm, males tended to be more literate than females. Literacy was
also, as the correspondence suggests, more prevalent among the youth than
among older peasants. This is confirmed by an item of correspondence from
1882 concerning Dobrivliany, Drohobych district: " ... In this village a school
was established only about eighteen years ago, and thus only a small part of
the people-and this exclusively from the younger generation-could learn
2 Siegfried Fleischer, "Enquete tiber die Lage der jtidischen BevOlkerung Galiziens," in Judische
Statistik, ed. Nossig, 217.
, Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 2.
4 Kravets, Selianstvo, 135.
, Najdus, Szkice, 1:48. Sirka (Nationality Question in Austrian Education, 79) gives the following illiteracy rates for Galicia: 1880-77 per cent, 1890-68 per cent and 1900-56 per cent.
6 Spec. Orts-Rep.!,)~'J 66.
Education and the School System
61
how to read a bit. Among the older people, who hold all the offices and more
prominent positions in the commune, absolutely none is literate.'"
The low level of literacy in Galicia reflected the poor development of the
school system. The crown land school council, created by an imperial
resolution of 25 June 1867 (promulgated by the viceroyalty on 6 July
1867),8 took responsibility for the development of the educational system. The
council was composed of "civil servants and persons without much connection
to schooling,'" i.e., Polish nobles and priests. Elementary-school teachers of
any nationality and Ukrainians lO had little influence over the council. The
nobles on the council continued the policy of their forefathers of the feudal
era: they kept the peasants ignorant.
The number of schools relative to the size of the population remained
relatively constant from the mid-1840s to the beginning of the 1880s, when it
began to increase very slowly (see Table 2). In 1880 Galicia had 2,847
elementary schools and 5,958,907 inhabitants; thus there was one school for
TABLE 2 Number of Inhabitants per School in Galicia, 1830-1900
Year
1830
1835
1840
1845
1850
1859
1865
1870
1875
1880
1885
1890
1895
1900
Number of Inhabitants per School
2,603
2,520
2,310
2,098
1,968
2,015
1,709
2,199
1,942
2,089
1,990
1,887
1,785
1,754
SOURCE: Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91):101 (for 1830-85); Oesterreichisches
statistisches Handbuch 10 (1891):68 (for 1890); ibid. 15 (1896):83 (for 1895); ibid.
20 (1901):109 (for 1900).
, [Hryhorii Rymar,) "Pysmo z pid Drohobych," Batkivshchyna 4, no. 7 (1 April 1882): 54.
Grzybowski, Galicja 1848-1914, 75. Bartel, Zur Geschichte des galizischen Landesschulrates,
347.
8
• Jan Dobrzanski, "Szkolnictwo i dzialalnosc oswiatowa," in Historia Polski, vol. 3, pt. I, p. 806.
10 One Greek Catholic priest sat on the council. A law of 1905 established that one Ukrainian
would be included among the council's three representatives from the crownland administration.
Bartel, Zur Geschichte des galizischen Landesschulrates, 349.
62
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
every 2,093 inhabitants. II In the rest of Austria in the same year there was a
school for every 1,216 inhabitants. In 1899 Galicia had one school per 1,724
inhabitants. Only Bukovyna made a poorer showing, with one school per
1,923 inhabitants. The corresponding figure for all of Austria (including
Galicia) was 1,351; for Bohemia 1,136; and for the crown land of Tyrol and
Vorarlberg 565." The Galician elementary school system only really
expanded on the eve of the First World War: between 1868 and 1904 2,080
new elementary schools were founded, while from 1905 until 1914 1,444 were
founded. il
Ukrainian education was particularly underdeveloped. Although for part of
the late nineteenth century there were more schools with Ukrainian-language
instruction than schools with Polish-language instruction in Galicia (see
Table 3), much fewer pupils attended Ukrainian schools than Polish schools
and the Ukrainian schools were of a much inferior quality. In the 1888-9
TABLE 3 Public Elementary Schools in Galicia: Total, With Ukrainian Language of
Instruction, and Bilingual (Ukrainian-Polish), 1869-1900
Year
1869
1871
1883
1888-9
1890
1895
1900
Total
2,476
2,412
3,126
3,586
3,685
3,653
3,938
Ukrainian
Language of
Instruction
1,293
572
1,537
1,853
1,803
1,787
1,900
Percentage
52.2
23.7
49.2
51.7
48.9
48.9
48.2
UkrainianPolish
67
787
na
90
na
na
o
Percentage
2.7
32.6
na
2.5
na
na
0.0
SOURCE: Sirka, Nationality Question in Austrian Education, 75 (for 1869-71);
Oesterreichisches statistisches Handbuch 3 (1884):59 (for 1883); Rocznik Statystyki
Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 105 (for 1888-9); Oesterreichisches statistisches Handbuch 10
(1891):67 (for 1890); ibid. 15 (1896):82 (for 1895); ibid., 20 (1901):108 (for 1900).
school year, for example, although over half of the schools were Ukrainian,
only about one-third (35.3 per cent) of all elementary school pupils attended
them; the majority (61.7 per cent) attended schools where Polish was the language of instruction." The Ukrainian schools were very rudimentary,
one-classroom affairs. In 1900 the 2,000 Polish schools in Galicia had a total
of 5,671 classrooms, thus an average of 2.8 classrooms per school; the 1,864
II
i2
II
i4
The slightly different figure in Table 2 is taken from another source.
Oesterreichisches statistisches Handbuch 1 (1882): 1,78; ibid. 19 (1900): 95.
Bartel, Zur Geschichte des galizischen Landesschulrates, 351.
Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 109.
Education and the School System
63
Ukrainian schools had 2,368 classrooms, an average of 1.3 per school." The
difference in the number of classrooms in Polish and Ukrainian schools
reflected the difference between urban schools, where three and four
classrooms were common, and rural schools, where one and two classrooms
prevailed. 16
Compulsory elementary education, lasting eight years, was introduced in
most of Austria in 1869. In Galicia it was introduced in 1873.17 In the
one-classroom schools that were typical of the Ukrainian village there were
four grades; children were supposed to spend two years in each grade. At the
urging of the Galician Polish deputies, the Austrian parliament enacted a law
allowing individual crownlands to reduce the number of years of compulsory
education and to lower educational standards (law of 2 May 1883). The
Galician diet subsequently passed legislation (confirmed by the emperor on 7
February 1885) limiting the number of years of compulsory education for
Galicians to six. After completing their six years of compulsory education,
children were supposed to attend auxiliary lessons (by law at least four hours
a week) for another two or three years. This legislation remained in effect
from 1885 until 1895. 18
In spite of the legislation on compulsory elementary education, Galicia had
a very low frequency of school attendance (see Table 4). In 1880 only about
half!9 of Galicia's school-age children actually attended school, while in the
rest of Austria 95 per cent attended.'o In 1899, when just over two-thirds of
Galicia's children were attending school, Galicia had the lowest frequency in
Austria (in all of Austria, including Galicia, which brought down the
percentage considerably, the frequency was 87.8 per cent).'1 Nonattendance
was particularly acute in the southern districts of Eastern Galicia. In 1901-2,
when 72.9 per cent of Galicia's children were attending school, only 57.5
per cent were attending school in Turka district, 56.2 per cent in Kosiv
district, 53.5 per cent in Sniatyn district, 52.5 per cent in Zalishchyky district
and 42.1 per cent in Pechenizhyn district." All five of these districts were
overwhelmingly Ukrainian in population. In fact, Turka, Pechenizhyn and
15 Najdus, Szkice, I :76. Different, but similar figures are given' by Kravets (Selianstvo, 133) for
the 1900-1 school year: 4,250 classrooms in Polish schools, 2,250 classrooms in Ukrainian
schools.
16 Homola, "Nauczycielstwo krakowskie," 114.
17 Sirka, Nationality Question in Austrian Education, 76. Tadeusz Mizia and J6zef Mi~so,
"Oswiata i szkolnictwo," in Siownik Historii Polski, 836.
18 Grzybowski, Galicja, 84. "Novi ustavy shkolp.i," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 9 (27 [15] February
1885): 67. Najdus, Szkice, 1:50.
19 49.1 per cent according to Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 101; 53.1 per cent
according to Oesterreichisches statistisches Handbuch I (1882): 81.
20 Oesterreichisches statistisches Handbuch I (1882): 81.
21 Ibid. 19 (1900): 95.
" Najdus, Szkice, 1:49.
64
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
TABLE 4 Percentage of School-Age Galician Children Actually Attending School,
1830-1900
Year
Percentage of School-Age
Children Attending School
1830
1835
1840
1845
1850
1855
1859
1863
1869
1875
1880
1885
1890
1895
1900
9.7
12.7
13.1
16.8
14.0
15.4
21.5
25.1
43.1
40.9
49.1
54.2
57.9
65.6
71.0
SOURCE: Rocznik Statystyki Ga/icyi 3 (1889-91}:101 (for 1830-85); Oesterreichisches
statistisches Handbuch 10 (1891}:68 (for 1890); ibid. 15 (1896}:83 (for 1895); ibid.
20 (1901}:109 (for 1900).
Kosiv had the smallest Polish minorities (3.1 to 4.4 per cent) of all forty-nine
districts of Eastern Galicia in 1900. 23
There are a number of factors responsible for. the poor school attendance
in Galicia, especially in Ukrainian Galicia. One obvious reason is that there
were simply too few schools in the crownland. There was a correlation between the number of inhabitants served by each school and the percentage of
school-age children attending school. In the 1888-9 school year the four
districts in Galicia with under 1,000 inhabitants per school had a frequency
of attendance ranging from 67.0 to 93.6 per cent. In the three districts (excluding the cities of Lviv and Cracow) in which each school served over 2,500
inhabitants, the frequency ranged from 39.5 to 46.2 per cene4 The
all-Austrian educational statistics for 1899 also show a correlation between
the number of schools relative to the size of the population and the frequency
of attendance. Thus in those crownlands with over 90 per cent frequency,
there were from 6.2 to 17.7 schools per 10,000 inhabitants; in those
crownlands with under 90 per cent frequency, there were from 5.2 to 6.7
21 Zalishchyky district ranked thirty-seventh in the size of its Polish minority (13.8 per cent) and
Sniatyn forty-fifth (7.0 per cent). GI:jbinski, Ludnosc polska w Galicyi Wschodnie}, 74-5.
24 Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 106-7, 114-15.
Education and the School System
65
schools per 10,000 inhabitants.2l Schools in Galicia were distant for many
peasant children and overcrowded. A correspondent from Kulachkivtsi,
Kolomyia district, complained that the children of his village had to walk
three and one-half kilometres over almost impassable roads to get to the
school in Hvozdets, which served no less than six communes. The situation
was so unsatisfactory that several peasants pooled their funds to hire a private
teacher for their children. Although the district school authorities had not
provided adequate facilities for the school-age children of Kulachkivtsi, they
did not hesitate to fine forty peasants in the village for not sending their
children to school (CC 138).
The low frequency of attendance also derived in part from the economic
circumstances of the Ukrainian peasantry. Every pair of hands on the farm
made a difference, and many hard-pressed, traditionalist peasants were
reluctant to send young workers to schools. 26 Peasants throughout Europe had
resisted the education of their children. In late-nineteenth-century Germany,
for example, "the peasantry, particularly in the Catholic south, put up determined opposition to the extension of schooling (enforcement of attendance,
raising the school leaving age, reforming the curriculum, and so on), which
seemed to threaten the patriarchal authority of the peasant family and
undermine the system of child labour."21 Undoubtedly, the poor quality of the
schools only served to reinforce such attitudes. However, one should be
careful not to ascribe an opposition to education to the Galician peasantry
generally. It is quite possible that in Galicia peasants had less against
schooling than elsewhere in Europe. Many had learned the lesson of the
servitudes struggle and wanted their children to receive the education they
had not. Some had even managed to acquire an education outside the school
system. For example, in Morozovychi, Sambir district, most peasants were
literate, even though there was no school in the village. In the early 1860s, a
period of heated struggle over servitudes, the villagers had hired a youth of
noble origin to teach their children to read and write. They paid him 2 gulden
for each boy he taught and fed him alternately at each villager's house.
Instruction was conducted in the homes. After the first generation of literates
was produced, older children spent the winter teaching younger children
(CC 133).
Even where schools were in existence and where children were attending
them, it was difficult at first to implant literacy. After attending school for
half a dozen years, the peasant child frequently went out into an environment
that did not foster the retention of literacy. Until there was a developed
popular press in Ukrainian, there was little occasion for practice in reading.
A few years out of school and the young peasant could forget what he once
knew. As a correspondent from Perviatychi, Sokal district, complained: "We
25
Oesterreichisches statistisches Handbuch 19 (1900): 95.
26 See the related discussion below, 92-9.
21 Eley, "State Formation, Nationalism and Political Culture," 284.
66
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
have a school ... but so what? Only when a child is attending school can he
read and write, and when he finishes he forgets it all, because here people
don't like to read much" (CC 87).
The Newspaper Batkivshchyna
The Ukrainian-language periodical press emerged in Austria during the
revolutionary years 1848-9, but only one of the seven periodicals founded at
that time survived the decade of reaction. The lone survivor, Vistnyk, came
out in Vienna. In Galicia the Ukrainian press disappeared by 1860 (see
Table 5).28 It reemerged with the dawn of the constitutional era. The most
significant periodical of the 1860s was the newspaper Siovo, which had a
Russophile orientation 29 after its first few years of publication. Founded in
1861, it appeared twice a week until 1873, when it began to appear three
times a week; it ceased publication in 1887. 30 In spite of the relative freedom
of the press in the late 1860s and 1870s, The Ukrainian press did not grow
significantly during those years.
The flourishing of the periodical press began in the 1880s as Ukrainian
periodicals developed a mass audience. In 1880 the national populists"
founded their own newspaper, Dilo, which started as a twice-weekly
publication, but became a daily in 1888.32 Beginning in the mid-1880s, the
number of Ukrainian periodicals published in Galicia increased at the rate of
about one a year.
Ihnatiienko, Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 32-44. Ihnatiienko mistakenly lists the almanach
Zoria halytskaia under the year 1860 as though it were a revival of the newspaper Zoria
halytska.
29 Russophilism held that the Ruthenians of Galicia were part of one large Russian nation that
included the Great, White and Little Russians. The version of Ruthenian that the Russophiles
wrote was a mixture of Church Slavonic and Galician Ukrainian vernacular, with some
Russianisms. Their orthography was etymological, and this seemingly minor point won them
many adherents from among the more traditionalist veterans of the national movement, who were
not otherwise pro-Russian. The Russophiles, supported by funds from the tsarist government and
pan-Slavic societies, had a pro-tsarist political orientation. Although they tried to conceal their
pro-Russian sympathies behind a show of loyalty to the Austrian emperor, a number of
prominent Russophiles were prosecuted for high treason in 1882. In religious questions they
favoured purging the Ukrainian rite of Latin accretions; some advocated conversion from Greek
Catholicism to Orthodoxy. The Russophile movement was the strongest trend among Ukrainians
in Galicia until the political trial of 1882, when it began a rapid decline in popularity, but not
simply as a result of the trial. At the turn of the century younger Russophiles developed a more
consistent and uncompromising brand of Russophilism and used the Russian language in their
publications.
30 Ibid., 44-5.
28
National populism was the strongest current among Galician Ukrainians from the mid-1880s
through the I 920s. The national populists considered the Ruthenians of Galicia to be a part of
the Ukrainian nation, the majority of whose members lived in Ukraine under Russian rule. Like
the Ukrainian movement in the Russian empire, from which it drew inspiration and with which it
was allied, national populism defended the existence of a Ukrainian nation separate from both
Poles and Russians. It used the Ukrainian vernacular, spelled phonetically, in its publications.
32 Ibid., 67.
31
The Newspaper Batkivshchyna
67
TABLE 5 Growth of Ukrainian Periodical Press in Galicia, 1850-1910
Year
Number of Ukrainian
Periodicals
1850
1855
1860
1865
1871
1875
1880
1885
1890
1895
1900
1906
1910
2
3
0
6
9818
16
20 b
25 b
30 b
38
43 b
SOURCE: Ihnatiienko, Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 36-8, 42, 44, 47-8. Oesterreichisches
statistisches Handbuch 1 (1882):86. Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91):120.
Oesterreichisches statistisches Handbuch 10 (1891):70. Ibid., 14 (1895):87. Ibid. 19
(1900):97. Ibid. 25 (1906):91. Ibid. 29 (1910):93.
-Figures for all of Austria.
bInc1udes 1 periodical in the Russian language.
Not only did the number of Ukrainian periodicals increase beginning in
the 1880s, but so did their circulations and periodicity. Of six Ukrainian
political periodicals published in Galicia in 1880, two came out more frequently by 1885 and three had more than doubled their press runs (see
Table 6). If we multiply the issues per year by the press run of all Ukrainian
political periodicals in 1880, we find that 236,000 issues were printed. In
1885 about 600,000 issues were printed 33 and in 1889-834,450. 34 By 1905
just the four Ukrainian daily newspapers in Lviv accounted for over two
million issues. 3l The dynamic growth of the Ukrainian press at the turn of the
century shows that the press, and the national movement behind it, had found
a mass constituency.
The first Ukrainian popular periodicals, aimed at the peasantry, appeared
in 1863. The poet-awakener and priest Ivan Hushalevych published Dom i
shkola in 1863-4. It came out three times a month and was subtitled "a
33 According to the data in Table 6: 630,000. According to the Crownland Statistical Bureau:
573,325. Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 124.
34 Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 124.
3l DUo had a press run of 2,600; Narodna chasopys 2,400; Halychanyn 2,200; and Ruslan 350.
TsDIAL, 146/8/462, p. 14.
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
68
periodical devoted to schools and the village people."36 More lasting was
Pysmo do hromady, which came out in 1863-5 and 1867-8 (irregularly in
1863, weekly in 1864-5 and fortnightly in 1867-8).37 The editor, Severyn
Shekhovych, complained in August 1863 that the periodical had less than a
hundred subscribers and that no one wrote for it except his relatives. 38 The
real breakthrough in Ukrainian popular literature came in 1868 with the
founding of Prosvita, a national populist society devoted to publishing popular
booklets and fostering village reading clubs. Prosvita at first neglected
periodicals and limited its publication efforts to booklets for the peasantry.
One of the earliest of these, Father Stefan Kachala's Shcho nas hubyt a
shcho nam pomochy mozhe, went through three editions (1869, 1872 and
1874) with a total press run of nine or ten thousand copies. 3•
TABLE 6 Press Run and Frequency of Ukrainian Political Periodicals in Galicia,
1880 and 1885
1885
1880
Periodical
Batkivshchyna
Dilo
Myr
Nauka
Nove zerkalo
Novyi prolom
Ruska rada
Slovo
Strakhopud
Issues per Year
Press Run
24
104
600
550
12
100
24
156
24
800
850
500
Issues per Year
Press Run
52
156
156
12
24
104
24
156
1,500
1,300
1,000
600
450
600
800
600
SOURCE: TsDIAL, 146/7/4149, pp. 380, 406-7. TsDlAL, 146/7/4352, pp. 127, 129.
The success of the national-populist Prosvita spurred the Russophiles to
engage in similar work. Slovo in 1869-70 published an irregular supplement
for the peasantry entitled Slovo do hromad. 40 Shekhovych published
Hospodar in 1869-72, a fortnightly with practical advice about agricultural
technique. 41 The most important Russophile popular periodicals were those
36 Ihnatiienko, Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 46.
37 Ibid.
Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni," 480.
Ibid., 494, 526. For an analysis of the contents of this brochure, see Himka, "Priests and
Peasants," 6; see also below, 125.
40 Ihnatiienko, Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 54. Pavlyk ("Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni
chytalni," 488) writes that Slovo do hromad appeared weekly.
41 Ihnatiienko, Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 53.
38
3.
The Newspaper Batkivshchyna
69
founded by Father Ivan Naumovych in the district capital of Kolomyia in
1871: Nauka, a fortnightly and later monthly magazine, and Russkaia rada,
a fortnightly newspaper.'2 Both periodicals appeared in the vernacular
Ukrainian language and had the largest circulation of all Ukrainian
periodicals in the 1870s. In their first years of publication they came out in
press runs of 1,000-1,500 copies" and around 1876 Nauka was published in
over 2,000 copies.'4 However, as the national-populist movement gained
strength in the 1880s, the press runs of these two Russophile publications
decreased (see Table 6).
It was not until October 1877 that the national-populist Prosvita society
began publishing a monthly popular newspaper entitled Pysmo z "Prosvity."
It came out through the summer of 187945 and was then replaced by the
newspaper Batkivshchyna, "indisputably the best of all popular periodicals for
the people that ever appeared. "46
Batkivshchyna took its name from the Ukrainian word with the double
meaning of "patrimony" and "fatherland." When Galician officials translated
the title into German, they chose the latter meaning (G Die Heimat)."
Peasants, however, used the word to mean "patrimony" (CC 110, 136;
CC 222 uses the word vitchyna to mean fatherland). As is clear from the first
editorial statement of Batkivshchyna, the founders of the newspaper
deliberately played on this double meaning in order to make the more abstract, patriotic concept of batkivshchyna comprehensible in terms of the
more concrete and familiar concept:
... The Ruthenian people is in extreme exigency: in its own country, on its own
batkivshchyna, it works hard as a slave of someone else's pocket, in hunger and
cold and rustling its rags, until all that will be left of its batkivshchyna will be a
mendicant's staff and beggar's bag .... Our enemies .. . fleece us of everything
we have, of our entire batkivshchyna, our land, our cattle, our housing, our
clothing, our faith and our language-and we then have no choice but to
perish!" . ... Let us save ourselves, let us save the precious remains of our
batkivshchyna!49
The decision to establish Batkivshchyna was a direct result of the
disastrous outcome of the parliamentary elections of 1879. In the 1873
elections sixteen Ukrainian deputies had been sent to parliament, but in 1879
42
Ibid., 55-6.
43
Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni," 497.
44
Dei, Ukrainska revoliutsiino-demokratychna zhurnalistyka, 119.
Ihnatiienko, Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 62. Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni
chytalni," 545.
46 Olesnytsky, Srorinky, I: 150.
45
" For example, Galician viceroy Filip Zaleski in a report to Austrian prime minister Eduard
Taaffe, 25 January 1885, in LODA, 350/1/4916, p. 104.
48
Emphasis in original.
49
Vid redaktsii "Batkivshchyny," "Do dila'" Batkivshchyna I, no. I (I October 1879): 1-2.
70
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
only three. 50 Even the popular writer Ivan Naumovych received only one vote
in his home district of Skalat in 1879. 51 The dismal results of the election
reflected the success of the Polish gentry by the mid-1870s in both
consolidating their rule in the crownland and mastering the techniques of
electoral chicanery, particularly the technique of bribing and pressuring
peasant electors to vote against their own interests. The need for political
work among the peasantry became apparent to the leadership of the
Ukrainian national movement. Because Prosvita's statutes did not permit it to
engage in directly political action, the national populists closed down Pysmo z
"Prosvity" in 1879 and replaced it with the overtly political Batkivshchyna,
which was formally independent of Prosvita. 52
TABLE 7 Press Run of Batkivshchyna, 1879-85
Year
Quarter
First
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
Second
Third
Fourth
600
450
400
300
700
600
450
700
600
500
1,500
1,500
1,000
855
SOURCE: TsDIAL, 146/7/4149, pp. 201, 241, 407. TsDIAL, 146/7/4220, p. 112. TsDIAL,
146/7 /4240, pp. 20, 25, 42. TsDIAL, 146/7/4276, pp. 36, 237. TsDIAL,
146/7/4278, p. 367. TsDIAL, 146/7/4352, pp. 45, 129,241,278.
Batkivshchyna came out from October 1879 until December 1896, at first
as a fortnightly (1879-82), then as a weekly (1883-92), and finally as a
fortnightly alternating with another fortnightly, Chytalnia (1893-6). Annual
subscriptions cost a modest 4 gulden when Batkivshchyna was a weekly and 2
gulden when it was a fortnightly.53 The press run of the paper ranged from
300 to 1,500 in the period 1879-85, reaching its height at the end of 1884
and the beginning of 1885 (see Table 7), when it had the largest press run of
any Ukrainian periodical (see Table 6). At the end of 1888 it had about 570
subscribers, who owed, however, nearly a thousand gulden for their
50 Fifty-seven Polish deputies were elected in 1879. Rudnytsky, "Ukrainians in Galicia," 37
note 31.
51 Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:149-50. According to Pavlyk ("Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni,"
545), Naumovych did not receive a single vote in Skalat district.
52 Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:149-50. Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni," 545.
53 Batkivshchyna, 1879-96. Levl-3. Ihnatiienko, Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 64.
The Newspaper Batkivshchyna
71
subscriptions.'4 Since many of the subscribers to Batkivshchyna were reading
clubs and other voluntary organizations and since many individual subscribers
passed their copies on to other readers, each copy of the newspaper may have
served several dozen readers.
The Polish nobility that controlled the Galician government tried to hinder
the development of a popular political newspaper for the Ukrainian peasantry
by frequent confiscations. A third of the issues of Batkivshchyna published in
1879, a quarter in 1880 and 1881, and over 40 per cent in 1882 were
confiscated by the authorities. Thereafter, with the exception of an election
year (1885), a year of intense peasant unrest (1887) and the year of the
founding of the Ruthenian-Ukrainian Radical Party (1890)," the authorities
left Batkivshchyna in relative peace (see Table 8). The reason most frequently given for the confiscation of the paper was that it preached contempt for
TABLE 8 Confiscations of
Batkivshchyna, 1879-96
Year
Issues Confiscated (No.)
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893
1894
1895
1896
5,6
1,2,4, 13, 15, 19
1,4 (twice), 11, 16, 17, 19
1 (twice), 2, 4, 6, 8,12,13,20,21 22
18, 19,29,36
6, 19,22,29,32,40
15 (not confirmed by court), 16
1,25,30,43
29 (not confirmed by court), 48 (twice)
24
7, 10,40,43,46
48
2
2
SOURCE: Levl-3. Batkivshchyna, 1895-6. TsDIAL, 146/7/4220, pp. 72-87. TsDIAL,
146/7/4240, pp. 89-97. TsDIAL, 146/7/4278, pp. 116-25, 315-20. TsDIAL,
152/2/14789-90, 14898-903, 15007-13. TsDIAL, 156/1/545, pp. 2-4, 11-12,
17-19, 30-2, 39-41, 50-I, 54-5, 71-2, 102-4, 107-16, 125-6.
54
Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5:275.
Radicalism was similar to national populism in national orientation, but the radicals were
socialists. Their mentor was Mykhailo Drahomanov, the outstanding Ukrainian political thinker
of the nineteenth century. Their hallmark, aside from an agrarian variant of socialism, was a
strident anticlerical ism. Radicalism first emerged in the mid-1870s.
55
72
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
the government and its representatives (see Table 9).'6 Issues were also
suppressed for disseminating hatred of other religions and nationalities, particularly Jews," but also Poles." The Austrian and Galician authorities also
considered Batkivshchyna somewhat anticlerical in the mid-1880s,'9 but I
have been unable to determine whether the paper was ever confiscated for
this reason.
The founder of Batkivshchyna and its actual editor for many years (until
1887)60 was the prominent national populist luliian Romanchuk (1842-1932).
TABLE 9 Reasons Given for Confiscation of Batkivshchyna, 1879-81
Preaching Hatred of or Contempt for
Confisca ted Issue
1879: no. 5
no. 6
1880: no. 1
no. 2
no. 4
no. 13
no. 15
no. 19
1881 : no. 1
no. 4
no. 4
(2nd ed.)
no. 11
no. 16
no. 17
no. 19
Government
and Officials
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Jews
X
X
X
X
Poles
Nobility
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
implied
SOURCE: TsDIAL, 152/2/14789-90, 14898-903, 15007-13.
'6 This was also the reason given for confiscating Batkivshchyna 1882, no. 20, and 1883, no. 29.
TsDIAL, 146/7/4278, pp. 116-25.
" The attitude of Batkivshchyna to the Jews is explored in Himka, "Ukrainian-Jewish
Antagonism."
" Batkivshchyna 1883, no. 36, was also confiscated for an anti-Polish article; Batkivshchyna
1885, no. 40, for an anti-Polish and anti-Jewish article. TsDIAL, 146/7/4278, pp. 315-20. "V
spravi konfiskaty ch. 40 Batkivshcyny," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 46 (13 [1) November 1885): 320.
59 See the correspondence between the Galician viceroy's office and Austrian ministry of the
interior, 1885, in LODA, 350/1/4916, pp. 105, 114.
Pavlyk, "Iz perepysky M.P. Drahomanova. III. Lysty M.P. Drahomanova do Oleksandra
Borkovskoho, redaktora 'Zori'. (1888-1889)," Zhytie i slovo 5 (1896): 455, 455-6 note I. See
also Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:150, and Pavlyk, Perepyska, 3:499-500.
60
The Newspaper Batkivshchyna
73
Romanchuk, the son of an elementary school teacher, taught gymnasium in
Lviv from 1863 until 1900. He was a deputy to the Galician diet (1883-95)
and to the Austrian parliament (1891-7, 1901-18). He was among the
founders of the national-populist organizations Prosvita (1868) and the
Shevchenko Society (1873) as well as of the Ukrainian National Democratic
Party (1899), which he headed until 1907. 61 During the years he edited
Batkivshchyna, Romanchuk belonged to the socially more radical wing of the
national populists and used Batkivshchyna to develop a policy independent of
his more clerically oriented and conservative rival in the national populist
leadership, Volodymyr Barvinsky, the editor of Dilo. 62
Although Romanchuk was the actual editor of Batkivshchyna from 1879
until 1887, other editors were announced to the public. While the announced
editors usually did work on the paper, it was Romanchuk who determined
. policy. The first announced editor was the gymnasium teacher Markil
Zhelekhivsky, who also figured publicly in the editorial boards of Pravda
(l878) and Dilo (l880) and who had been active in the Ukrainian artisan
association Pobratym (1872-5).63 Zhelekhivsky only figured as editor for the
first nine issues of Batkivshchyna, after which he was replaced by Volodymyr
Podliashetsky.
Podliashetsky, a legal clerk (U advokatskyi kontsypiient) by profession,
was the announced editor of Batkivshchyna from February 1880 until
October 1885. He eventually proved an embarassment to the national
populists. He served on a committee set up by the latter in 1884 to help
peasants who had borrowed money from the Rustical Bank, which had
collapsed that year. Peasants sent money directly to the committee to help
settle their debts. In 1885 Podliashetsky absconded with several thousand
gulden of the peasants' money, left the country and was never heard of
again.64
After Podliashetsky, the announced editor of the paper was Vasyl Nahirny
(1848-1921), who later became the actual editor of the paper (briefly in
1887,65 for the whole second half of 188966 and probably for most of 1890).
Nahirny's parents were relatively prosperous peasants, but with four siblings
among whom the land had to be divided and with the death of his mother
while he was still a small child, Nahirny was to struggle with poverty for
Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Romanchuk Iuliian" by I. Sokhotsky.
Pavlyk, "Iz perepysky," 455-6 note I.
63 Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni," 516. Levi, nos. 1860-1, 2113. Himka,
"Voluntary Artisan Associations," 184-5, 191.
64 "Nasha neopytnost," Novyi prolom 4 (6), no. 381 (25 October [6 November] 1886): I.
6S Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5:187.
66 Ibid., 5:402.
61
62
74
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
most of the time that he acquired his education. His education, formidable by
Galician Ukrainian standards, was due to an accident. Nahirny broke his leg
as a child, and his father and grandmother decided not to have it set,
primarily so that the boy would never be drafted. His right leg remained
lame all his life. Since, as an invalid, he could never become a farmer, he was
sent off to be educated. He first attended a school run by the cantor in his
native village of Hirne, and then, in 1859, he began to attend the normal
school (G Normalschule)67 in nearby Stryi. From 1866 until 1870 he
attended the real school (G Realschule) in Lviv,68 after which he enrolled in
the technical academy in the same city. In 1872 he did what few Galician
Ukrainians ever did, let alone those of peasant origin: he went abroad to
acquire a higher education. From 1872 to 1875 he studied architecture at the
academy in Zurich, and then from 1875 to 1882 he worked as an architect in
Switzerland. While in Zurich he was a founder of the Russian and Ukrainian
student club Rus[s]kii kruzhok and later head of the society Slavia. When
Nahirny returned to Galicia in the fall of 1882, he was a valuable asset to the
national populists: an educated man who had seen more of the world than
they had (and in 1883 he travelled to Kiev to study Eastern church
architecture); who knew Russian and Eastern Ukrainian culture first hand
from contacts with the students in Zurich; and who, moreover, knew the
Galician peasantry from the inside, as their offspring.
Immediately upon returning to Galicia Nahirny took an active role in the
Ukrainian movement, especially its economic aspects. He was a founder of
the wholesale cooperative Narodna torhovlia in 1883 and a leader of the
second Ukrainian artisan association in Lviv, Zoria (founded 1884). His work
as an architect, with a specialization in village churches, brought him into
direct contact with many local activists and potential activists of the
Ukrainian movement throughout Galicia. He designed churches in a number
of localities that later figured in the correspondence of Batkivshchyna. 6'
Evidently, Nahirny used his meetings with the clergy, cantors and church
committees (brotherhoods) not only to discuss designs for churches, but also
to recruit correspondents for the newspaper he nominally edited. 70
67
A higher quality elementary school.
68 A four-grade technical school.
6' For example, Nahirny designed the churches in Perehinsko, Dolyna district, where CC 257 and
CC 258 originated; Ostriv, Sokal district, where CC 279 (which describes the consecration of the
new stone church) originated (perhaps this was written by Nahirny himself); and Olesko,
Zolochiv district, where CC 154 originated and which is mentioned in CC 262. I have not
compared the complete list of churches and parts of churches designed by Nahirny, 1882-90,
with all the locations connected with the correspondence of 1885-90. I have used only a partial
list of ten churches and checked them only against the correspondence of 1884-5.
70 This account of Nahirny's life is based on Lev493, N-7. See also: Nahirny, Z moikh spomyniv.
Curiously, neither in his autobiographical letter to Ivan Levytsky nor in his published memoirs
does Nahirny write about his involvement with Batkivshchyna. This silence probably stems from
the unpleasant auspices under which he began his nominal editorship, Podliashetsky's swindle,
and from its nnplc"s,lllt cnding, the break with Mykhailo Pavlyk and the Ukrainian radicals (to
be described below).
The Newspaper Batkivshchyna
75
In 1887 Romanchuk resigned as actual editor of Batkivshchyna and
handed the paper entirely over to Nahirny. Nahirny quickly passed the actual
editing on to the insurance clerk, former editor of Myr (1885-7) and eminent
bibliographer of Galicia, Ivan Omelianovych Levytsky (1850-1913).71
Levytsky had the reputation of being efficient and hard-working, but
politically unstable and conceptually vacuous. During his short stint as actual
editor he came once a week to Batkivshchyna's office and did whatever
Nahirny instructed him to do; he also proofread the issues."
By September 1888 at the latest 7J Batkivshchyna had a new actual editor
(and owner): Oleksander Borkovsky (1841-1921), the editor (1886-97) of the
leading national populist literary journal, Zoria. Borkovsky apparently had
his hands full with Zoria, because he soon began looking for someone else to
take over Batkivshchyna. He was to turn to the radical Mykhailo Pavlyk.
The radicals had long been interested in Batkivshchyna, as the organ of
the national populist movement that demonstrated the most concern for the
Ukrainian masses. Although Pavlyk had criticized it strongly in 1880, from
his anarchist-socialist perspective," by late 1881 both he and the radicals'
mentor, Mykhailo Drahomanov, began to discern in Batkivshchyna an
evolution toward a more compatible ideology. They wrote to Romanchuk on
8 November 1881 (N.S.), urging him to call public assemblies of Polish,
Ukrainian and Jewish workers and peasants with the aim of forming a
populist organization on the order of the Austrian Bauernvereine. They
offered their literary and financial support to such an undertaking.
Effectively, this was a proposal to merge the radical movement with the more
peasant-oriented wing of the national populists. Romanchuk replied on
25 December 1881 (N.S.), in a letter co-signed by Podliashetsky as editor of
Batkivshchyna, that he could not accept the radicals' proposal, because
ideological differences with the radicals remained too great, the work
proposed was beyond the capacity of the Ukrainian movement and "it would
be even more beneficial to the cause if we do things completely separately.""
Although not open to so far-reaching an alliance with the radicals, the
national populists around Batkivshchyna were interested in making use of the
talents and dedication of Pavlyk and the radical poet Ivan Franko, both of
whom contributed to the paper in the mid-1880s. 76 In 1884 the national
71
Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5:187. On
Bibliography," esp. pp. 83-5.
"Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5:187, 196.
7J Ibid., 5:241.
74
Levytsky, see
Magocsi,
"Nationalism and
National
Dei, Ukrainska revoliutsiino-demokratychna zhurnalistyka, 341-2.
" Pavlyk, Perepyska, 3:499-501, 515. See also M. Pavlyk, "Novynky z Avstriiskoi Ukrainy,"
Hromada 5, no. 2 (1881): 229.
76 In 1886 Pavlyk published in Batkivshchyna articles on Bulgarian peasants ("Khliboroby v
Bolharii") and Italian workers ("Robitnyky v Italii"). Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5:75. In 1884 Franko,
in the name of the Ethnographic-Statistical Circle (a student organization), published an article
on reading clubs and church brotherhoods. Moroz, Ivan Franko. Bibliohrafiia. no. 1907.
76
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
TABLE 10 Editors of Batkivshchyna, 1879-96
Announced Editor
Issues Edited
Actual Editor
Markil Zhelekhivsky
1879-1880, no. 3
Iuliian Romanchuk,
1879-87
Volodymyr
Podliashetsky
1880, no. 4-1885, no. 40
Vasyl Nahirny
1885,
35
Volodymyr Levytsky
1890, nos. 36-52
Kost Levytsky
1891-1892, no. I
Kost Pankivsky
1892, nos. 2-51
Mykhailo Holeiko
1893-1895, no. 12
Mykhailo Strusevych
1895, no. 13-1896
n~
41-1890, no.
Vasyl Nahirny, before
late July 1887; Ivan
Levytsky, at least late
July and August 1887;
Oleksander Borkovsky,
at least from September
1888; Mykhailo Pavlyk,
1889, nos. 1-24; Vasyl
Nahirny, at least
through the end of 1889
SOURCE: Batkivshchyna, 1879-96, and Lev 1-3 (for announced editor and issues edited); text
(for actual editor).
populists made overtures to Franko" and also, it seems, to Pavlyk 78 to assume
the editorship of Batkivshchyna. The choice of Pavlyk as editor of
Batkivshchyna was also considered in 1886 and 1887, and of Franko in 1887.
Pavlyk was eager for the position in 1886-7, but the national populists were
hesitant to begin any formal discussion with either of the radicals."
77
78
79
Kurhansky, Maisternist Franka-publitsysta. 47-8).
See Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5:378, 383.
Ibid., 5:113, 187, 194, 196.
The Newspaper Batkivshchyna
Inu. Mor6'.....
Mykhailo Pavlyk
Vasyl Nahirny
Iuliian Romanchuk
77
78
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
However, after Borkovsky, already busy enough with Zoria, became editor
of Batkivshchyna, he began formal negotiations with Pavlyk in September
1888. By mid-November they had agreed that Pavlyk would immediately
begin helping in the editorial office of Batkivshchyna and would edit the
paper on his own from the beginning of 1889.'0 When the first issue under
Pavlyk's editorship appeared, the national populists were shocked by the
radical tone Pavlyk introduced, especially his anticlerical ism and feminism.
Nahirny was particularly upset, since he figured publicly as the paper's
editor. He therefore insisted, at a meeting of the national-populist leadership
with Pavlyk (22 January 1889 [N.S.]), that he replace Borkovsky as the
national-populist "censor" of Pavlyk's work. To strengthen his position, he
bought Batkivshchyna from Borkovsky in May 1889." Throughout the
half-year that Pavlyk edited Batkivshchyna, he and Nahirny were in constant
conflict over the paper's orientation. As Nahirny and other national populists
saw it, Pavlyk's social radicalism could alienate the more prosperous peasants;
his anticlericalism could alienate the hierarchy as well as the parish priests,
whom the national populists considered their strongest allies in the villages;
and his advocacy of women's liberation could alienate and confuse the male
peasantry as a whole. Therefore Nahirny became an increasingly severe
censor, while Pavlyk continued to smuggle in his radicalism however he could.
The only reason Nahirny kept Pavlyk on as editor was that Nahirny did not
himself want to assume complete responsibility for the paper and the work
this would entail. The final break between Pavlyk and Nahirny was
precipitated when Pavlyk published in Batkivshchyna the text of a telegram
sent to Rome by himself, Franko and several Polish progressives in connection
with the unveiling of a monument to Giordano Bruno. The Greek Catholic
metropolitan, Sylvester Sembratovych, was so offended that he forbade the
faithful to read Batkivshchyna and brought pressure to bear on Nahirny to
fire Pavlyk. As a result, Nahirny gave Pavlyk an ultimatum: either he edit
the paper completely in line with the national populists' moderate orientation
or he leave." Pavlyk chose the latter course and resigned from Batkivshchyna
on 2 July 1889 (N .S.), after having edited twenty-four issues."
The expulsion of Pavlyk proved to be the turning point in the fortunes of
Batkivshchyna. In the view of many, the national populists had behaved incorrectly. They had hired as editor a man well known as a principled radical,
who had sat in prison more than once for his convictions; and then they expected him to edit the newspaper in a way opposed to his principles.
Nahirny's ultimatum, according to the Polish daily Kurjer Lwowski (owned
by the populist Boleslaw Wyslouch), was "extremely uncouth and nonsensical,
clearly characterizing the low level of political and moral development at
'0 Ibid., 5: 241, 274-5, 368. Iashchuk, Mykhailo Pavlyk, 98.
" Pavlyk, Perepyska. 5:326, 329-30, 353, 358, 369-70.
82 Hornowa, Ukraihski oMz post~powy, 96.
'3 Mykhailo Pavlyk, "Zaiava," Batkivshchyna II, no. 25 (23 June [5 July] 1889): 332.
The Newspaper Batkivshchyna
79
which the leaders of Rus' stand today."" Within six months of his dismissal
from Batkivshchyna, Pavlyk was to begin editing, together with Franko, an
openly radical newspaper, Narod (1890-5). In October 1890 the radical party
was to emerge and in subsequent years it was to publish popular newspapers
that were radical versions of Batkivshchyna: Khliborob (1891-4) and
Hromadskyi holos (1895-1939, with interruptions). The radical movement
immediately found a resonance in the village. Its popular newspaper, which
started with a press run of 200 in 1891, had attained a press run of 1,000 by
1895. 85 So much for Nahirny's fears that radicalism would alienate the
village; in fact, it proved to be a serious competitor with national populism for
the loyalties of the peasantry. In 1891 Batkivshchyna was moved to publish a
long series of front-page editorials opposing the ideas of radicalism.'6
The rise of radicalism corresponded with the decline of Batkivshchyna.
After Pavlyk left the paper, Nahirny edited it himself, at least through
1889." He probably edited the paper through early 1890, when a new editor
was announced. From 1890 through 1896, when Batkivshchyna ceased
publication, there were six different (announced) editors. One, Mykhailo
Holeiko, was so careless in his work that in 1895 he forgot to change the year
printed on the paper; thus the first twelve issues of Batkivshchyna for 1895
are all dated 1894! The paper became blander in tone and was hardly
confiscated at all from 1891 to 1896 (see Table 8). In 1891 the paper became
much thinner and in 1893 it began coming out at fortnightly intervals instead
of weekly, alternating with another popular fortnightly, Chytalnia." At the
beginning of 1896 the editor of Batkivshchyna announced that the paper
would continue to appear, since "the task that our newspaper has assumed is
great and still not even one per cent completed."" But at the end of 1896,
Batkivshchyna announced that both it and Chytalnia would cease publication
,. Emphasis in original. "Z prasy ruskiej," Kurjer Lwowski, no. 183 (8 July 1889): 3. Although
Pavlyk's comrade Franko worked for Kurjer Lwowski, this article is not attributed to him in the
exhaustive bibliography of his works compiled by M.O. Moroz (Ivan Franko. Bibliohrafiia, see
pp.215-25).
85
Dmytruk, Narys z istorii ukrainskoi zhurnalistyky, 133.
'6 [Kost Levytsky], "Shcho ie radykalizm," Batkivshchyna 13 (1891), nos. 15-22,27,31,33,35,
37,39.
" Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5:402.
" "Vid vydavnytstva 'Batkivshchyny'," Batkivshchyna 15, no. 1 (1 [13) January 1893): 8. The
idea of publishing Chytalnia had been in the air since 1886, when Romanchuk was considering it
as a popular monthly that would appear in addition to the weekly Batkivshchyna. In 1888, while
Pavlyk was negotiating entry into Batkivshchyna, plans were made, but not carried through, to
publish Batkivshchyna as a fortnightly in alternation with another fortnightly, Narodna
chytalnia. The advantage to alternating two similar fortnightlies, instead of publishing one
weekly, was that weeklies had to pay a high press tax (300 gulden annually in the case of
Batkivshchyna) as well as leave under bond a large surety (3,000 gulden); fortnightlies were
much less costly. (Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5: 113, 274.) Thus the ultimate change to the
alternating-fortnightly pattern in 1893 probably indicates that Batkivshchyna was having
financial difficulties.
,. "Vid redaktsii," Batkivshchyna 18, no. 1 (1 [13) January 1896): 1.
80
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
and be replaced by a new weekly.90 Batkivshchyna's successor, Svoboda, was
to last, with one interruption (1920-1), from 1897 to 1939. It is interesting
that a number of its editors in the early period were renegade radicals."
The Correspondence in Batkivshchyna
The editors of Batkivshchyna in Lviv were linked with their readers in the
countryside through items of correspondence submitted to the section of the
paper entitled "Visti z kraiu" (News from the Crownland). When the paper
first got off the ground and had not yet built up a network of contacts with
local Ukrainian activists in the villages, it published few items of
correspondence. The same was true of the 1890s, when links with both
readers and contributors were degenerating. But in the heyday of
Batkivshchyna, in the mid-1880s, it received more submissions from the
countryside than it could publish without creating a backlog."
The editors promised to publish all submissions signed by an author known
to them." They were hesitant to publish anonymous items of correspondence,
because these were usually denunciations of individuals in a particular village
and the editors had no guarantee that they were justified. On one occasion,
after receiving a number of anonymous submissions on the alleged collapse of
the reading club in Rudno, Lviv district, the editors decided to publish one of
the items (CC 240) to provoke a response from their known contacts in
Rudno (the response was published in CC 243).
Submissions to Batkivshchyna were edited to conform to the political
profile of the paper. Criticism of priests, although by no means absent in the
correspondence, was toned down. For example, Batkivshchyna published only
part of an item of correspondence (CC 167) that censured some priests for
indifference to the work of enlightenment in the village. The editorial note
accompanying the item explained that "now is not the time to come forth
with accusations and quarrels among the Ruthenians themselves." The editors
also said that for the same reason certain submissions from Kolomyia, Skalat,
Zhydachiv and other districts were not being published. Anticlerical
sentiments in the correspondence were also suppressed by Vasyl Nahirny (as
Pavlyk's censor) in 1889. Nahirny also eliminated parts of one item of
correspondence that were socially radical and pro-Jewish. 94 The editorial
tampering with the submissions lessens their value as historical sources
90 "Vid vydavnytstva," Batkivshchyna 18, no. 24 (16 [28] December 1896): 185.
Volodymyr Okhrymovych was editor in 1900 and publisher in 1907; Ievhen Levytsky was
editor in 1902; and Viacheslav Budzynovsky was editor and publisher in 1903-6. Ihnatiienko,
Bibliohrafiia ukrainskoi presy, 110.
91
" Redaktsiia Batkivshchyny, "Novynky i vsiachyna," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 23 (6 June [30 May]
1884): 139.
" Ibid. "Perepyska redaktsii," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 13 (28 [16] March 1884): 80.
"Sprostovania," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 21 (23 [II] May 1884): 131. Editorial comment to
CC 254.
94 Pavlyk. Perepyska, 5: 355-6, 367. See Himka, "Ukrainian-Jewish Antagonism."
The Correspondence in Batkivshchyna
81
expressing rural attitudes, but does not completely negate it. The editors at
least refrained from adding their own passages to the correspondence. Thus
the correspondence reflects authentic attitudes of local activists of the
Ukrainian movement, even if one-sidedly.
The correspondence was important for the editors of Batkivshchyna and
for the Ukrainian national movement as a whole because it allowed the
city-based national movement to keep informed of the mood of the
countryside. The correspondence played a much more important role,
however, in the villages from which it emanated. Here the items of
correspondence broke down the traditional isolation of the Ukrainian village.
"In our reading club we find out from newspapers and books what is
happening in other villages, in our whole crownland, in our monarchy and, in
fact, in the entire world" (CC 41). "We should inform ourselves about each
other, because in that way we will be able to become better acquainted and
recognize our needs" (CC 25).
The correspondence allowed each village to compare itself with other
villages, and such comparisons are found frequently in the corpus of
correspondence.'5 An important point of comparison was the progress of
institutional development. The national populists had a series of institutions
that they felt should be introduced in all villages, including reading clubs,
schools, Ukrainian-run stores, loan funds, community halls, communal
granaries and choirs.'6 A typical comparison was made by a correspondent
from Tetevchytsi, Kaminka Strumylova district. His village, he admitted, "is
not ... such a very famous village, as are some of the other villages I read
about in Batkivshchyna, but, as they say, it's not the worst. It has a
communal granary, loan fund and choral singing. The people ... are sober,
hard-working and moral" (CC 214).
The correspondence nurtured a sense of village pride and, where it seemed
warranted, shame. For example, a peasant from Ternopil district lamented:
"From your dear Batkivshchyna I am finding out that other communes are
introducing new institutions [U novi poriadky] for their own and their
children's good: they are founding reading clubs, communal funds and other
things. Only in our unfortunate communes of Ivachiv Dolishnii, Ivachiv
Horishnii and Plotycha is everything the same as in the past" (CC 77).
Villages began to care for their reputations. When the Russophile popular
paper Russkaia rada printed an item of correspondence stating that the
village of Trostianets could serve as a model for Ilyntsi, Sniatyn district, a
native of the latter village was moved to submit an item to Batkivshchyna
describing the loan fund, widespread sobriety, literacy and interest in
Ukrainian publications in Ilyntsi (CC 24). Damage to a village's reputation in
Batkivshchyna could make inhabitants of that village uncomfortable when
'5 CC 10, 16,35,36,77, 155,214.
See the list in Vasyl Nahirny, "Iak maie
Batkivshchyna 14, no. 29 (17 [29] July 1892): 145-6.
'6
vyhliadaty
uporiadkovana
hromada,"
82
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
they went to the marketplace, as this item of correspondence from lamnytsia,
Stanyslaviv district, demonstrates:
Mister editor!
You have no idea what trouble you caused us by writing about us, saying
that our communal council in Iamnytsia rented the communal store to a Jew.
Peasants from neighbouring villages read that, and now whenever one of them
meets someone from Iamnytsia, he immediately starts an argument about that
store. We had the most trouble at the market in Stanyslaviv: the peasants from
neighbouring villages reproved us strongly and one peasant from Poberezhzhia
even wanted to beat up some of our people, he was so angry (CC 86)."
The publication of items of correspondence from other villages encouraged
activists to submit items concerning their own villages. "Mister editor! We too
read your periodical Batkivshchyna, which is dear to us and which is found in
every honourable Ruthenian commune, and we find in it very many items of
correspondence about various communes, but no one so far has mentioned our
famous Chortovets [Horodenka district]. Therefore please publish these few
words" (CC 2). "Forgive me, mister editor, that in writing my first letter to
you, 1 do not write it as fluently and finely perhaps as your more intelligent
correspondents. 1 am a simple man and 1 have never written to a newspaper,
but reading your dear Batkivshchyna for a whole year has filled me too with
a desire to write, and if you permit me, 1 will frequently report on our life [in
Vynnyky, Zhovkva district], our reading club and other local matters"
(CC 5). "I have been very pleased to learn from Batkivshchyna what is going
on in our crownland, and therefore 1 am writing about our village too, Vyspa
near Rohatyn" (CC 61). "When 1 keep reading about the institutions that
have been introduced in various villages, 1 regret that nothing is heard here
about my village [the author had been a cantor in Piznanka Hnyla, Skalat
district, but was now working as a custodian at the Greek Catholic seminary
in Lviv]. It, after all, is not worse than other villages, and it is fitting that the
world should hear about it" (CC 85). "I read in your Batkivshchyna about all
sorts of interesting and beneficial things and about reading clubs, and now
the desire has seized me to report something from our neighbourhood [Spasiv,
Sokal district] as well" (CC 87).
The correspondence also generated further correspondence as points of
view expressed in one item were rebutted in another. For example, a peasant
from Strilkiv, Stryi district, complained that the members of the reading club
were reluctant to pay their dues (CC 34). The pastor of Strilkiv wrote back to
Batkivshchyna, saying that dues were paid gladly (CC 40)." In this way the
newspaper became an outside forum for airing differences within the village.
The correspondent, especially the peasant correspondent, was an
intellectual pioneer in an environment that traditionally resisted innovations
It should be noted that antagonism between villages, which "often passed into open brawls,"
was also a feature of traditional peasant life before the penetration of the national movement.
Dobrowolski, "Peasant Traditional Culture," 294.
98 For other examples of correspondence submitted as a response to earlier correspondence, see
CC 109; 121; 240 and 243.
91
The Correspondence in Batkivshchyna
83
and pioneering. The point made by William Thomas and Florian Znaniecki
with reference to the Polish village applies equally well to the Ukrainian
village:
The general unwillingness with which a conservative peasant group usually
greets the appearance of intellectual interests in anyone of its members can
probably be best explained by its aversion to individualization in any form. A
man who reads in a non-reading community has interests which the community
does not share, ideas which differ from those of the others, information which
others cannot obtain; he isolates himself in some measure from his environment,
lives partly in a sphere which is inaccessible to others-and what is
worse-strange and unknown to them; thus, he in certain respects breaks away
from social control."
The correspondent, dissociated to some degree from the rest of the village,
was the yeast of the countryside. By corresponding with the world of
newspapers, reporting on his own particular village, he entered decisively into
a wider community to which he usually referred as "the world" or "the whole
world" (U svit or tsilyi svit). He was able to reprimand his fellow villagers
for their contempt of learning or ignorant disregard of their own best
interests. The publication of the isolated peasant's correspondence gave him
psychological assurance of the support of the wider community. Publication,
furthermore, helped to legitimize the correspondent in his own village,
because "the individual who has any connection with the press obtains direct
recognition from his immediate milieu on the ground of his supposed recognition by the wider community."loo Not only did the individual correspondent
receive legitimation in the press, but so too did the point of view he expressed
in print.
Correspondents frequently and deliberately used their writings to censure
certain individuals in their villages who, they felt, held up progress. A peasant
from Liubycha Kameralna, Rava Ruska district, took his village government
to task for corruption and drunkenness. At the end of his item of
correspondence, he addressed the village officials: "You might be angry at me
that I have disgraced you before the world; but 1 am concerned with the good
of our children, and anything that anyone does against that good 1 will
denounce before the world" (CC 49).
Often correspondents used the tactic of first denouncing perceived enemies
of the national movement without mentioning their names, and then
threatening to write a second installment that would reveal the names of
offenders who did not in the meantime reform. Thus a member of the reading
club in Vynnyky, Zhovkva district, complained that some peasants in his
community preferred the tavern to the reading club. "I would like," he wrote,
"to record the names of all those peasants who have so shamed themselves; let
the whole world know and read about it. But for now 1 will still remain silent;
if, however, they don't repent of their sin, then let your newspaper publish
99
100
Thomas and Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant, 2:\361.
Ibid., 2: 1391.
84
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
them to their shame" (CC 5). Other drinkers were also threatened with
publication of their names by correspondents (CC 155, 192). The same tactic
was used to discourage enemies of the reading club (CC 84) and peasants
who visited fortune-tellers and practitioners of folk medicine (CC 78). The
threat to reveal names could extend beyond the peasant community. A
peasant from Skalat district accused some Ruthenian landlords of using
liquor to get peasants to work on Sunday. "I don't want to write too much or
mention who exactly they are. 1 hope that this brief mention will suffice to
make them repent and reform, because if not, 1 will write more" (CC 251).
Another peasant, from the Carpathian foothills, felt that many educated
people were refraining from enlightenment work among the common people
because they were afraid of the landlords and leaseholders and had contempt
for the peasantry. "I myself know many such people, but 1 don't want to
reveal their names just yet; perhaps they will still reform!" (CC 47).
Very similar was the tactic of simply threatening to write more should
enemies of the Ukrainian movement not change their ways. Thus a member
of the reading club in Stopchativ, Kolomyia district, wrote that "the mayor
Onufrii Zaiachuk, from the very beginning to this day, has shown himself an
implacable opponent of the reading club .... We reserve to ourselves the right
to write about mayor Onufrii Zaiachuk at length some other time. For now
we only advise him not to make war against the reading club and
enlightenment" (CC 263). The same type of threat was made against the
village government of Olesha, Tovmach district, also for opposing the reading
club (CC 60), and against the peasants of Rivnia, Kalush district, who did
not want to have a school and spent their time in the tavern (CC 228).
Who were the correspondents to Batkivshchyna? To answer this question,
we will use two devices: an analysis of the corpus of correspondence from
1884-5 and the biographies of 56 authors (correspondents) who have been
identified in the list of activists. 101
From the corpus of correspondence it has proven possible to identify by
occupation the authors of 100 items (35.6 per cent of the total of 281 items).
The detailed results of this analysis are presented in Appendix III,
"Correspondence by Occupation of Authors," and summary results in
Table 11. Of the 56 authors in the list of activists, 48 have been identified by
occupation. Fifteen were peasants l02 and six others were peasants who had at
least one other occupation. 103 Nine were cantors lO4 and seven others were
101 LA 1,3,4,17,26,29,39,44,75,78,87,95,99,101,118,125, 128, 132, 137, 142, 151, 157,
161,165,177,185,189,193,194,199,200,203,215,219, 220, 222, 231, 250, 256, 258, 259,
264,266,282,286,293,298,321, 324, 328, 331, 334, 359, 361, 364, 368.
102 LA 1,4,78, 101, 125, 157, 161, 177, 194, 199,203,220,250,286 and 321.
103 LA 75, 215 (and cantor); 3 (perhaps cantor); 137 (and cobbler); 231 (and soldier); 331 (and
cantor and scribe).
104 LA 26, 39,118,142, 151,219,222,264 and 282.
The Correspondence in Batkivshchyna
85
cantors with at least one other occupation. IO) Seven were teachers lo, and
five were priests. 105 One was a full-time scribe (LA 193) and three others
were scribes with more than one occupation. I06 Two were merchants
(LA 128 and 259). When one compares the data from the corpus of
correspondence and from the biographies of the 56 authors in the list of
activists (Table 11), it becomes clear that the list of 56 authors
under represents the participation of the most plebeian elements (peasants and
burghers) in the correspondence. The plebeian elements preferred anonymity.
Therefore it is safe to assume that many items of correspondence that were
unsigned or unidentifiable by the occupation of the author were contributed
by peasants and burghers. We may thus assume that peasants contributed
more than half the items of correspondence in Batkivshchyna, and that
cantors, burghers, teachers and priests accounted for most of the rest.
TABLE 11 Correspondence to Batkivshchyna and Occupation, Summary
Occupation
Peasants
Cantors
Teachers
Priests
Scribes
Merchants
Artisans / Burghers
Others
Percentage of Identified
Items of Correspondence
in CC
45.0
16.7
11.5
10.0
3.3
3.0
10.5
Percentage of Identified
Authors in LA
37.1
25.7
14.6
10.4
4.9
4.2
0.5
1.0
SOURCE: Appendix IV, Correspondence by Occupation of Authors; Appendix V, List of
Activists.
Note: If an item of correspondence had more than one author of different occupations or if an
author had more than one occupation, the occupation has been counted fractionally.
The correspondents were linked with the nuclear organizations of the
national movement in the Galician village, the reading clubs (to be discussed
later). Of the total of 281 items of correspondence in our corpus, 55 (19.6
per cent) have been identified as emanating from members of reading clubs. l09
105
106
101
LA 3, 75, 215 (and peasant); 266, 328 (and scribe); 368 (former, and custodian); 331 (and
peasant and scribe).
LA 17, 29, 87, 165, 256, 293 and 334.
LA 44, 95, 185, 298 and 324.
LA 266, 328 (and cantor); 331 (and peasant and cantor).
CC 4, 5,6, 10, 12, 14, 15, 22, 40, 41, 42, 46, 49, 52, 53, 67, 73, 76, 84, 92, 100, 105, 108,
122, 131, 137, 142, 143, 145, 146, 153, 154, 162, 173, 191, 192, 194, 210, 219, 235, 236, 237,
241,243,246, 248, 252, 255, 260, 263, 268, 271, 275 and 277.
108
109
86
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
Undoubtedly, many more items, probably the vast majority, were written by
members of reading clubs, even though positive identification has not been
possible. Of the 56 authors in the list of activists, it has proven possible to establish that 26 (46.4 per cent) held office in a reading club in 1884-5." 0
Some items of correspondence were contributed by representatives of the
village government: only one by a mayor (CC 243), but several by
councilmen II I and by scribes. II ' Of the 56 authors in the list of activists, one
has been identified as a mayor (LA 199), one as a councilman (LA 334) and
three as scribes (LA 266, 328, 331). A significant proportion of the 56
author-activists (23, i.e., 41.1 per cent) also published something outside the
corpus of correspondence. ll3 All the correspondents were male.
Reading Clubs
If the Ukrainian national movement had had to rely entirely on the
education provided by the crownland school council, it would have had great
difficulties penetrating the village. The national movement required a better
educated peasantry. It needed a peasantry that it could reach through the
press, a peasantry that could vote on the basis of informed judgments, a
peasantry that would not be cheated and deceived by anyone who wore a suit
and knew something of the wider world. To this end it fostered the
establishment of reading clubs, institutions that provided popular adult
education with a national orientation. The reading clubs created an
environment in which reading was prestigious, complemented the education
received in the schools, and also brought education, if not always literacy. to
the illiterate.
Ivan Franko defined reading clubs as "houses [U khaty] where people
gather to read books and newspapers or to listen as others read aloud, to
discuss and to deliberate about all sorts of necessary, especially educational,
activities.""' The effect these clubs had on the educational level of the
peasantry has been well described by the teacher Hryhorii Tymchuk
(LA 334):
The permanent teacher Hryhorii Tymchuk has been concerned with the school
[in Kolodribka, Zalishchyky district] since 1865, but in spite of all his zeal,
when the young people finished school and devoted themselves to the hard work
of farming, they gradually became unaccustomed to books and learning and in
110 LA 17, 215, 266, 298 (presidents); 44 (president and member of administration); 87, 321,
328, 334 (vice-presidents); 78 (vice-president and auditor); 231 (vice-president and member of
administration); 99, 142, 185, 286, 331 (secretaries); 75 (secretary and librarian); 199
(treasurer); 4, 194,250,256 (librarians); 157, 161 (members of administration); I, 101 (deputy
members of administration).
III CC 13, 23, 24, 35, 67, 73, 76, 92.
CC 14, 81, 162, 191, 192,210.
LA 17,26,29,39,44,95,118,125,142,165,193,199,203, 215, 220, 231, 256, 259, 264,
293, 324, 331, 368.
II' Ivan Franko, "Choho khoche 'Halytska robitnytska Hromada'?" Tvory. 19:52.
112
III
Reading Clubs
87
the end forgot everything they had learned. Now it's different. The school-age
youth hurries to the reading club in days free from work, listens attentively to
intelligent discussion and [public] reading and reads books and newspapers on
its own. Thus the young people develop a growing taste for reading and learning, and it is not so easy for them to forget what they learned in school. This is
a great boon to the school, a strong and lasting foundation for the
enlightenment and education of the youth. And even adult peasants, encouraged
by this, are quicker and more diligent in sending their children to school for an
education. In fact, there are even some older peasants in the village who have
learned on their own initiative how to read and to write a bit as well; in the
main they have learned from their children, who are pupils in the school
(CC 76).
The reading clubs not only encouraged literacy,lll but also disseminated
learning among the illiterate through public readings in the reading clubs.
Generally, priests, teachers and cantors were the ones who read aloud to the
assembled reading club members.116 Thus members of reading clubs did not
have to know how to read, though reading on one's own was encouraged.
About a quarter of the members of reading clubs were illiterate (see
Table 12).
The opening of a reading club was a major event in the village and was
marked by appropriate ceremonies. This, along with the commemoration of
the abolition of serfdom, was one of several secular festivals introduced into
the Ukrainian village by the national movement. The inauguration of a reading club generally entailed the invitation of guests from outside, such as
delegations from neighbouring villages, a choir from another reading club and
a prominent representative of the intelligentsia who lived in the vicinity. The
festivities began with a religious service, a solemn divine liturgy or vespers.
One of the members of the reading club would later host everyone in his
home, appropriately decorated for the purpose (with periwinkle wreaths,
religious and national pictures and a display of books and periodicals). The
pastor and either the teacher or the educated guest would make speeches
about the importance of the reading club. Dinner, a concert, verse recitals
and the shooting of mortars or rifles would also solemnize the day. The reading club would have its first official business meeting, during which the
statutes were read aloud, new members (often attracted by the pageantry of
the inauguration) were registered and officers elected. l17 Subsequent annual
meetings would repeat on a lesser scale the festivities of the opening day.
The officers generally elected in the reading clubs were a president
(U holova) and vice-president (U zastupnyk holovy), a secretary (U pysar),
115 In Svarychiv, Dolyna district, 50 of 73 members of the reading club could read, "including
some who remembered the alphabet and writing only after the opening of the reading club, but
now they read fluently." " ... z Dolynskoho," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 27 (4 July [22 June)
1884): 168.
Mykhailo, "Spravy ruskykh chytalen.
1884): 295.
116
117
r,"
Batkivshchyna 6, no. 47 (21 [9) November
This composite picture is based on CC 53, 59 and 63.
88
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
TABLE 12 Literacy and Illiteracy in Reading Club Memberships, 1897-1910
Percentage of
Literate
Year
Literate
Illiterate
1897
1898
1899
1901
1902
1903
1904
1905
1906
1908
1909
1910
46
108
91
108
16
329
113
118
134
28
71
295
6
54
38
20
4
96
29
26
49
0
50
III
88.5
66.7
70.5
84.4
80.0
77.4
79.6
81.9
73.2
100.0
58.7
72.7
Total
1,457
483
75.1
Number of
Reading Clubs
Considered
2
3
4
4
I
9
2
2
4
2
6
SOURCE: TsDIAL, 348/1/1297, pp. 28, 31, 36; 1319, pp. 13-14; 1479, pp. 11-12, 14; 1498,
pp. 47, 51, 57-8, 60; 1627, p. 7; 2448, pp. 3, 37-9; 2846, pp. 48, 52-4; 2900, pp. 3,
34-6,42; 3031, pp. 25, 59; 4921, pp. 26-31; 5874, pp. 37,40,42,46; 6127, pp. 62,
64, 66, 68-9.
Note: Information for reading clubs in the following localities (arranged in alphabetical order by
districts) and years is incorporated in the table: Brovary, Buchach district, 1901, 1903, 1910;
Svarychiv, Dolyna district, 1899, 1909; Khorostkiv, Husiatyn district, 1903-4, 1906, 1910;
Iabloniv, Kolomyia (later Pechenizhyn) district, 1898-9, 1901, 1903, 1906; Kovalivka, Kolomyia
(later Pechenizhyn) district, 1901-3, 1906, 1910; Vysloboky, Lviv district, 1897, 1899, 1903,
1908-9; Briukhovychi, Peremyshliany district, 1897-8; Korelychi, Peremyshliany district, 1898,
1910; Volytsia, Sanok district, 1903; Vydyniv, Sniatyn district, 1903, 1905, 1910; Kiidantsi,
Zbarazh district, 1899, 1901, 1903, 1906; Zhulychi, Zolochiv district, 1903-5, 1910.
a librarian (U bibliotekar) and a treasurer (U kasiier). Aside from these
members of the administration proper (U viddil), deputy members of the
administration (U zastupnyky viddilu) were also elected. Some reading clubs
had more officers, such as auditors (U kontroliery).
The majority of officers in the reading clubs were peasants, or burghers in
clubs located in towns. Together, these plebeian elements made up over
three-quarters of the officers in reading clubs. Priests made up about a tenth
of the officers, and teachers and cantors each about a twentieth (see
Table 13).
Priests in the reading clubs tended to be presidents. Of a total of 43
presidents identified in the list of activists, 26 were priests (60.5 per cent of
the presidents; 86.7 per cent of the priests who were officers). Teachers were
concentrated in the presidency (3 teachers), vice-presidency (4) and
Reading Clubs
89
TABLE 13 Reading Club Officers, 1884-5, by Occupation
Occupational Category
Number
Peasants
Priests
Burghers and Artisans
Teachers
Cantors
Others
Percentage
162
30
28
12
10
7
249
Note: Those reading club officers who had more than one occupation
fractionally.
65.1
12.0
11.2
4.8
4.0
2.8
have been counted
Peasants: LA 1,4,5,6,9, 10, 12, 15, 16, 18,20,22,23,25,32,34,36,37,45,46,49,51,52,
57, 61, 63, 64, 65, 68, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 86, 89, 90, 92, 97, 101, 102, 106, 111, 115, 121,
122, 126, 127, 130, 131, 134, 138, 141, 145, 147, 152, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163,
166, 169, 172, 175, 180, 181, 182, 186, 190, 192, 194, 196, 197, 199,201, 204, 208, 209, 210,
211, 212, 216, 217, 218, 221, 223, 227, 229, 230, 233, 235, 236, 238, 239, 240, 242, 249, 250,
251, 252, 254, 257, 260, 261, 262, 263, 265, 267, 269, 270, 272, 274, 277, 278, 279, 283, 284,
285, 286, 288, 289, 292, 297, 299, 302, 305, 307, 310, 311, 312, 313, 316, 319, 320, 321, 326,
327,329,335,338,339,343,350,351, 352, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 362, 367.
Burghers and Artisans: LA 28, 30, 31, 33, 58, 72, 88, 103, 113, 139, 140, 144, 149, 150, 173,
174,187, 188,226,253,268,291,341,342,347,360.
Priests: LA 13, 24, 38, 41, 44, 56, 60, 66, 71, 93, 109, 116, 120, 146, 148, 162, 164, 183, 185,
191, 195, 198,213,234,243,244, 298, 332, 333, 346.
Teachers: LA 11, 14,17,42,48,87,105,133,136,256,290,334.
Cantors: LA 54, 81, 100, 142, 170,266,304.
Others: LA 67 (physician); LA 53, 303 (scribes).
With More than One Occupation: LA 75, 215, 306, 344 (peasants and cantors); LA 328, 331
(cantors and scribes); LA 119, 366 (peasants and artisans); LA 19, 317 (peasants and
merchants); LA 348, 349 (artisans and scribes); LA 231 (soldier and peasant); LA 246 (peasant
and scribe).
secretarial posts (2) (altogether, 9 of the 12 teachers who were officers; 75
per cent). Secretaries of reading clubs were frequently literate notables rather
than peasants. Of 38 secretaries, 4 were cantors, another 4 part-time cantors
or scribes, and 2 scribes (together with the t.;achers, these ex officio literates
accounted for 31.6 per cent of the secretaries, while they accounted for only
11.8 per cent of all reading club officers). All the officers in the reading clubs
were male.
Although Franko defined the reading clubs as "houses," i.e., buildings,
reading clubs rarely had their own separate premises in the mid-1880s. Many
<
90
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
reading clubs met in private homes (e.g., CC 36, 53), although this was not
the best place for them to meet. As a teacher from Buzhok, Zolochiv district,
noted: "Our man does not go gladly to such a [private] house, because he is
afraid lest he disturb the owner; to the tavern, by contrast, he goes boldly,
because he says to himself: the tavern is open to everyone" (CC 42). Reading
clubs also met in village council buildings (CC 32), schools (CC 34),
community halls (CC 42), empty cantors' residences (U diakivtsi) (CC 44,
83) and even outdoors (CC 73). They generally met on Sundays and
holidays, although occasionally a reading club would also be open on another day or other days of the week (e.g., the reading club in Vynnyky,
Zhovkva district, was open on Thursdays and Saturdays as well; CC 5).
Reading club members paid dues ranging from 50 kreuzer to I gulden 20
kreuzer a year, collected annually, monthly or weekly. One reading club
had differential dues, charging 1 gulden a year for richer peasants and 50
kreuzer for poorer peasants (CC 271). The dues went toward the purchase of
books and subscriptions. The number of members in reading clubs varied
from about fifteen to over a hundred, but generally reading clubs averaged
from forty to sixty members. In the mid-1880s there were about 400
Ukrainian reading clubs in Galicia.l2O By 1914 there were well over 3,000. 121
The reading clubs were connected with larger, umbrella organizations, the
national populist Prosvita and the Russophile Kachkovsky Society
(U Obshchestvo im. Mykhaila Kachkovskoho). Prosvita was founded in Lviv
on 8 December 1868. In its first years (1868-74), Prosvita had 277 members
(275 individuals and 2 reading clubs). Over a quarter of the members (27.6
per cent) lived in Lviv, about a fifth in other Galician cities (19.4 per cent)
and a little less than half (46.6 per cent) in villages and small towns (another
6.5 per cent of the membership lived in cities outside Galicia). Exactly a
third of the members were priests and most of the rest belonged to the
secular intelligentsia (educators accounted for 20.3 per cent of the membership; lawyers for 17.2 per cent; secondary-school and university students for
10.0 per cent; government employees for 7.7 per cent; and other sectors of the
secular intelligentsia for 6.9 per cent). The participation of peasants in
Prosvita in these early years was negligible. The priests were based mainly in
the countryside (91.7 per cent), while the secular intelligentsia was based in
the cities (ranging from 100 per cent in the case of the students to 63.6
II.
II.
II. CC 34,75,76, 161, 188.
119
CC 34, 76, 100, 105, 107,224, 271.
In 1884 the ethnographic-statistical student club recorded 359. Mykhailo, "Spravy ruskykh
chytalen. I," 295. The crownland statistical bureau recorded 461 in 1886,422 in 1888 and 421 in
1889. Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 180.
121 The national populist Prosvita was the patron of 2,944 reading clubs in 1914. In the same
year the Russophile Kachkovsky Society was the patron of about 300 clubs. Entsyklopediia
Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Obschchestvo im. Mykhaila Kachkovskoho" and "Prosvita." There were
also some reading clubs independent of either society.
120
Reading Clubs
91
per cent in the case of the lawyers).122 Thus, in its early years, Prosvita was
urban-based and intelligentsia-led, with priests forming its advance guard in
the countryside.
TABLE 14 Growth of Prosyita Membership, 1868-1908
Years
1868-74
1875-80
1881-5
1886-90
1891-5
1896-1900
1901-5
1906-8
Average Annual Recruitment
of New Members
39
207
267
398
624
1,098
1,113
1,416
SOURCE: Lozynsky, Sorok lit diialnosty "Prosvity",
35~.
Starting in the late 1870s Prosvita membership expanded, with the
peasantry and peasant institutions forming the majority of new recruits. In
mid-1876 Prosvita had 323 members, in March 1877-604 and in June
1878-1,024.123 Information on the composition of new membership is available for the mid-1880s. At the end of 1883 Prosvita had about 900
dues-paying members (actual membership was much larger). Of 313 new
members recruited in that year, 164 were peasants and burghers (52.4
per cent), 42 were reading clubs (13.4 per cent) and 9 were church
brotherhoods. At the end of 1884 Prosvita had 2,525 members. Of the 392
members recruited in 1884, 130 were reading clubs (33.2 per cent) and 2
church brotherhoods. Of 324 members recruited in 1885, 99 were peasants
(30.6 per cent), 94 were reading clubs (29.0 per cent), 30 were burghers and
5 were church brotherhoods (29 priests and 14 elementary school teachers
also joined).'24 By 1914 Prosvita had 36,500 members, and reading clubs
associated with Prosvita had 197,000 members.12S Table 14 shows the growth
of the Prosvita membership from its establishment in 1868 until 1908.
Prosvita had branches (U filii) in smaller cities outside Lviv to serve reading clubs regionally. There were four such branches in 1880-90 and
122 This is a' summary of the results of my study on the membership of Prosvita in "Polish and
Ukrainian Socialism," 126-42.
123 Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni," 532, 545.
124 "Diialnist Prosvity v rotsi 1883," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 4 (25 [13] January 1884): 21.
"Diialnist Prosvity v rotsi 1884," Batkivshchyna 1, no. 5 (30 [18] January 1885): 34.
"Tovarystvo Prosvita v rotsi 1885," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 4 (29 [11] January 1886): 21.
125 Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Prosvita."
92
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
seventy-seven in 1914. 126 The branches distributed printed drafts of reading
club statutes, counselled peasants on how to set up reading clubs and
dispatched educated speakers to reading-club events (CC 44).
The Russophiles did not have their own organization analogous to Prosvita
until 1874, when they founded the Kachkovsky Society in Kolomyia.J27 While
Prosvita remained a largely nonpeasant organization until the late 1870s, the
Kachkovsky society, largely through the efforts of Ivan Naumovych, immediately gained a following in the villages and established a network of reading
clubs. In the period 1871-8 the national populists founded only six reading
clubs; the vast majority of the 171 clubs founded in those years were
Russophile in allegiance.J28 Within the first few years of its existence, the
Kachkovsky Society had over five thousand members.J29 The Kachkovsky
Society declined, however, as Pros vita won more of the countryside and as the
Russophile movement as a whole declined. By 1914 the Kachkovsky Society
was only about a tenth the size of Prosvita.13O
Outside the formal structures of Prosvita and the Kachkovsky Society,
Galician Ukrainian students took annual hikes through the countryside, at
least in the years 1883-8,131 visiting the reading clubs and offering lectures
and concerts as they went.
Opposition to the Reading Clubs
The reading clubs were not introduced into the villages without resistance
and opposition from some conservative peasants. A correspondent from
Mshana, Zolochiv district, has described the sort of internal resistance in the
peasant community that local proponents of the enlightenment movement encountered. He also answered his critics' arguments against reading
newspapers. A reading club had not yet been founded in Mshana, but several
126
Ibid.
The founding meeting was held either 20 or 21 August 1874 (N.S.). "Novynky," Pravda,
no. 13 (1874): 568. Nauka, no. 5 (1874): 193-7. The latter source contains the draft of the
society's statutes.
128 Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni," 499-500.
127
129 According to Pavlyk (ibid., 497), the society had 1,645 members in 1875,4,791 in 1876 and
6,123 in 1877. Other sources give different figures. The city statistical bureau of Lviv registered
3,496 members in 1875. WiadomosCi Statystyczne 0 Miescie Lwowie 3 (1877): 66, 70. A
memorial book of the society confirms Pavlyk's figure for 1875, but states that there were 3,338
members on 8 January 1876. Monchalovsky, Pamiatnaia knyzhka, 21, 23. An official Austrian
statistical publication mentions 7,253 members in 1877. Statistische Monatsschrift 4
(1878): 526.
130 Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Obshchestvo im. Mykhaila Kachkovskoho."
131 "Vandrivka ruskoi molodizhy i viche ruskykh akademykiv," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 30
(25 [13] July 1884): 186. Prohramy vechernyts. TsDIAL, 146/4/7653a, pp. 30-6. Vid komytetu
vandrivnychoho, "IV. vandrivka akademych. molodezhy," Dilo 7, no. 48 (I [13] May 1886): 2.
Vandrivnyk, "Dopysy 'Dila'. Z Zolochivskoho," Dilo 8, no. 94 (25 August [6 September]
1887): 2. Vid komytetu vandrivky, "Vandrivka ruskoi molodizhy akademychnoi," DUo 9, no. 147
(4 [16] July 1888): 2.
Opposition to the Reading Clubs
93
proprietors, the priest and the village government had put together enough
money for a subscription to Batkivshchyna.
So now we have a community newspaper. But what does it profit us, if such
darkness still reigns in our village that only a few-I don't know if it's even a
dozen or so---proprietors can be found who are interested in knowing what's
happening in God's wide world? The rest avoid listening to [the reading of] a
newspaper. In fact, they even agitate among the others, saying: "Brother, don't
contribute money for the newspaper, because times are tough as it is. Don't
crawl over to listen when they read, because that's treason: our fathers didn't
read and didn't listen to newspapers and they lived, so we don't have to [read
and listen].'32 And you know that recently some people were imprisoned and
taken before the courts for newspapers. Do you want us, too, to be arrested?
Whoever's stupid, let him go listen, but we don't need it!" Then they each hide
behind the other, pull their caps low over their brows, put their hands in their
pockets and go as fast as they can to Iankel [i.e., the tavern-keeper]. There they
brag even more about how they are supposedly wiser, while the stupider people
remained to listen to the newspaper.
Shame on you, gentlemen, that you are so ignorant! You appeal to the example of your fathers and grandfathers, that somehow they lived, even though they
didn't read newspapers. Why in those days there weren't even any schools, there
were no telegraphs and no railways, and people ploughed with a sokha [hooked
plough, harrow] or simple plough (U pluh). But today everything has changed,
because the world does not stay in one place, but moves forward, and whoever
doesn't move forward with it will fall by the wayside. Why are Czech and
German peasants so much better off than we are? Because they are all literate
and enlightened; each of them, either by himself or together with someone else,
receives a newspaper; and it is very rare to find a house without a newspaper or
booklets. So know and remember that newspapers and books are put out by
intelligent people, who sincerely want to help you, who wish you well and want
to enlighten and instruct you. Today more and more people in our land are beginning to read newspapers and books. Before long they'll be laughing at anyone
who doesn't read, just as they would laugh at someone who today wanted to
plough with a sokha! (CC 123).
In sum, this correspondent listed three reasons why some peasants opposed
reading: the costs involved, the break with the tradition of illiteracy and the
fear of arrest. All three reasons were also mentioned in other items of
correspondence.
The opposition to the reading clubs claimed that the clubs demanded an
expenditure (dues) that provided no immediate economic benefit. The rich
132 This argument is strikingly similar to that put forward by some Ukrainian settlers in Canada
at the turn of the century. When a school district was being established in Pobeda, Alberta, in
1908, it was opposed by "individuals, who considered education as a waste of time and money.
They had never attended school themselves and they felt that their children could get along without any education just as their forefathers had done." Cited in Martynowych, The Ukrainian
Bloc Settlement, 207. When the Czechoslovak government expanded the school system in
Transcarpathia after World War I it encountered similar arguments from the Ukrainian
peasantry, e.g., "Grandfather could not read nor write and he still went on living." Magocsi,
Shaping of a National Identity, 170.
94
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
mayor of Fytkiv, Nadvirna district, refused to join the reading club because
"I won't be eating bread from it" (CC 58). Similarly, a burgher from
Mykulyntsi, Ternopil district, dropped out of the reading club at his wife's
instigation, "because he wouldn't get bread from the reading club" (CC 175).
In the Kolomyia region, complained a nonpeasant correspondent, peasants
were unwilling to spend money on booklets and newspapers, saying: "Will
newspapers and booklets feed me or quench my thirst? It's a waste of money"
(CC 164). In Perviatychi, Sokal district, peasants who boycotted the printed
word said: " ... I prefer ... to bring home a gallon of liquor, then at least I
can have a good drink, but what will I get from a newspaper?" (CC 87). In
Briukhovychi, Peremyshliany district, peasants did not want a reading club
"because they fear the costs" (CC 241). In Berezyna, Zhydachiv district, a
literate peasant opposed the reading club and used the argument of costs to
discourage other peasants from attending; after one reading club member had
paid his dues, the literate opponent asked him whether he had already bought
himself a horse (CC 28). Such arguments were countered with the thesis that
although newspapers and reading clubs brought no immediate economic
benefit, they would in the long term contribute to the material prosperity of
the peasantry. This, clearly, was an argument with greater appeal for younger
peasants, whose lives were still before them, than for older peasants, who
were more interested in the short term.
The second argument against reading clubs was that they were
innovations. Vasyl Chernetsky (LA 44), a country priest who founded about a
dozen reading clubs himself, wrote that "there is no reason to be surprised
that our village people, being little enlightened, do not understand the benefit
of reading clubs for their enlightenment, and being conservative, they find it
difficult to accustom themselves at first to something that has not been in the
village for ages past."13l Among the arguments the rich mayor of Fytkiv used
for not joining the reading club was: "What my father did, that I also will
do" (CC 58). When Danylo Saikevych (LA 282) proposed founding a reading
club and other institutions of the national movement in Radvantsi, Sokal
district, his opponents told him: "That has not been done here and will not be
done" (CC 106). In Rudno, Lviv district, there were some "older peasants"
who disapproved of the reading club because "their grandfather and father
didn't know this and they lived, so they too can now live without the reading
club" (CC 240). Partly this traditionalist opposition to the reading club was a
legacy of serfdom. To the extent that peasants had internalized, under the
lash and cudgel, the feudal understanding of their station in life as ignorant,
labouring animals, they considered education a distinguishing characteristic
of an alien and oppressing class. This attitude was well expressed by an
opponent of the reading club in Perviatychi: "Am I a lord that I should read
a newspaper?" (CC 87). The same sort of traditionalist opposition was
directed not only against reading clubs, but also against other institutions
III Vasyl Chernetsky [V. z Sokalshchyny], "Chomu upadaiut u nas dekuda chytalni?" Dilo 7,
no. 16 (II [23) February 1886): I. See also Dobrowolski, "Peasant Traditional Culture," 287.
Opposition to the Reading Clubs
95
fostered by the national movement such as loan funds (CC 237) and
Ukrainian-run stores." 4
The third argument against reading clubs mentioned by the correspondent
from Mshana was that reading clubs led to trouble with the law. A
correspondent from Kiidantsi, Kolomyia district, also wrote that opponents of
the reading club said: "For this (the reading club) there will be police
investigations, prison terms" (CC 181). In part this reflected the wellgrounded distrust of government inherited from the era of serfdom. Many
peasants were simply convinced by experience (and surely the older the
peasant, the stronger his conviction) that any attempt of the peasantry to
better its lot would be repressed by the officials. However, there was a more
concrete reason for fearing that reading clubs could lead to prison terms: in
the late 1870s and mid-1880s radical Ukrainian peasants had been arrested
in Galicia for reading forbidden socialist literature. i35 Since this was a
novelty-the arrest of peasants for reading-word of it spread through the
villages. It was not hard for some of the older peasants, who remembered the
robbery of servitudes and the military enforcement of corvee labour, to
interpret these sensational stories to mean that peasants could only read at
the risk of punishment. Certainly it was difficult for many peasants to understand that some newspapers were forbidden and others allowed, since
newspapers were a strange and new guest in the peasant cottage.
Other, related reasons for opposing the reading clubs were mentioned in
the correspondence. Closely connected to the traditionalist argument was the
argument that reading clubs required a certain level of literacy and education
to begin with and that that level had not been reached. Thus, among the
reasons why the peasants of Briukhovychi decided not to establish a reading
club was that "there are few who know how to read" (CC 241). In Kiidantsi,
Kolomyia district, where a reading club had been founded, opponents argued
that none of its members was qualified to enlighten anyone else: "For this one
needs an educated [U 'adykovanyi'] man, and we don't have one." Other
opponents ridiculed the "good-for-nothings" (U laidaky) who proposed to
instruct established farmers (U gazdy) (CC 181). This attitude represented
an acquiescence to and sanctioning of ignorance very similar to that displayed
by those who wanted to stay illiterate because their fathers and forefathers
had been so.
In Dobrostany, Horodok district, a radical version of the traditionalist
argument was raised against the reading club. Here it was charged that the
reading club was part of a conspiracy to reestablish serfdom and Poland and
that the dues paid to the reading club were new taxes for this purpose. The
opponents forbade their children to join the reading club. It may seem that
the foes of the reading club in Dobrostany were using a very far-fetched
argument to justify their opposition, but on closer inspection we can discern
Traditionalist opposition to loan funds and Ukrainian stores is discussed in Himka,
"Ukrainian-Jewish Antagonism." See also below, 171-2, 185.
115 Himka, Socialism, 124-38.
114
96
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
the rational significance of their charges. For one thing, the opposItIOn in
Dobrostany was hardly alone in giving credence to rumours that the lords
were planning to reinstitute serfdom and Poland. Such rumours surfaced in
the mid-1880s not only in Ukrainian Galicia136 but in Polish, Western Galicia
as well. ll7 The rumours frequently appeared in connection with naive tsarism,
although this does not seem to have been the case in Dobrostany. The notion
that the landlords wanted to restore Poland came, of course, from experience
with the Polish insurrectionary movements of the 1830s, 1840s and 1860s.
The idea that the lords wanted to reestablish serfdom was, as we have seen,
widespread among the Galician peasantry when it was being deprived of its
traditional rights to forests and pastures. The peasants of Dobrostany had had
a particularly bitter struggle with the manor over servitudes.13' They were so
alienated by their servitudes experience that they boycotted all
extracommunal institutions. Into the mid-1880s they preferred to pay
regularly imposed fines rather than elect a municipal councilor set up a
school in the village, regarding even these innovations as tainted at the source
(the non peasant, officials' and lords', world). It was an innovation-the
abolition of servitudes-that ruined them, and it was the nonpeasant
world-the officials, the servitudes commission, the landlord, the gendarmes
and the soldiers-who had imposed this innovation on them. The peasants of
Dobrostany stood by their traditional rights to the forest and elevated
tradition itself to a holy principle. Thus the opponents of the reading club in
Dobrostany viewed that institution too as an innovation from the non peasant
world, just like schools, councils and servitude "equivalents." The reading
club was seen as a deviation from and challenge to a proud tradition of
independence sanctified by struggle and toil. Hence to join the club meant, in
the assessment of the old guard in Dobrostany, objective support for the lords
in their endeavour to restore Poland and serfdom. The reading club dispute
became so heated in Dobrostany that opponents of the club attacked members
with cudgels (CC 245).
136 See Himka, "Ukrainian-Jewish Antagonism," and Himka, "Hope in the Tsar," 134.
"National consciousness ... matured slowly, and up to our own day there were still those who
only got angry and cursed when the name of Poland was mentioned. They would say that only
the gentry could want Poland back, so that the masses would work for them as under serfdom. It
was hard to explain to them that the evil days were gone and would not return. They wouldn't
hear about Poland, in fear that the 'lords' would get the upper hand and bring back serfdom."
Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 172-3. See also Brodowska-Kubicz, "Wizja Polski,"
23. In 1885-6 the Polish peasants of Western Galicia engaged in massive unrest, fearing that
their landlords were about to launch another insurrection to restore serfdom and Poland.
Rosdolsky, Zur nationalen Frage, 140. "Zavorushennia posered Mazuriv," Batkivshchyna 8,
no. 16 (23 [II] April 1886): 94. Kupchanko, Die Schicksale der Ruthenen, 157-76. Rich sourc~
materials on the subject are in the Austrian State Archives, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv,
Informationsbiiro, 1886/67, no. 1336, 1351, 1374, 1377, 1401, 1562. Polish historians have written little or nothing on the subject.
13' The servitudes conflict in Dobrostany is described in Adriian, Agrarnyi protses (pp. 56-7
mention the commune's belief in 1881 that the lords were seeking to restore Poland and
serfdom).
131
Opposition to the Reading Clubs
97
It remains to be noted that several items of correspondence implied that
the opponents of the reading clubs were those peasants who often frequented
the tavern (CC 87, 123, 240). The reading club and tavern were rival
institutions. They competed for the peasants' time, loyalties and, to some
extent, money. In the view of the Ukrainian national movement, the reading
club was the temple of enlightenment, the tavern a place for stultification; the
reading club was Ukrainian, the tavern Jewish; the reading club was a
genuinely peasant institution, the tavern was owned by the landlord; the reading club preached sobriety, the tavern encouraged drunkenness; the reading
club would teach its members to farm better and in the long run improve
their material condition, but the tavern in the long run would only ruin
them. 139 During both the struggle against serfdom and the struggle over
servitudes, the tavern was a peasant stronghold. In the era of the national
movement, however, this was no longer true; in fact, the tavern became alien
territory and peasants who spent time there were considered turncoats by the
activists of the national movement.
The above remarks do not exhaust the topic of opposition to the reading
club. Although generational conflict over the reading club has already been
implied, it will be discussed in more detail in the following section. Opposition
to the reading club on the part of priests and village governments will be
treated in subsequent chapters. I have already, elsewhere,l40 discussed the
opposition of village Jews to the reading club.
Generations and Gender in the Reading Clubs
Peasants of different ages joined the reading clubs. There were adult men
who had already come into possession of land;l4l adult, married women;142 lads
who still worked on their fathers' farms;143 and unmarried girls (U divchata).
For example, the reading club in Novosilky Kardynalski, Rava Ruska district,
had 60 members in 1884, of whom 27 were men, 19 lads, 4 women and 10
girls (CC 74). In Vynnyky, Zhovkva district, the membership in 1885
consisted not only of adult men, "but also [of] women, lads and girls"
(CC 153). Data from 1897-1910 144 show that about a quarter (26.7 per cent)
of the membership of reading clubs consisted of youth, i.e., lads and girls,
with little tendency to change over time (youth accounted for 28.8 per cent in
1897-1903 and for 24.7 per cent in 1904-10).145
139 The rivalry between the tavern and the reading club is discussed in Himka, "Ukrainian-Jewish
Antagonism."
140 Ibid.
141 U hospodari, gazdy.
142 U zhinky, hospodyni, gazdyni.
143 U parubky, molodtsi.
144 Reports of local reading clubs to the central office of Prosvita in Lviv; a complete list of the
reports consulted is included in Table 18 (Appendix I: Archival Sources).
145 The slight drop in youth participation in the later period stems from the sharper decline in
girls' participation, to be discussed below.
98
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
Although youth, narrowly defined as lads and girls, only accounted for
about a quarter of the reading clubs' memberships, it was above all younger
peasants who were attracted to reading clubs. This has already been
suggested in the discussion of the opposition to reading clubs by traditionalist,
presumably older, peasants. Very typical was the situation in Radvantsi,
Sokal district, where Danylo Saikevych (LA 282) had been agitating "for
sobriety, for loan funds, for a communal granary, for a reading club, for
[choral] singing [from notes]." The established peasants in the village
dismissed him, but "there were those who paid attention, mostly from among
the younger peasants, both girls and boys" (CC 106).
Karl Mannheim has argued that there are no significant generational
differences in peasant society, because of the lack of social change in the
peasant community.I46 This view rests on the false premise that peasant
society is changeless. Even if peasant society, considered in the general
historical spectrum, is static, it was certainly not so in late-nineteenth-century
Galicia. Here and at this time the penetration of the national movement created a generational difference and a "new type" of peasant. I47
The generational differences in the Galician Ukrainian peasantry stand out
when we examine reading clubs that were composed almost exclusively of
young peasants. Typically, this type of reading club was especially prone to
conflict with older peasants and the village establishment. The reading club
members in Kiidantsi, Kolomyia district, for example, were exclusively
"younger people." The correspondent from Kiidantsi explained that only the
youth joined the reading club, because the older peasants were worthless.
"More than one of our older peasants would sell his father for liquor, but he
doesn't have the least desire to do anything good." Significantly, not only did
the older peasants boycott the reading club, but so did the nonpeasant
notables. The older peasants made fun of the "good-for-nothing" youth in the
reading club, who presumed to teach the older peasants (CC 181). The
correspondent from Kiidantsi also related a story about generational conflict
over the reading club in one family. The father was an uncompromising
opponent of the reading club. His son, however, was curious and attended
146 "The importance of the acceleration of social change for the realization of the potentialities
inherent in a generation location is clearly demonstrated by the fact that largely static or very
slowly changing communities like the peasantry display no such phenomenon as new generation
units sharply set off from their predecessors by virtue of an individual entelechy proper to them;
in such communities, the tempo of change is so gradual that new generations evolve away from
their predecessors without any visible break, and all we can see is the purely biological
differentiation and affinity based upon difference or identity of age." Mannheim, 'The Problem
of Generations," Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge, 309.
147 With the penetration of revolutionary ideas into the Russian village "there appeared a new
type-the conscious young peasant. He had contacts with 'strikers,' he read newspapers, he told
the peasants about events in the cities, he explained to his village comrades the significance of
political demands, he summoned them to struggle against the great landowner-nobles, against the
priests and the bureaucrats." V.1. Lenin, Povne zibrannia tvoriv, 30:298, cited in Assonova,
Sotisialistychni pohliady, 23.
Generations and Gender in the Reading Clubs
99
some club meetings, eventually joining and even donating 30 kreuzer to it. He
tried to do all this without his father's knowledge, but it is hard to keep a
secret in a village. One day when the son came home, his father grabbed him
by the hair and held him while his mother beat him with a poker. Later the
father went out into the village and boasted: "My Iakym also got a craving
for those reading clubs, but my wife and I beat him and beat him. You'll see
that my lakym will never enter the reading club again" (CC 183).
In Volia Iakubova, Drohobych district, the reading club was also composed
almost solely of youth. It came into conflict with the older, established
peasants (U starshi gazdy) , the village government, the church committee,
two priests and eventually the law. 14' The reading club in Olesha, Tovmach
district, was composed "almost exclusively of young proprietors" (CC 60). It,
and especially its leading activist (LA 53), came into conflict with the mayor
(see also CC 78, 118). In the late 1890s the reading club in Vysloboky, Lviv
district, was dominated by youth (in 1897 the membership consisted of 9
men, 16 lads and 10 girls; in 1899, 10 men, 15 lads and 20 girls).149 The
pastor considered the members of the reading club "radicals, atheists and
un believers. "150
It has already been mentioned that there were no women among the
correspondents to Batkivshchyna or officers of reading clubs in 1884-5; there
are also no women included in our list of activists. However, from the previous discussion of age differences in the reading clubs, it is clear that women
did participate in them.
Female membership in reading clubs was very poorly developed in the last
third of the nineteenth and first decade of the twentieth centuries. Mykhailo
Pavlyk, who was interested in both the women's question and the development
of reading clubs, could find only one case in the 1870s in which females were
members of a reading club: the reading club in Hodiv, Zolochiv district,
founded in 1872, had a membership comprising 33 lads and 19 girls. Aside
from this, women participated in dances sponsored by the reading clubs in
Vilshanytsia, Stanyslaviv district (1872), and Litynia, Drohobych district
(1876).151
In the mid-1880s, as our corpus of correspondence indicates, there was
more female participation in the reading clubs. A priest who was a guest at
the opening of the reading club in Ozeriany, Borshchiv district, was pleased
to note the presence of women, lads and girls; earlier he had attended the
opening of the reading club in nearby Lanivtsi, where only adult men were
present (CC 97). "Widows" joined the reading club in Kovalivka, Kolomyia
district (CC 260). Married women (U gazdyni) joined in Darakhiv,
Terebovlia district (CC 82), and women and girls in Vynnyky, Zhovkva
14' See LA 215; CC 92, 145, 219; and Himka, Socialism, 130-8.
149 TsDIAL, 348/1/1498, pp. 47, 51.
150 Letter of M. Zeleny, teacher and secretary of the reading club in Vysloboky, to the Prosvita
administration in Lviv, 12 October 1896, in ibid., p. 46.
151 Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni," 520.
100
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
district (CC 153). A woman was mentioned among the twelve proprietors
who founded the reading club in Nakvasha, Brody district (CC 201), and
girls recited poetry in reading clubs in Berezyna, Zhydachiv district (CC 28),
and in Zakomarie, Zolochiv district (CC 29). Nonpeasant females also
participated in the reading clubs in the mid-1880s (which they did not do in
the 1870s):I52 the daughter of the pastor signed the statutes for the reading
club in Briukhovychi, Peremyshliany district (CC 57), and a group of
noblewomen, including the lady of the manor, formally joined the reading
club in Horodyshche, Ternopil district (CC 41). The percentage of females in
the reading clubs of the mid-1880s could only be ascertained in two instances:
in Novosilky Kardynalski, Rava Ruska district, 4 women and 10 girls made
up 23.3 per cent of the membership (CC 74), and in Piznanka Hnyla, Skalat
district, 4 women (3 of whom had the same last names as men in the reading
club's administration) accounted for 8.0 per cent of the membership
(CC 238). It is impossible to say, for the mid-1880s, what percentage of the
reading clubs had female members and what percentage of the overall reading club membership was female.
It is possible, however, to answer these questions for a later period,
1897-1910, using the reading clubs' reports to Prosvita's central office in
Lviv. The reports to which I had access (see Table 18 in Appendix I) provided information on the sexual composition of 13 reading clubs. Of these, 5
had no female membership at all, 2 had a female membership of under 3
per cent, 4 had a female membership of 3-5 per cent and 2 had a female
membership of between 25 and 35 per cent. i5J Females accounted for 4.9
per cent of the total membership of reading clubs in 1897-1910 (l08 out of
2,193).
The female membership in the reading clubs exhibited several peculiar
tendencies. For one thing, the females in the reading clubs were
overwhelmingly girls rather than adult women. Women accounted for only
23.7 per cent of the female membership and girls for 76.3 per cent. This was
almost the exact inversion of the situation in male membership, where men
accounted for 73.8 per cent and lads for 26.2 per cent. Also, there was a
tendency for female participation to decline over time. In the period
1897-1903 females accounted for 7.3 per cent of the total membership of the
reading clubs, but in 1904-10 for only 2.7 per cent. Furthermore, female
membership in the reading clubs was ephemeral. In the 11 reading clubs for
which the membership data encompass more than a single year, 4 never had
any women members. Of the 7 that had some female membership, 3 had
female membership in less than half of the years for which the data exist, 2
152
Ibid.
For most of these reading clubs, membership figures were available for more than one year;
here I am referring to summary membership over time. The reading clubs with the largest
female memberships were the ones in Vysloboky, Lviv district, which, as we have seen, was a
youth-dominated reading club, and in Volytsia, Sanok district, the data for which are limited to
one year.
III
Generations and Gender in the Reading Clubs
101
had female membership in half the years, I had female membership in more
than half the years and only 1 (Vysloboky, Lviv district) had female membership in all years. Female membership tended to disappear early. Of the 6
reading clubs with female membership in some but not all years, 3 had
female membership in the first year for which data exist; but in none of these
3 did female membership survive through the last year. In only 1 of the 6
cases was the female membership present in the last year for which data
exist. l54 An example of the ephemerity of female membership can also be
found in the corpus of correspondence. In Dobrostany, Horodok district,
"many women and girls declared their desire ... to sign up as members" of
the reading club in 1884 (CC 100), but a year later there were no females in
the reading club (CC 245).
Thus female membership in the reading clubs was small, proportionally
declining (in 1897-1910) and ephemeral. Unfortunately, the social history of
Ukrainian women has not been written,'" and without this context it is
impossible to do more than venture some tentative hypotheses of why this
might have been so.
Much certainly depended on the subordinate position of women in
Ukrainian peasant society in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries. Women were not the equals of men, legally, economically or in the
men's popular conception. They were, for example, excluded from
participation as officers or electors in the village government,ISO and their
wages as agricultural labourers were considerably lower than those of men. l57
Ukrainian men traditionally considered them inferior in intellectual matters.
Thus when one correspondent to Batkivshchyna alluded to women having "a
short mind" (U rozum korotkyi) , he was thinking of an old Ukrainian
proverb about women having long hair, but short intellects (CC 104).158 As
second-class citizens in the commune, women were also second-class members
of reading clubs.
154 This was the reading club in Svarychiv, Dolyna district. The data only encompass two years.
In the first, 1899, there was no female membership; in the second (and last), 1909, there was one
female among the club's 99 members.
155 The most serious contribution to the history of Ukrainian women is the altogether recent work
of Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak, who has been concentrating on the organizational and
intellectual, rather than social, history of Ukrainian women. In addition to her "Feminism in
Ukrainian History" and "Natalia Kobryns'ka," she has finished a book-length manuscript
entitled Feminists despite Themselves: Women in Ukrainian Community Life. 1884-1939, to be
published by the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies in Edmonton.
156 Galician women, along with children, criminals and foreigners, were also forbidden to join
political societies. Bujwidowa, Kwestya kobieca, 5. The prohibition did not apply to membership
in reading clubs, but it did prevent women from joining such related organizations of the national
movement as the Russophiles' Russkaia rada (founded 1870) and the national populists' Narodna
rada (founded 1885).
157
158
Najdus, Szkice, I: 144-5. Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 70.
The proverb can already be found in an early eighteenth-century collection in the form U
zhenshchyny volosy dovhy. da urn korotok. Zinoviiv, Virshi. Prypovisti pospolyti, 250.
102
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
Furthermore, peasant women were more bound by tradition than peasant
men. They were less exposed to new ideas, since they saw less of the outside
world (only men were drafted for military service) and fewer of them
attended school (as their lower literacy rates indicate). Therefore it is not
suprising that some women could be found among the traditionalist opposition
to the reading clubs. "What causes the worst trouble nowadays for the reading club are the women (U baby) [here] in Trybukhivtsi [Buchach district].
The proverb says it well: where the devil can't do it, he'll send a woman
(U de chort ne rnozhe. tarn babu pishle). Women find it impossible to fit in
their heads what the reading club is for" (CC 104). In the town of
Mykulyntsi, Ternopil district, a woman prohibited her husband from
attending the reading club (CC 175).
Not only did their position in a patriarchal society and their traditionalist
outlook tend to keep women out of the reading club, but the leadership of the
national movement was quite indifferent to their presence there. On the local
level, some priests were known to encourage female membership, as in
Kutkivtsi, Ternopil district. Here the pastor and president of the reading club,
Mykhailo Iasenytsky (LA 120), speaking at the celebration of the reading
club's fifth anniversary, "turned to the women present and, indicating their
importance in national (U narodnyi) life, urged them to take advantage of
the reading club" (CC 69). As has already been mentioned, a priest expressed
satisfaction at seeing females attend the opening of the reading club in
Ozeriany, Borshchiv district (CC 97). However, the central leadership of the
national movement in Lviv did not think female participation was important.
The newspaper Batkivshchyna did not publish articles for or about women
until Pavlyk became actual editor in 1889. He initiated a column entitled
"From the Life and Work of Our Women" (U Z zhytia i pratsi nashoho
zhinotstva).159 The national populist leadership opposed this innovation.
Demian H1adylovych, a founder of DUo and the insurance company Dnister
and head of the Shevchenko Society, told Pavlyk that the column was
inopportune (U ne na chasi). Kyrylo Kakhnykevych said that Pavlyk
exaggerated women's oppression and that a peasant reading the column
would mix everything up in his head. Better, said Kakhnykevych, to teach
peasant women how they should set the table (U iak rnaiut stavyty
horshky).160
The national populists' hostility to raising the women's question was partly
a reflection of the pervasive sexism of the Galician Ukrainian intelligentsia. 161
But it also stemmed from a certain practical concern. Only men were
enfranchised. Inasmuch as the national movement was ultimately concerned
159 The first installment was: Mykhailo Pavlyk [Redaktsiia], "Z zhytia i pratsi nashoho
zhinotstva," Batkivshchyna II, no. I (7 [19] January 1889): 10.
160 Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5:328-9.
161 The Dnieper Ukrainian Mykhailo Drahomanov was shocked by the attitudes toward women
he encountered in educated Galician Ukrainian society. Drahomanov, Literaturnopublitstystychni pratsi, 1:409,419-20; 2:202-3.
Generations and Gender in the Reading Clubs
103
with the votes that would give it political power, the male voter was its
primary focus. It is no coincidence that the development of a mass women's
movement in Ukrainian Galicia occurred only after women received the right
to vote after the First World War.
The factors mentioned above go some of the distance toward an explanation of the low participation of women in the reading clubs. They also help
explain the ephemerality and decline of female membership. Women, when
allowed in the reading clubs, probably felt out of place there and dropped out,
and no effort was made to replace them.
The recruitment of females to the reading clubs required a more sustained
and intensive effort than the recruitment of males, because the turnover of
female membership was much faster. As we have noted, the females in the
membership were overwhelmingly unmarried girls. Married women tended to
leave the reading club, probably because both the traditional duties of wife
and mother were so demanding and social attitudes militated against the
presence of married women in the reading club. Thus while lads would go on
to become men in the reading club, girls would leave the club when they
became women. Males could be recruited at any age, but females practically
only while they were young. Furthermore, males were lads longer than
females were girls, since females generally married several years earlier than
males. Hence the potential female recruit was almost exclusively a girl in her
late teens and early twenties. 162 If a group of girl friends entered the reading
club together, most of them would marry in the next year or so and all would
then quit the reading club. If a new effort was not made immediately to
replace the female members, the club would revert to an all-male institution.
One can readily see how this dynamic discouraged males from recruiting
females and females from entering the reading club. This generational aspect
of female membership was undoubtedly a major cause of the ephemerality of
female membership.
In light of the above it becomes easier to understand why female membership exhibited a tendency to decline in the period 1897-1910. In 1896
Prosvita initiated a major campaign to found new and revive moribund reading clubs. Within the next several years many clubs were opened or reopened
and recruited females. Then the females left the club and little effort was
made to recruit more. With time, the reading clubs expanded (the average
size was 41 members per club in 1897-1903; 59 in 1904-10) as lads in the
reading clubs became men in the reading clubs and new lads were recruited.
The expansion of the size of the reading clubs by additional males further
depressed the percentage of females in the membership.
162 Most Galician women married in their late teens or early twenties, most men in their late
twenties. Over a quarter of the brides (28.1 per cent in 1899; 27.9 per cent in 1904) were under
twenty, while bridegrooms under twenty were very rare (0.1 per cent in both years). The
majority of brides (60.1 per cent; 59.4 per cent) were under twenty-four, while the vast majority
of bridegrooms (83.2 per cent; 83.9 per cent) were twenty-four years old or older.
Oesterreichisches statistisches Handbuch 20 (1901): 8; ibid. 26 (1907): 15.
104
Schools, Newspapers and Reading Clubs
Thus the cultural revolution in the village, as represented by newspapers,
schools and reading clubs, affected the peasantry differentially, with female
and older peasants least affected, and male and younger peasants most
affected.
3. Village Notables as Bearers of the
National Idea: Priests, Teachers, Cantors
The inhabitants of East Galician villages were predominantly Ukrainian
peasants. Poles, Jews and Germans also lived there, as well as nonpeasant
Ukrainians: priests, teachers and cantors. As we have already seen, these
Ukrainian notables participated in the rural national movement, accounting
for 38.2 to 50.7 per cent of the identifiable correspondents to Batkivshchyna
(Table 11) and 20.8 per cent of the officers of the reading clubs (Table 13).
Of the activists in our list who have been identified by occupation (357), 53
were priests, 23 teachers and 29 cantors (Appendix V); together they account
for 29.4 per cent of the activists.
Priests, teachers and cantors were greatly overrepresented in the national
movement. In the mid-1880s there were about 2,200 Greek Catholic priests in
Galicia,' 1,350 Ukrainian teachers2 and 2,200 Greek Catholic cantors. 3
Together, the population of the Ukrainian notables came to about 5,750,
which was a mere 0.2 per cent of the entire Ukrainian-speaking population of
Galicia: By contrast, there were about two and one-half million Ukrainian
peasants in Galicia.' Thus the rural Ukrainian notables played a role in the
national movement greatly disproportionate to their numbers.
In explaining this role, we must first examine what distinguished the
notables from the peasants. Then, to place the notables' participation in the
1
In 1880 there were 2,327; in 1887-2,161. Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 56.
There were 4,573 teachers in Galicia in 1885. Ibid., 100. In .1900 less than 30 per cent of the
teachers were Ukrainian. Najdus, Szkice. 1:76.
3 I have seen no statistics for cantors. Presumably, the number of cantors would be roughly the
same as the number of Greek Catholic parishes and chaplaincies. In 1887 there were 1,873
Greek Catholic parishes and 390 chaplaincies in Galicia. Rocznik Statystyki GalicYi 3
(1889-91): 56.
2
In 1880 there were 2,549,707 Ukrainian-speakers in Galicia. Oesterreichisches statistisches
Handbuch I (1882): 12. In 1890 there were 2,835,674. "Die Ergebnisse ... 1890," 171.
, In 1900, 93.7 per cent of all Galician Ukrainian-speakers were employed in the agricultural and
forestry sector. Himka. Socialism. 6.
4
106
Village Notables
national movement in an illuminating historical context, we will survey their
involvement in the struggles over serfdom and servitudes as well as in the
revolution of 1848-9. After a general survey of the notables' role in the rural
national movement, concentrating on their motivations and function as
mediators between the urban leadership and peasant constituency, the chapter
will conclude with a more detailed analysis of the complex and important
relationship between priests and peasants in the national movement.
Before moving on to these questions, however, it is worth noting that the
notability was overwhelmingly male. All priests and cantors were men, as was
the great majority of Ukrainian teachers in the mid-1880s.' This may also
partially account for the low participation of women in the reading club
movement.
What Was Notable about the Notables?
The notables differed from the peasantry in five major ways: their vocation
was intellectual rather than manual labour; their economic circumstances left
them relatively free from the necessity to perform agricultural labour and
therefore relatively free to devote themselves to the national movement; they
were better educated than the peasants; they were more mobile than the
peasantry and saw more of the world than did the latter; and they enjoyed
exceptional prestige in the village community.
The first of these distinguishing characteristics is straightforward. The
peasant, by definition, was a manual, agricultural labourer. The priest,
however, preached, counseled and performed rituals; the teacher instructed
children; and the cantor sang the responses in liturgical services. Of the
notables, the teacher had the most exclusively intellectual work, the cantor
the least.
The second, economic characteristic is somewhat more complicated.
Although all the notables were relatively free from the need to perform
agricultural labour, this freedom was only relative and not absolute. In a
society newly emerged from serfdom, money relations had not become
hegemonous to the extent of completely abolishing the natural economy in the
payment of traditional notables. Thus priests received part of their income
from a parochial farm, cantors and even teachers were traditionally provided
with gardens as an endowment and cantors frequently had to combine their
cantorial duties with full-scale farming or even with agricultural day labour.
Of the three notable strata, priests were by far the best off materially. The
clergy was divided into four ranks. In descending order, in terms of status
and income, they were: the pastor (U parokh), chaplain (U kapelian; similar
to a pastor, except that his parish was smaller), administrator (U zavidatel or
admynystrator; a priest who temporarily assumed the duties of a pastor) and
assistant (U sotrudnyk; a priest who assisted a pastor). According to the
, In 1875 women constituted only 9.5 per cent of all Ukrainians studying in the teachers'
seminaries in Galicia; by 1885 this percentage had risen to 21.2. Rocznik Statystyki Galicyi 3
(1889-91): 94.
What Was Notable about the Notables?
107
schematism of the Lviv archeparchy for 1885,' 62 per cent of all priests were
pastors, 16 per cent chaplains, 13 per cent assistants and 9 per cent
administrators. Of the priests in the list of activists who have been identified
by status (47), 60 per cent were pastors,' 17 per cent assistants,' 13 per cent
administrators lO and 11 per cent chaplains." The activist-priests thus generally
corresponded in status with priests as a whole. The slight discrepancies are
easily explained. The underrepresentation of chaplains among the activists
probably reflects the difficulty of establishing reading clubs or other national
organizations in localities with a very small population. The
overrepresentation of administrators and assistants among the activists is
probably due to age. Younger priests were both more likely to be active in the
national movement '2 and more likely to be administrators and assistants
rather than pastors and chaplains."
The income of pastors derived primarily from three sources: a salary paid
by the government, the so-called (L) congruum (U kongrua); an endowment
(U dotatsiia) of land; and sacramental fees, the so-called (L) jura stolae.
Voluntary donations from parishioners" were rare."
The pastor's salary or congruum originated in the Josephine reforms, when
many church lands were nationalized and their incomes used to pay the
clergy. The congruum was considered a supplement to the income from the
parish farm endowment and pastors of different parishes received different
congrua depending on the size of the endowment. Thus the pastor of a parish
with no endowment received 254 gulden 21 kreuzer (LA 255), while the
pastor of a parish with a huge endowment (293.5 square Joch) paid 30
gulden 51 kreuzer into the "religious fund" (LA 109). On the average
Uudging by our priest-activists), a pastor received 120 gulden 26 kreuzer as a
congruum in the mid-1880s, before a new law, passed in 1885 and taking effect gradually over 1886-7, slightly raised the congrua. Under this new law,
7 Schem. Leop. 1885 (excluding Bukovyna).
• LA 21, 24, 40, 41, 44,56,60,62,70,73,93,95,109,112,120,146,164,183, 191, 195,213,
225, 234, 244, 247, 255, 33~ 333.
9 LA 13, 38, 110, 148, 185, 198, 314, 322.
10 LA 66, 159, 162, 167,296,298.
" LA 94, 205, 323, 324, 346.
12 The average year of birth of all priests in the Lviv Greek Catholic archeparchy was 1835.
(Calculated from Schem. Leop. 1885.) The average year of birth of the priest-activists (46
identified by age) was 1839. Of all the priests in the Lviv archeparchy, 48 per cent were born by
1835; of the priest-activists, 35 per cent. Several items of correspondence indicate that
nonpriest-activists expected younger priests to be more active in the national movement than
older priests: CC 69, 114.
" Of the priest-activists, the average year of birth of pastors was 1832, of chaplains 1839, of
administrators 1847 and of assistants 1853.
14 U stypendii manualni or datky "na bozhe".
" "Propamiatne pysmo pro nuzhdenne polozheniie hr.-kat. dukhovenstva v Halychyni
Bukovyni," Dilo 5, no. 20 (I8 February [I March] 1884): I.
108
Village Notables
pastors in Lviv and Cracow were to receive 1,000 gulden annually as their
total income (congruum plus income from endowment plus income from jura
stolae); pastors in other cities with a population of over 10,000 were to
receive 700 gulden; pastors in cities with a population of 5-10,000 and in
resort areas were to receive 600 gulden; and pastors and chaplains in all other
localities were to receive 500 gulden.'· Until this reform the congrua had
remained basically unchanged since the time of Joseph II, except for a minor
reform in 1836 that increased the congrua for some poor parishes in the
mountain regions."
The endowments of parishes were basically fixed throughout the Austrian
period. In the mid-1880s, the average endowment of a Greek Catholic parish
(again, judging by our pastor-activists) was 117.6 square loch. For
comparison, the average size of a peasant farm in 1847-59 was 7.3 square
loch" and by 1902 it had declined to 4.5 square loch." Pastors preferred to
hire agricultural labourers rather than work the land themselves.'o
Since both the congrua and endowments were relatively fixed throughout
the Austrian period, pastors could only increase their income by increasing
the fees they charged for performing sacramental rites, such as baptisms,
marriages and funerals; although illegal this was of necessity a universal
practice. These fees or jura stolae were a sore point in the priest-peasant
relationship." According to the radical Ivan Franko, using a pastor's financial
record books, the pastor of a parish with 636 members earned 835 gulden 96
kreuzer in jura stolae in one year (1876).22 A priest in the mid-1880s
estimated that a parish of 2,401 souls would produce 600 gulden in jura
stolae; of 1,891 souls 450 gulden; of 1,513 souls 400 gulden; of 1,190 souls
300 gulden; and of 893 souls 160 gulden."
The same priest also wrote that the real incomes of pastors varied greatly
and could be divided into five classes: c. 1,500 gulden, c. 1,300, c. 800,
c. 600, c. 300. The disparity of incomes among pastors is visible in the data
on pastor-activists. Some parishes had the reputation of being lucrative (see
LA 109), others poor (LA 332). Some priests had exceptional business
acumen and made a fortune (LA 70), others had no practical sense and went
deeply into debt (LA 324, a chaplain; see also LA 164 and 244).
'6 "Zakon konhrualnyi," Dilo 6, no. 33 (21 March [2 April] 1885): 1-2.
" "Propamiatne pysmo .... "
" Steblii, "Peredmova," Klasova borotba, 9.
" Sviezhynsky, Ahrarni vidnosyny, 27.
"Propamiatne pysmo ... ," Dilo 5, no. 22 (23 February [6 March] 1884): I.
20
" A proverb had it that priests were insatiable (U Ne hoden popa nasytyty. iak diriavoho
mikha). Cited in Martynowych, The Ukrainian Bloc Settlement, 99.
Ivan Franko, "Dokhody i vydatky vbohoho sviashchenyka," in Nechytaliuk, Publitsystyka
Ivana Franka . ... Seminarii, 61. This study of a priest's budget was originally published in 1878.
23 Sviashch. T.A.O., "Russkoie dukhovenstvo v Halychyni," Novyi prolom 4 (6), no. 359
(5 [17] August 1886): 1-2.
22
What Was Notable about the Notables?
109
The economic situation of chaplains was similar to that of pastors, except
that they were poorer. The average chaplain-activist had a congruum of 91
gulden 42 kreuzer and a parish endowment of 46.7 square Joch. Since
chaplaincies were smaller than parishes, the income from jura stolae would
be correspondingly less.
Administrators, who temporarily served in a parish before a pastor was
appointed, were paid a fixed salary, depending on the size of the parish, of
60, 50, 40 or 30 gulden monthly (after the reform of 1885-7).24 They were
also entitled to the jura stolae of the parish.
Assistants, who had no rights to the endowment in land, earned 21 gulden
annually before the congruum reform" and, depending on the size of the
parish, 400, 350, 300 or 250 gulden after the reform. 26 It was customary for
the pastor to give some of the income from jura stolae to the assistant. In
some parishes the assistant received one-third, but no norm for the division
had been established by the mid-1880s. 27
Although the income of a priest was high by comparison to that of a
peasant 28 or cantor, his expenditures were also greater, corresponding to his
station and education. He had to subscribe to the press and donate to worthy
causes;29 he had to eat and dress himself and his family better than the
plebeians. 30 One of his most burdensome expenses was his family. Unlike his
Roman-rite counterpart, the Greek Catholic priest was generally married. 3 !
Unlike his notable colleague, the teacher, the priest could not indefinitely
postpone marriage,32 but had to be married before accepting ordination,
°
"Spravy ruskoi tserkvy i dukhovenstva," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 9 (29 [17] February 1884): 51.
"Propamiatne pysmo ... " Dilo, no. 20 (l884): I. It could be less. The assistant in Dobrostany,
Horodok district, earned 179 gulden 80 kreuzer. Shem. Lviv. 1884, 59.
26 "Spravy ruskoi tserkvy .... "
27 Ot iepyskopskoho ordynariata, Stanyslavov, "Iepytrakhylnyi dokhody i prykhodski sotrudnyky,"
Slovo 26, no. 124 (3 [15] December 1886): I.
28 Proverbs expressed the peasants' view that the priest led a life as comfortable as a cat's and
that he did not have to work to earn his living (U Nikomu tak ne dobre iak popovy i kotovy; Ne
robyv pip na khlib i ne bude). Cited in Martynowych, The Ukrainian Bloc Settlement, 99.
29 "Propamiatne pysmo ... ," Dilo, no. 20 (l884): 2.
30 In the priest's budget examined by Franko, 475 gulden 26 kreuzer went for food and 125
gulden 16 kreuzer for clothes. Franko, "Dokhody i vydatky," 63-4.
3! In the Lviv archeparchy in the mid-1880s, 80.5 per cent of the priests were married, 17.9
per cent were widowed and only 1.6 per cent were celibate. (Calculated from
Schem. Leop. 1885.) In the Przemysl eparchy in 1900, 74.3 per cent were married, 21.3 per cent
were widowed and 4.4 per cent were celibate. Schematismus . .. dioeceseos gr.-cath. Premisliensis ... 1900,202.) Among the priest-activists, 75.5 per cent were married, 17.8 per cent widowed
and 6.7 per cent celibate. It is not surprising that the activists should contain a slightly higher
percentage of celibates, but it must be noted that the absolute numbers are low (3 of 45).
32 In 1880, 78 per cent of Cracow's teachers were single; in 1910, 66 per cent. Homola,
"Nauczycielstwo krakowskie," 115.
24
25
110
Village Notables
generally in his mid-twenties.)) Thus from early in his career, more or less at
the same age as a male peasant, the priest was encumbered with a family.
Unlike the peasant's family, the priest's family was not directly able to
participate in the priest's work and so augment the family income (except for
some help with the farm endowment). Moreover, the priest had to provide
much more for his family than the peasant for his, since by the late
nineteenth century the priest was expected to educate his children, particularly his sons. The education of their children was a large burden on the
clergy," which drove some of them into debt (LA 164,324; see also LA 244).
Similarly, where a peasant perforce let a family member die, the priest would
consider it his duty to pay for physicians for an ill member of his family
(LA 324). In sum, although the priest was, on average, the wealthiest
Ukrainian in the village, his level of civilization demanded that he expend
more of his relative wealth, to such an extent that the Greek Catholic clergy
of Galicia considered itself poor. 35 And, indeed, hunger was not unknown in
Greek Catholic clerical families (LA 324), especially in the first hard years
after ordination.'6
The income of teachers was less than that of priests. In the I 860s, 150
gulden a year was a good wage for elementary school teachers. In 1873 the
crownland school council reformed teachers' wages so that village teachers,
depending on their qualifications, earned from 200 to 300 gulden. l7 In the
early twentieth century, unqualified teachers in the countryside earned 500
crowns (250 gulden in the old currency) annually, so-called temporary
teachers (who had received a diploma [P swiadectwo dojrzalosci] but had not
yet passed the qualifying exam) earned 600 crowns, and permanent, qualified
teachers earned from 800 to 1,000 crowns. About half the villages' qualified
teachers received 900 and another quarter 1,000 crowns. J8
The income of a village school teacher in the mid-1880s was thus
comparable to that of an assistant in a parish. The teacher did not receive an
endowment in farmland, as did the priest, although sometimes the school was
endowed with a garden. Two of the teacher-activists in our list (LA 280, 340)
33
In our list of priest·activists, over half (56.5 per cent) were ordained at the age of 24, 25 or 26.
In the priest's budget examined by Franko, 361 gulden 20 kreuzer went toward the education
of one son in 1876. Franko, "Dokhody i vydatky," 64.
34
35 This is the burden of "Propamiatne pysmo .... " See also "Zizd dukhovenstva u Lvovi,"
Batkivshchyna 6, no. 4 (25 [13] January 1884): 21.
l6 Recalling his early years as an assistant, Fylymon Tarnavsky wrote: " ... My domestic
situation was very, very difficult. There was nothing to live from .... My wife and child and I
simply went hungry sometimes. Some neighbour women, who saw our poverty, would bring us
eggs from time to time, or milk, and groats; and we lived off this alone. Our living quarters were
very bad, old and damp. My wife's health began to fail." Tarnavsky, Spohady, 159.
Homola, "Nauczycielstwo krakowskie," 122. Hr[yhorii] Vr[etsiona]. "Platnia narodnykh
uchyteliv v Halychyni," Shkolna chasopys 6, no. 6 (16 [28] March 1885): 41.
37
38 Najdus, Szkice, I: 303-5. A new law in 1907 raised the wages of a permanent teacher in the
village to 1,000-1,200 crowns, and another increase was implemented on the eve of the First
World War. Homola, "Nauczycielstwo krakowskie," 123.
What Was Notable about the Notables?
III
seem to have supplemented their income with bee-keeping and gardening. The
endowment of a school with a garden was a tradition dating to the period before the regulation of teachers' salaries by the state; in fact, it was a tradition
rooted in the natural economy of serfdom. Sometimes a school was also
endowed with living quarters for the teacher, but usually it was not. Thus the
teacher generally had one major expense more than the priest: the cost of a
home" (the priest's home was provided by the parish). An important
difference between the priest's and teacher's income was that a sizable
portion of the former's came directly from individual peasants (the jura
stolae). The teacher's salary was paid in part by the communal (municipal)
government and in part by the district and crownland:o The teacher would
therefore be less likely than the priest to come into conflict with the
peasantry over economic matters.
Galician school teachers were among the lowest paid in the empire: 1 Some
experienced great hardship (see, e.g., LA 165), and if the exceptional teacher
was wealthy, it was not because he was a teacher (e.g., LA 83 was
prosperous, but only because his father was the richest farmer in the village).
Still, teachers received enough from their salaries to subsist without having to
take up additional work. The same cannot be said of the last of the village
notables, the cantor.
Before the educational reforms of the late 1860s and early 1870s, the posts
of cantor and teacher were often combined. The cantor-teacher (U
diakouchytel) was supported by the commune, which gave him a house (U
diakivstvo) and garden as well as contributions in kind and in money.42 With
the reforms, however, the posts of teacher and cantor were made separate and
the garden (and often the house) went to the school and the contributions to
the educational fund. 4l This dispossessed cantors in a number of localities,
wherever an endowed school had been established before 1868.
The reforms of the late 1860s, while regularizing the salaries of teachers,
did nothing for the cantors. Throughout the late nineteenth century the
amount paid a cantor and method of paying him varied from one village to
39
Vretsiona,"Platnia narodnykh uchyteliv .... "
[I ... niv, podorozhnyiJ, "Z-pid Horodka," Batkivshchyna 9, no. 39 (30 [18] September
1887): 233. Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 132.
40
41
Homola. "Nauczycielstwo krakowskie," 123. Najdus, Szkice, 1:305.
42 For example, when a school was founded in Dobrianychi, Berezhany circle, in 18 I 9, each
household was obliged to pay the cantor-teacher 5 measures (P garcy) of rye, 5 of barley as well
as I gulden 30 kreuzer in cash. I n addition, the commune bound itself to provide him with labour
for his garden (P robocizna). TsDIAL, 146/64b/2285, pp. 9-9v. Gubernial laws of 1806 and
1808 sought to assure that cantors received an adequate income, but left the method of payment
to local custom. Klunker, Die gesetzliche Unterthans-VerJassung, 1:305-6.
lIiia Boikevych, "Vidozva do ruskykh diakiv Halychyny i Bukovyny," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 35
(29 [17] August 1884): 213. V. Chernetsky, "Pysmo z Krystynopolia," Batkivshchyna 9, no. 7
(18 [6] February 1887): 41 (this is the text of a petition sent by the cantors to parliament in
February 1887). On schools with gardens, 1890-1900, see Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 135.
43
112
Village Notables
the next. Some cantors still retained a house and garden." Some still received
contributions in kind from parishioners: e.g., in Baryliv, Brody district, each
household gave the cantor ten sheaves of grain;45 in Burkaniv, Pidhaitsi
district, the cantor was paid in barley and cash (CC 99); and in Mylna,
Brody district, each landed peasant gave the cantor a (U) chvert (a measure
equal to 30.15 litres) of grain.'· In many villages the cantor relied on a yearly
payment, the so-called (U) rokivshchyna, collected from individual
parishioners when they made their annual confession before Easter (CC 126,
152).47 Like the priest with his jura stolae, cantors were also paid by
individual parishioners for their role in sacramental rites (CC 99):'
According to our correspondents, cantors earned very little. One
correspondent swore that no cantor in the Zboriv deanery earned more than
20 gulden a year (CC 215) and another correspondent, the cantor of
Burkaniv (LA 39), said he earned \0 gulden and \0 (U) chverti of barley a
year (CC 99).
Economic insecurity provoked the cantors of Galicia to organize and lobby
for the interests of their estate. Beginning in the mid-I 880s, cantors
petitioned the Greek Catholic consistories, diet and parliament for a reform
of their situation. Among their demands were the restitution of houses and
gardens for cantors (CC 152, 244),'9 and fixed, higher wages paid regularly,
either monthly or quarterly, by the communal governments or the church
committees (CC 126, 152).
The editors of Batkivshchyna, although supportive of the cantors'
movement, did not feel that the cantors could achieve their goals and
advocated instead that cantors improve their material conditions by taking on
a second, auxiliary profession such as scribe, merchant or craftsman. 50 In this
spirit, the cantors' school in Zavaliv, Pidhaitsi district, offered, in addition to
training in music, instruction in cobblery, tailoring, blacksmithing and the
wheelwright's trade.51 Among the 29 cantors in the list of activists, 10 had at
least one other occupation, usually peasant or scribe (Appendix V); another
(LA 39) worked as an agricultural labourer to make ends meet and another
(LA 81) later became an insurance agent. As the cantor-activist Ihnatii
Polotniuk (LA 264) wrote at the turn of the century, "in many of our
"Pershyi zbir diakiv i diakivska sprava v Halychyni," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 33 (15 [3] August
1884): 202.
44
45
Kravets, Selianstvo, 94-5.
"Pivets tserkovnyi," Novyi prolom 2, no. 127 (4 [16J April 1884): 4. Confiscated copy in
TsDIAL, 146/7/4370, p. 48.
46
47 The Roman Catholic organist in Western Galicia was paid in much the same way. See
Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 142.
48
The cantor of Mylna also received fees for specific services. "Pivets tserkovnyi."
'9 See also "Pershyi zbir .... "
"Sprava diakivska" Batkivshchyna 7, no. 4 (23 [I I] January 1885): 24-5, and no. 5
(30 [18] January 1885): 33.
;<,
" " ... shkola diakivska," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 36 (24 August [5 September] 1884): 224.
What Was Notable about the Notables?
113
communes cantors are also farmers, communal scribes, managers of
stores .... "52
Thus of the three strata of village notables, the cantors alone were unable
to live entirely from their profession. They also were the only notables without state regulation of their wages. Like the priest, but unlike the teacher, the
cantor frequently depended for his income on the contributions of individual
peasants.
In reviewing the economic situation of the village notables, several points
can be made. The priest and teacher received a salary sufficient to allow for
their complete devotion to intellectual work, which often had a direct relation
to the educational and organizational goals of the national movement. This
was only partially true of cantors, although cantors who became scribes or
store managers were in a situation similar to that of priests and teachers.
Although the village notables were not professional activists of the national
movement, their positions allowed them to be nearly such if they so chose.
None of the village notables formed a truly wealthy stratum and all contained
impoverished elements, but they were nonetheless materially better off than
the peasantry as a whole. Moreover, they were all more integrated into the
money economy than the peasantry, since all received at least part of their
income in money. The teacher was entirely paid in money, the priest and
cantor partially.
The analysis of the economic circumstances of the three strata of the
notability has revealed a hierarchy in which the priests were at the top, the
teachers in the middle and the cantors at the bottom. This hierarchy was not
limited to the economic sphere, but extended to the other areas in which the
notables differed from the peasantry: education, mobility and prestige.
The priest was the most educated of the notables. He attended the
theological faculty of Lviv University for four years and could attend some
courses outside that faculty.53 Some clergymen received part of their
education outside Galicia (e.g., LA 44). All priests would study at least five
languages: Ukrainian, Polish and German as the living languages of Galicia,
and Latin and Old Church Slavic as the languages of theology and liturgy.
Some priests knew other foreign languages (LA 164, 323). After ordination
priests were expected to continue educating themselves 54 and some had the
reputation of being quite well read (LA 164, 323, 346).
Teachers attended a teachers' seminary for four years." Although some
teachers attended or finished gymnasium (e.g., LA 14, 29, 83), this was not a
requirement for admission to a teachers' seminary. All teachers were expected
" Ihnatii Polotniuk. "V dili nashykh diakov," Halychanyn 20, no. 200 (6 [19] September
1901): 2.
53 Fylymon Tarnavsky, who studied for the priesthood in the mid-1880s, has left a memoir of the
experience. Tarnavsky, Spohady, 99-105,110-15.
54
"Propamiatne pysmo ... ," Dilo, no. 20 (I 884): 1-2.
The school law of 14 May 1869, supplemented 2 May 1883, reprinted in Kalendarz
Nauczycielski ... 1885, 59.
55
114
Village Notables
to know German (this was tested in the qualifying exam)," and Ukrainian
teachers studied both Ukrainian and Polish."
Unlike teachers and priests, cantors had no systematized educational requirements. The only real educational prerequisite to become a cantor was
literacy, which, of course, was still a great advance over the educational level
of the peasantry as a whole. There were cantors' schools in Zavaliv, Pidhaitsi
district;" in Przemysl (founded by bishop Ivan Snihursky in 1818);59 in
Shumiach, Turka district;60 and in Khrystynopil, Sokal district, later
transferred to Stanyslaviv (this school was directed by Ihnatii Polotniuk
[LA 264)). Studies at a cantorial school, however, were not compulsory.
Cantors could pass qualifying examinations administered by the Greek
Catholic consistories:' but these were not compulsory either. Of our
cantor-activists, it has only been possible to identify two who passed such an
examination (LA 118, 264). The cantors' movement pressed unsuccessfully
for the regulation of education and qualifying exams from the mid-1880s into
the early twentieth century.62
A striking characteristic of the village notables, by comparison to the
peasants, was their mobility. In Galicia as a whole in 1900, 78.4 per cent of
the population lived in the commune of their birth:' The peasants in our list
of activists generally lived in the same village as their ancestors had. 64 For the
notables, however, it was very rare to finish their lives in the same communes
where they were born. And in between birth and death, most notables
necessarily lived in several localities and spent some years in an urban
environment. Again, the hierarchy of the notables holds true for mobility,
with priests being the most mobile, teachers nearly so and cantors somewhere
between the upper notables and the peasantry.
" Homola, "Nauczycielstwo krakowskie," 117.
" There were no exclusively Ukrainian-language teachers' seminaries in Galicia, although there
were exclusively Polish-language seminaries. Ukrainian teachers generally attended one of three
utraquist (bilingual Polish-Ukrainian) seminaries. "V spravi iazyka ruskoho v utrakvystychnykh
semynariiakh," Dilo 7, no. 134 (27 November [9 December] (886): I.
"Uriad parokhiialnyi z Zavalova," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 40 (3 October [21 September]
(884): 248.
59 Pelesh, Geschichte der Union. 2:956, 958-9. "V diakivskii bursi," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 36
(24 August [5 September] (884): 224.
60 "Shkolu diakiv," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 48 (27 [15] November (885): 332.
58
6' "Ispyt diakiv v mytropolychii konsystorii," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 26 (26 [14] June 1885): 195.
Polotniuk, "V dili nashykh diakov."
"Pershyi zbir ... ," Batkivshchyna, no. 33 (1884): 202-3. CC 126, 154, 244. Polotniuk, "V dili
nashykh diakov."
62
6] Bujak, Galicja, I :65. In 1880 the percentage for all of Galicia was 89.4, while in the
overwhelmingly Ukrainian and rural region of Southern Podillia the percentage ranged from 91.8
(Husiatyn district) to 94.0 (Borshchiv district). Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 82.
See LA 16, 18, 19,20,36,51,52,79,82,84,85,92,101,106,107,108,117, 119, 122, 154,
158, 160, 169, 197, 199,202,208,212,239,246,249,261,283,284,287,299, 306, 321, 337,
354, 365.
64
What Was Notable about the Notables?
115
Priests were usually born in villages. As the sons of other priests, they may
well have moved from village to village as children. Before reaching
adolescence, the priest-to-be would attend elementary school in a nearby
small city and later a gymnasium in a larger city. He would spend four years
in Galicia's capital studying theology. Courting would take the priest to a
number of villages during his summer vacations. Following ordination at
about 26 years of age:' the priest would spend the next ten to twenty-five
years being transferred from parish to parish as an assistant or administrator: 6 until finally settling in one locality as a chaplain or pastor. Thus priests
saw a great deal of the Galician countryside, knew the cities too and spent
their formative twenties in the capital. They therefore would find it much
easier to think in national, as opposed to communal, terms than would the
peasants. Some priests travelled outside Galicia (LA 44), some to Vienna
(LA 164, 324), and some even travelled abroad (LA 164; see also LA 176).
Teachers had a similar mobility profile. They were generally born in
villages and small towns, of humbler origins than the priests, and may have
received some elementary or secondary education in a city. Ukrainian teacher
candidates spent four years at the utraquist seminaries in Lviv, Ternopil or
Stanyslaviv. 67 Once they began teaching, they could expect frequent transfers,
especially until they became permanent, qualified teachers (which generally
took four to ten years):' Our teacher-activists were frequently transferred,"
perhaps more so than most Galician teachers were. The school councils
punished undesirable political action by transfers, and this especially affected
teachers active in the Ukrainian national movement.?O Teacher-activists, like
priest-activists, had sometimes been outside Eastern Galicia (LA 14, 178) and
some even travelled outside the empire (LA 29, 280; LA 280 only went
abroad, as a peasant would, when he was in the army). One teacher-activist
(LA 83) eventually emigrated to North America.
The least mobile and travelled of the notables were the cantors. There was
no typical pattern of mobility for them. Some cantors were born in one village
and then later worked in another or several other villages." Other cantors
This was the average age of ordination of our priest-activists.
Of our priest-activists, it has been possible to determine that LA 21, 38, 44, 110, 112, 148,
164, 167, 185, 198,205,234,296,298,314,322,324,325 and 332 had been stationed in more
than one locality. LA 164 had five known postings and LA 167 was described as an
"administrator-wanderer." Among our priest-activists, the assistants were born between 1848 and
1858 and the administrators between 1839 and 1853, while the chaplains were born between
1817 and 1849 and the pastors between 1806 and 1848.
67 "V spravi iazyka ruskoho ... ," Dilo, no. 134 (1886): I.
65
66
Homola, "Nauczycielstwo krakowskie," 119.
LA 136 had at least six postings; LA II, 248 and 280-four; LA 14, 29, 42, 104 and
340-three; and LA 48, 83,105,165,214 and 256-two. Only LA 87,133,334 spent a long time
at one post.
?O See LA 340 and CC 211. Najdus, Szkice, 1:297-9.
OR
69
" LA 39 and 264 worked in more than one locality. Many parishes had the custom of hiring
cantors for one year at a time. The hiring was customarily done on the Sunday after Easter
116
Village Notables
were peasants who learned the cantor's art and stayed in their native village
(LA 168, 215, 306). Probably the more professional a cantor was, the more
likely he was to move from village to village. Also, the more professional
cantor would probably seek either training or certification in the eparchial
seats (Lviv, Przemysl, Stanyslaviv). When cantors engaged in more distant
travel, they generally did so as the peasants-in a soldier's uniform (LA 264,
295; LA 368 moved from a village to Lviv after abandoning the cantor's
profession to become custodian at the seminary). All in all, cantors were a bit
more mobile than the peasantry, just as they were a bit more educated.
The final characteristic of the village notability was the social prestige it
enjoyed. Again, the hierarchy previously noted reasserts itself here. The priest
enjoyed the most prestige, especially among the traditional peasantry. Evhen
Olesnytsky, reflecting in his memoirs on the 1860s, wrote: "Peasants' sons
who finished secondary schools went almost without exception into theology,
because it was the ideal of a peasant who had sent his son for a higher
education to see him become a priest. Generally in the village other
occupations were considered less valuable and less respected."" The priest's
high prestige among the peasantry is not difficult to understand: to some
degree it reflected respect for the priest's relative wealth and education, but it
also reflected the special status of the priest as a religious authority In
traditional society.
The urban-based secular intelligentsia must also have held the priest in
highest esteem among the village notables, and not merely because of his
more proximate educational and material level. The Ukrainian secular
intelligentsia-Olesnytsky himself, for example-was largely descended from
the Greek Catholic clergy (also, e.g., LA 67). Moreover, the clergy had a
long tradition as a notable stratum in the village, which the
teachers-essentially innovations of the constitutional era---did not. Finally,
the clergy was the notable stratum most likely to be elected to an
extra-communal representative body."
The social origins of the clergy were higher than those of the other
notables. Most priests were themselves the sons of priests (LA 44, 164, 323,
324) and only a minority were of peasant origin (LA 176, a seminarian in the
mid-1880s). Some priestly families were of noble origin (e.g., LA 164, 191).
By contrast, teachers" and cantors 7S were largely of plebeian background.
71( continued) (St. Thomas Sunday). CC 106. Ot iepyskopskoho ordynariata, Stanyslavov,
"Prykhodnyky, diaky i tserkovnaia prysluha," Siovo 27, no. 35-6 (9 [21] and 11 [23] April
1887): 1.
72 Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:26.
13 LA 44, 191, 300 and 325 were elected to the district government; LA 324 was elected to
parliament. By contrast, one teacher (LA 83) and one cantor (LA 328) were elected to the
district government.
74 LA 14, 178 and 280 were of peasant origin; LA 29 was of peasant-burgher origin, although he
claimed noble-clerical roots for his family; and LA 83 was of Ukrainian petty-gentry origin
(U shliakhta khodachkova; see below, 212-15). See also Homola, "Nauczycielstwo krakowskie,"
115.
7S LA 215 was of peasant origin; LA 264 was also of peasant origin, but with a burgher
background in the family; some cantors were probably the sons of cantors.
What Was Notable about the Notables'?
117
Teachers occupied an intermediary position in the notable social hierarchy.
A good indication of their status was that they were allowed to marry into
priestly families (LA 83, 256), a prerogative generally of university students
and seminarians and normally out of the question for peasants and even
cantors.
The lowest prestige, of course, fell to the cantor. Even the peasant had a
low opinion of him, considering him an inveterate drinker (U shcho diak, to
piiak),76 lazy and, so went the stereotype, a lover of knishes (CC 99).77 Yet
the cantor did enjoy some prestige, as is evidenced by the disproportionate
role he played in communal government, particularly as scribe (LA 266, 304,
328,331), but also as councilman (LA 215, 264)."
Notables before the National Movement
In the century before the national movement began to penetrate the
village, the Galician countryside was the arena of chronic class conflict between peasants and landlords. The village notables could not stand entirely
apart from the contest and the stances they took, when compared with their
later role in the national movement, reveal elements of both continuity and
change.
Under serfdom, there were only two strata of notables in the Ukrainian
village: the priests and the cantors (including the cantor-teachers). Of the
two, the priests took the most ambiguous stance, sometimes completely
supporting the peasantry in its struggle against feudalism and sometimes
siding with the manor and government against the commune. There were
cases where individual priests embodied this duality. For example, in 1808
the Greek Catholic priest in Pryslip, Sambir circle, was considered to be in
sympathy with the insurgent commune. Therefore when a military unit and
circle officials arrived in the village, one of the first things they did was
confront the priest. In the words of a circle commissioner, "they convincingly
reminded him of his obligations," and as a result the priest revealed to them
where the insurgent peasants were concentrated. Then the soldiers and
officials took the priest to the peasants, ordering him "to address the mob
with an instructive speech and to call them to order and obedience with
regard to the manor." After they made the priest speak a second time, the
Nikolaievich, "V dili nashykh diakov. (Holos iz provintsii)," Halychanyn 20, no. 190
(25 August [7 September] 1901): 2.
16
77 Among the opponents of the reading club in Volia Iakubova, Drohobych district, was "one
knish-eating cantor (U odyn knyshoid-diak) , who runs after knishes from three villages away
and who often enough can be found 'lying so that the dogs came and licked his mug'" (CC 92).
The cantor's reputation as a knish-lover was immortalized in a children's rhyme, "Tovchu, tovchu
mak." Dytiachyi folklor, 385-6.
" See also Polotniuk. "V dili nashykh diakov," Halychanyn, no. 200 (1901): 2.
118
Village Notables
"mob" dispersed." In short, the pastor of Pryslip changed sides under
pressure from the authorities.'o
There are other documented cases in which the priest stood firmly with the
peasants." A priest in Stryi circle in 1789 spread anti-feudal rumours among
the peasantry and seems to have headed a conspiracy directed against the
nobility. He was arrested, but released for lack of firm evidence. A local
noble, apparently not yet accustomed to the new Austrian legal procedures,
beat the priest up on his own initiative. The Stryi circle authorities wanted to
investigate the assault on the priest, but they were too busy at the time-all
the commissioners "were up to their neck in work in connection with
enforcing overdue road-labour obligations" (U sharvarok)." Father I.
Vyshnevsky of the Hutsul village of Zhabie, Kolomyia circle, was a radical
defender of peasant interests. He took on the functions of a corner-scribe and
lawyer in pursuing peasant grievances in the mid-1840s and in 1844 he even
sheltered some of the fugitive leaders of the Kobylytsia uprising in Bukovyna.
He was hated by the circle authorities and local nobility for his "passion
against the manor."8J In June 1846 a circle commissioner reported to Sambir
that the pastor of Dorozhiv was "a drunk, who-it seems-is inciting the
commune." The commissioner visited him "before eight o'clock in the
morning" and "found him already in an intoxicated state." The priest told the
commissioner (in the presence of serfs, as the latter indignantly noted) that
the circle authorities, by forcing the peasants to make up auxiliary days, were
violating the provisions of the imperial patent of 13 April 1846. "Although,"
wrote the commissioner in his report, "I suitably put the aforementioned vicar
in his place, he would not be convinced." About a week later the priest,
"tipsy, cursed out two soldiers who were walking by."" One need not give
complete credence to the commissioner's remarks on the priest's alcoholism;
the commissioner was probably looking for some vice that would explain behaviour so depraved, a servant of God siding with serfs.
Cases of priests objectively serving the government and manor are also
documented. The political authorities certainly expected the clergy to be
cooperative in maintaining the feudal order and called on it, for example, to
heIp enforce the auxiliary days" and to preach against social banditism
(U opryshkivstvo).'6 The authority of priests was sometimes used by the
79
Klasova borotba, 66-8.
'0 For another example of ambiguous behaviour, see the material on Iosyf Levytsky in ibid.,
334-5, 535 note 60.
" See also Rosdolsky, Die grosse Steuer- und Agrarrejorm, 14 note 15.
" Klasova borotba, 57, 59.
8J Ibid., 245-6, 249-50, 533 note 40, 534 note 44.
84 Ibid., 329.
R5 Ibid., 56.
86
Ibid., 74.
Notables before the National Movement
119
circle officials to help restore order in rebellious communes" and one Greek
Catholic priest went so far as to inform the police about the "spirit of
resistance to serfdom and even bloodthirsty thoughts" infecting the Ukrainian
population in 1846."
Priests' support of the feudal system brought reprisals from the peasantry.
Perehinsko, in Stryi circle, was owned by the Greek Catholic metropolitanate;
thus clergy and manor here were identical. During anti-feudal disturbances in
Perehinsko in 1843 the peasants besieged the rectory and later tried to
ambush the priest. 89 Insurgent peasants in Dyniv, Sanok circle, in 1846 looted
both the manor and the church. They tied up two priests, beat them and then
shot at them with pistols.'o
The priests' participation on both sides of the class struggle under serfdom
indicates that they had conflicting interests, that there were factors binding
them to both the peasant and the landlord. Of the links with the peasantry,
the strongest perhaps was that of the pastor with his parishioners. The
landowner and state officials would normally be outside the Greek Catholic
community, and it would be the oppressed peasantry that the priest baptized,
married, confessed and buried. The sharing of these intimate moments
unquestionably gave the priest a deeper insight into the nature and
aspirations of the peasant than that possessed by the nobles and officials. One
might even imagine in this early period some confessional, preternational
sympathies with the Greek Catholic Ruthenian peasantry. Furthermore, the
priest was versed in Christian teaching, which throughout the ages has been a
double-edged sword. The edge that spoke of social justice, equality and the
exaltation of the humble could also cut into the soul of a priest in a Galician
village.
More manifold were the factors inclining the clergy to support the feudal
system. One factor was that the Greek Catholic church was itself a large
landowner: 1 and behaved much as other estate-owners did in Galicia. For example, the priest who managed the Perehinsko estate, owned by the Greek
Catholic metropolitanate, ordered that every serf in the village be beaten
during a strike in 1817." Clearly, a priest could not develop a reputation as a
champion of the peasants against the manor and expect to be advanced in his
eparchy. Furthermore, as already noted:' individual priests sometimes
imposed feudal rents on their parishioners. In addition to the feudal interests
81
RR
89
9n
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
III, 306-7.
294.
233-4, 238.
269. See also Hladylovych, "Spomyny."
'I The Galician metropolitan ate owned about ten villages in 1830. Istoriia selianstva URSR,
J :335. Steblii, "Peredmova," Klasova borotba, 6. In 1902 it still owned 30,991 hectares.
Sviezhynsky, Ahrarni vidnosyny, 24.
" Klasova borotba, 74-5.
See above, 6.
OJ
120
Village Notables
of hierarchy and clergy, i.e., of the church itself, the landlords' influence over
the clergy could dissuade priests from siding with the peasants. Throughout
the Austrian period, the "presentation" (U prezent) , i.e., appointment, of a
pastor was the prerogative of the manor. A priest could spend a very long
time as an assistant or administrator if he was known for his anti-feudal
proclivities. Also, the priest would tend to follow the government's lead in
siding with the nobility, because Greek Catholic priests were thoroughly
imbued with the ideals of Josephinism;4 which linked pastoral activity with
service to the state. Even had the Josephine ideals been weaker, the officials
had ways of convincingly reminding priests of their obligations (the case of
the priest of Pryslip), including putting pressure on the consistory to remove
them!5 Besides these external pressures on the priest, there was an internal
barrier to his complete dedication to the cause of the peasantry: for both
moral and intellectual reasons, he would generally be unwilling to support the
peasants when they engaged in futile extralegal, especially violent, resistance
to serfdom. Finally, at least in the 1830s and 1840s, the educated priests
preferred to socialize with the estate officials (stewards, mandators and forest
wardens) rather than with the peasants.96
Most of these circumstances distancing the clergy from the peasantry in
the feudal era would be absent in the era of the national movement: serfdom
would have been abolished, the main focus of the movement would have
shifted away from the socio-economic struggle between landlords and
peasants, the Josephine ideal of service to the state would have been
transformed into the ideal of service to the nation and the national movement
would work within the legal political system, not against it. Also, the links between the clergy and peasantry would be strengthened by the addition of a
consciously national solidarity.
The cantors and cantor-teachers were not at all ambiguous on where they
stood during the feudal era: they sided with the peasantry. They can be found
formulating peasant grievances;' opening the church for a solemn oath of
communal solidarity against the manor;' inciting rebellion 99 and spreading
anti-feudal rumours.lOO The crucial role of the cantor as the bearer of
anti-feudal ideology was well understood by the radical Polish revolutionaries
of 1846, who hoped that cantors would carry their message of revolt from
See below, 124-5.
This was what was happening in the affair of the allegedly alcoholic pastor of Dorozhiv cited
above.
96 Vozniak, lak probudylosia, 135. Anatol Vakhnianyn, "Pro zhytie pytomtsiv i dukhovenstva v
litakh 1837 i 1838," Ruslan 12, no. 81 (8 [21] April 1908): 3.
9' Klasova borotba. 79-80.
98 Ibid., 189.
99 Ibid., 233-4.
100 Ibid., 378.
94
95
Notables before the National Movement
121
village to village. lol In addition to aiding peasant resistance, cantors-by
teaching peasant children to read-loosened the fetter of ignorance on the
serfs. They did so at great risk to themselves, since landlords tried to
discourage education by sending cantor-teachers or their children into the
army.IO' I have not come across evidence of cantors cooperating with the
landlords against the peasants during the feudal era. 103
Interposed between the struggles over serfdom and servitudes were the
tumultuous years of revolution, 1848-9. The revolution was a foreshadowing
of what would only be consolidated later, during the period of the development of the national movement in the countryside.
The abolition of serfdom and formation of the Supreme Ruthenian Council
allowed for the emergence of the first close alliance between the clergy and
the peasantry. The priests worked among the peasants, reading aloud to them
the appeals of the Supreme Ruthenian Council as well as articles from the
first Ukrainian newspaper, Zaria halytska. They also encouraged peasants to
sign petitions for the division of Galicia and in general brought the national
idea from Lviv to the viliages. t04 It is no wonder that in countless petitions to
the Supreme Ruthenian Council, peasants identified the council with "our
honourable spiritual fathers" and "the Greek Catholic rite," 105 and that
enemies of the Council-whether Polish priests,I06 mandators t07 or Polish circle
commissionerslO'-began agitating against the Ukrainian priests among the
Ukrainian peasantry.109 Not all the ties binding the priest to the landlords
1111 From an anonymous leaflet urging the peasants of Eastern Galicia to rise against the
landlords and Austrian government: "The cantor must copy this appeal and immediately and
secretly pass it on to the cantor from I1emnia. who must then send it to the cantor in Hrabiv, and
he to Spas and so on from village to village, so that in a week this appeal reaches Perehinsko. If
this is not done, then the cantor through whose fault it stopped will be killed without hestitation."
Ibid., 273: see also 276-7.
102 See above, 14. Also: Boikevych, "Vidozva do ruskykh diakiv .... " Luzhnytsky, Ukrainska
tserkva, 491.
103 The Polish ethnographer Kazimierz Dobrowolski has observed: " ... The great majority of
peasants who became literate [under feudalism] took minor posts in the villages as the rectors of
parish schools, vicars, church organists [the equivalents of the cantors in Polish peasant society],
scribes in village courts, and accountants in large estates. It was from this group that the leaders
of peasant movements and jacqueries were recruited as well as the originators of a rebel peasant
ideology, searching in the gospels for a justification for peasant rights." "Peasant Traditional
Culture," 296.
104 From a report of the Zbarazh Ruthenian council to Lviv: ..... In those villages where our
priests are enjoying their slumber, the peasants still know nothing" about the petition drive.
K/asova borotba, 444. See also Kozik, Miedzy reakcjq a rewo/ucjq, 53.
105
K/asova borotba, 474, 476, 487, 489,502,512-13. See also above, 31 note 185,35.
"" Ibid., 424.
107 Ibid" 426, 482.
lOR
Ibid .. 405, 450.
"" Many Ukrainian priests received death threats in 1848. Vozniak, lak probudy/osia, 150.
122
Village Notables
were broken yet. 110 The governors of Galicia still felt they could rely on
priests to quell communes in open rebellion and to convince the emancipated
peasants to fulfill corvee obligations still owing from before the abolition of
serfdom."1 The nobles' prerogative of presentation was still in force, although
the Galician peasant deputies to parliament-in their programmatic demands
of 3 September 1848-wanted to have the commune choose the pastor. "'
Also, a minority of Greek Catholic priests (a minority which would effectively disappear over the next two decades) were still so attached to the higher,
Polish culture that they sided with the Poles during the revolution. ll3 If the
priests' commitment to the alliance with the peasantry was not yet total in
1848, neither were the peasants completely willing to trust those who had
wavered in the decades previous. In the parliamentary elections of 1848, the
overwhelmingly peasant electors chose fifteen Ukrainian peasants and only
eight clergymen to represent them. As the Polish historian Jan Kozik
concluded, "this testified ... clearly to the peasants' loss of confidence in the
Ukrainian clergy .... "114 Still, for all the reservations on both sides,
reservations that would never entirely disappear during the period of the
national movement, the revolution of 1848-9 sparked the first close working
alliance between the peasantry and the largest and most important stratum of
the village notables.
As one might expect, the cantors were enthusiastic supporters of the
Ukrainian and peasant side during the revolution. They also read national
literature aloud to the peasants" 5 and took an active part in the local
Ruthenian councils." 6 Persecution by the manor did not cease during the
revolutionary period either. A manorial official in Derzhiv, Stryi circle, said
he would hang the cantor-teacher if he had the authority and called him a
rebel because he read Zaria halytska. l17 In a manner very similar to what
would happen later in the national movement, both local Ruthenian councils ll8
and the Ukrainian peasant deputies in pariiament lJ9 called for a regularization
and increase of the cantors' income.
During the struggle over servitudes, the role of priests was transitional between that which they had played under feudalism and that which they would
play after the constitutional era allowed the national movement to reach the
110 A priest in the region of Zhovkva in 1848 decided to join the Polish National Council so as
not to court the wrath of a landlord. Ibid., 135.
III
Klasova borotba, 454,507.
I" Rosdolsky, Bauernabgeordneten, 172.
II]
114
115
116
117
IIR
119
Himka, "The Greek Catholic Church," 436-7.
Kozik, Mi~dzy reakcjq a rewolucjq, 86-7.
Ibid., 53.
Ibid., 38. Klasova borotba, 409.
Klasova borotba, 474-5.
Ibid., 434.
Ibid., 428.
Notables before the National Movement
123
village (and had played briefly in 1848-9). We have already seen, in our
discussion of losyf Lozynsky and the national movement's position on the
servitudes struggle,I2O that the general policy of the clergy was one of support
for the restitution of peasant rights, with a compromise offered to the
landlords (accepting the Josephine cadastre as a basis for settlement). We
have also seen that this general policy could not be communicated effectively
in the absence of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms of the press,
association and assembly.
However, in surveying the materials of the servitudes commission (see
Table 15), I found no evidence that priests played a role in helping peasants
pursue their legal cases. Priests often had their own servitude claims on the
manor, which were always settled separately from the peasants' claims. It can
well be imagined that priests would have tended to keep aloof from the
peasants' generally hopeless servitude cases in order not to jeopardize their
own. As for illegal and violent servitude actions by the peasantry, parish
priests would oppose them just as they had opposed illegal resistance to
serfdom from 1772 to 1848. Characteristic here is the behaviour of the priest
of Dobrotvir,121 who urged his parishioners to abandon their resistance.
Finally, the church's role as landowner meant that it would oppose peasant
claims to its forests and pastures 122 just as under serfdom it had broken
resistance to corvee labour on its estates.
As for cantors and teachers, if the cantor of Batiatychi l2l and the teacher
in Dobrotvir l24 are representative, they did as the lower notables did before
and after the servitudes struggle: they sided unequivocally with the peasants.
In the National Movement
The notables' participation in the national movement was motivated by
factors common to all three strata as well as by factors specific to each. What
they held in common, albeit in varying degrees, can be summarized as the
possession of sufficient education and extracommunal consciousness to
comprehend the ideology of the national movement and act in accordance
120
See above, 53-4.
121
See above, 45.
122 The radical Ivan Franko visited the village of Lolyn, Stryi district, in 1876 and was witness to
a visitation by Metropolitan losyf Sembratovych. The peasants hated the metropolitan and
offered Franko the following explanation: "Look at him, so dry and holy, but he brought down
misfortune on our commune! Our alpine meadows (U polonyny) border those of Perehinsko, and
Perehinsko belongs to the metropolitan. Well, out of the blue the metropolitan-may God strike
him!-began to take away the meadow, which has been ours forever, about 500 loch! How much
legal work we had to go through in pursuit of our claim! We spent more than 300 gulden on the
case, but what could we poor people accomplish against such a [powerful person]? We lost. Now
we can graze neither cattle nor sheep and cannot keep as much livestock as formerly, because he
has taken from us our best meadow!" Ivan Franko [M---{)nj, "Pi sma iz Avstriiskoi Ukrainy,"
Volnoe slovo, no. 54 (I February 1883): 4.
I2J See above, 43.
124
See above, 47-8.
124
Village Notables
with its precepts. Both priests and teachers, who knew their Polish
counterparts, also had the example, and felt the effects of, Polish nationalism.
The specific motivations of the Greek Catholic priest in the national
movement included confessional, ideological, pastoral and socio-economic
elements. The confessional link between the priest and the national movement
was that the priest was, first and foremost, a representative of the Greek
Catholic church and this religion (more properly, rite) was, along with language, one of the most important characteristics differentiating Ukrainians
from Poles and other nationalities in Galicia. The Poles were Roman
Catholic, the Germans Roman Catholic and Protestant, and the Jews, of
course, had their own religion.
There were some Ukrainian-speakers of the Latin rite l25 and some
Greek-rite Polish-speakers,126 both of whom can be considered borderline cases
and ethnic raw material for both the Polish and Ukrainian national
movements. Otherwise, the designations "Greek Catholic" and "Ruthenian"
were synonymous in Galicia. Thus when the Supreme Ruthenian Council was
formed in 1848, membership was open to any Galician-born Ukrainian of the
Greek Catholic church "admitting through his faith to the Ruthenian
nationality."127 Given the identity between religion and nationality, the priest
participating in the national movement was furthering the interests of the
coreligionists entrusted to his care. 128
The general connection between pastoral duties and national obligations
implied by the aforementioned circumstance was strengthened by the
Josephine ideology pervasive in the clergy. Josephinism had a particularly
strong impact on the Greek Catholic church in Galicia. The Austrian
enlightened emperors had really shaped this church, given it its very name,129
educated its clergy for the first time,130 and in general ended the decades of
overt and covert discrimination the church had suffered in the Polish
Commonwealth. 131 But the influence of Josephinism was not simply a matter
125 The so-called (U) Iatynnyky, to be dealt with below, 208-12.
Primarily Polonized artisans of Ukrainian origin. See Himka, "Voluntary Artisan
Associations," 187.
121 Himka, "The Greek Catholic Church," 435.
128 See Hroch, Vorkampfer, 132.
126
129 In 1772 the Ukrainian church was still referred to as the Uniate or Greek Uniate church, a
constant reminder that it had long been in schism from the True Church of Rome and had only
embraced union within the recent historical past. The term implied a certain inferiority vis-a.-vis
the real "Roman Catholics." In July 1774 Maria Theresia decreed that the term "Uniate" was to
be banished from private as well as public usage and replaced by the term "Greek Catholic."
130 Under old Poland, most Uniate priests had no formal seminary training. The Habsburgs established the crucial educational institutions for the clergy: the seminary for Greek Catholics
attached to St. Barbara's church in Vienna (the so-called Barbareum), founded in 1774 and replaced by a general seminary in Lviv in 1783, and the imperial seminary residence (G Convict)
for Greek Catholics, founded in Vienna in 1803.
131 In June 1744 Maria Theresia announced her intention "to do away with everything that might
make the Uniate people believe they are regarded as worse than Roman Catholics." Cited in
Pelesh, Geschichte der Union, 2:623-4.
In the National Movement
125
of the Greek Catholics' gratitude for the Josephine reforms. Josephinism also
flowed into an ideological vacuum in the Greek Catholic church. The church
was virtually without tradition, having been established in Galicia only in
1700; without a clear idea of where it stood in relation to Roman
Catholicism, with which it was newly united, and to Orthodoxy, which it had
abandoned; and without the educated cadres to develop an independent
religious tradition. Into this darkness poured the enlightenment of imperial
Vienna. Thus the Greek Catholic church was permeated in its most formative
period by Josephine ideals. Josephinism had a conception of the role of the
clergy as promoters of secular enlightenment and servants of the state; it
implanted an ideal code of behaviour in Greek Catholic clergymen that
admitted no contradiction or even sharp distinction between the propagation
of the faith and of secular knowledge. The Josephine legacy of a
service-oriented clergy was inherited by the Ukrainian national movement;
the ideal of service to the state was to be transformed so as to include-and
in some cases even to dissolve into-service to the nation. l32
An even stronger link between national and pastoral activity was forged by
the Greek Catholic priests themselves, who formulated their own clerical
version of the national ideology for the village and specialized in activity that
was quasi-national and quasi-religious. The ideology of the Greek Catholic
priest-activist conceived of the national movement as the struggle of virtue
against vice. Particularly, four pairs of virtues and vices were at issue:
ignorance-enlightenment, drunkenness-sobriety, sloth-diligence and prodigality-thrift.133 The classic formulation of this view was Father Stefan Kachala's
Shcho nas hubyt a shcho nam pomochy mozhe, published by Prosvita in several editions in the late 1860s and early 1870s.1 34 The brochure was written in
the form of a conversation among peasants and a priest. At one point the
priest summarized the previous discussion and offered his counsel:
... We have reflected on why our people are becoming impoverished and why
the Jews are taking [peasant] lands, and we have discovered that ignorance is
the reason. Ignorance leads to drunkenness, to sloth and prodigality .... My
advice is: oppose drunkenness with temperance, sloth with diligence, and
prodigality with thrift. Or, to put it briefly: education, work and thrift will save
us from usury.'35
The same themes were found in Galician sermons. For example, Iulian
Hankevych's sermon on the anniversary of the abolition of serfdom expressed
sentiments almost identical to those of Kachala:
132
See Himka, "The Greek Catholic Church," 429-52.
I have also dealt with this conception in "Priests and Peasants," 6, 10--11; Socialism, 50-I;
and "The Greek Catholic Church," 450.
134 See above, 68.
133
135
Kachala, Shcho nas hubyt, 28-9.
126
Village Notables
It is not sufficient that our people have received material freedom, i.e., the
liberation from serfdom; they must also rise from moral and spiritual slavery,
i.e., from sloth and drunkenness. Through these two vices our people do much
harm to themselves, become ever more impoverished. To spiritual slavery also
belongs the ignorance and darkness in which our people remain.1l6
Preaching in the Greek Catholic cathedral of St. George on the feast of St.
George, Aleksander Bachynsky identified three reasons for "the decline of our
people": lack of piety, laziness and, above all, drunkenness. ll7 Metropolitan
losyf Sembratovych himself urged his priests "to convince and confirm [the
faithful] in the virtues of piety, sobriety, industry and thrift."IJ8
Thus, the priests modified the national ideology and shaped it into a
pastoral-theological mold. This interpretation of the national movement found
full expression in the priests' practice. To combat ignorance, they took a very
active part, as we know, in reading clubs.139 To promote thrift and diligence,
they founded and led loan associations"O and economic cooperatives. l4l There
was nothing specifically clerical in these forms of activity; they were
consistent with the secular ideology of the national movement, and teachers
engaged in them as well. Peculiar to the priest-activists, however, was their
campaign against alcohol. 142 Priests founded brotherhoods of sobriety in their
parishes and urged the faithful to swear oaths never to drink liquor again. l43
They also staged extravagant anti-alcohol missions, such as one that took
place in Kolodribka, Zalishchyky district, in 1881. The pastor invited two
preachers who were famous for their sermons against drink (Rudolf Mokh
and Iliia Mardarovych). In addition to the two "apostles of holy sobriety," as
they were known, twenty-two other priests attended the mission, including
two from BUkovyna. Two thousand peasants, some from villages thirty
kilometres distant, flocked to Kolodribka for the mission. An open-air liturgy
was concelebrated by eleven priests; the main celebrant was the dean. After
the liturgy they erected an iron cross to commemorate the mission, "and
underneath it they buried, to the sound of mortar blasts, the enemy of
136 Hankevych, Sluchainyi propovidy, 120-1.
137 A. Bachynsky, "Propovid 0 prychyni upadku nashoho naroda," Ruskii Sion 7, no. 17 (I [13]
September 1877): 530-8.
138 losyf [Sembratovych], "V dilakh zavedeniia bratstv tverezosty," Slovo 5, no. 60 (5 [17] June
1875): I.
CC 9, 10, 15,28,29,32, 34, 42, 46, 48, 52, 53, 55, 57, 58, 60 (but cf. CC 118), 63, 69, 70,
73,76,80,83,84,97,100,108, 115, 121, 137, 149, 194,201,206,207,216,238,240,245,260,
263,268,271,278; LA 13,21,24,38,41,44,56,59,60,66,70,71,93,94,109, 110, 112, 116,
120,146,148, 159, 162, 164, 167, 183, 185, 191, 195, 198,213,225,234,243,244,255,296,
298, 30~ 31~ 322, 32~ 33~ 333, 346.
139
141
CC 33,48,71,80,198,201,262; LA 24,44,93,146,148,159,185,247,322,323,324,325.
CC 31,201; LA 62, 70, 93,159,323.
142
CC 12, 33, 55, 67,110,201,212; LA 93, 95, 205, 225, 323.
140
On the sobriety movement, see also Himka, "Priests and Peasants," 6-7, and Himka,
"Ukrainian-Jewish Antagonism."
143
In the National Movement
127
humanity-liquor" (CC 67). The priests' promotion of the sobriety movement,
although consistent with the general aims of the national movement, was
specific to their station and represented an amalgam of pastoral and national
action.
Finally, inclining the Greek Catholic priest to the national movement was
his inferior position in Galician society as a whole, particularly discrimination
experienced as a member of the Ukrainian nation. 144 Aside from the general
discrimination experienced by Ukrainians of all classes (low prestige, limited
use of the Ukrainian language in government and higher educational
institutions), Ukrainian priests experienced socio-economic discrimination
specific to their stratum. Although the noble prerogative of presentation
affected Polish, Roman Catholic priests as well, the Ukrainian, Greek
Catholic priests experienced it in a different manner and its consequences
were also different. Experientially, the Polish pastor, who may himself have
been of petty gentry origin, received his appointment from a coreligionist and
conational, while the Ukrainian pastor received his from someone socially,
religiously and nationally foreign. For the Ukrainian, but not for the Pole, the
noble patron was an "other." More importantly, the patron could use his
power to hamper the Ukrainian priest's activity. It was commonly believed in
the 1880s and 1890s, by Ukrainian radicals and priests alike, that the Polish
nobility's monopoly of presentation was the most serious restriction on the
priest's ability to participate in reading clubs, assemblies and other
manifestations of the Ukrainian movement. 14 ' While certainly dampening the
enthusiasm of some priests for the national movement, in others it must
primarily have awakened resentment, particularly if a priest believed he had
received a parish incommensurate with his merit solely because of his
activism. Also, in addition to the differential effect of presentation on
Ukrainian priests, Ukrainian priests were poorer than their Polish
counterparts, and not only because they had families: while the land
endowment of a Greek Catholic priest generally ran from 20 to 150 Joch, the
endowment of the Latin rite priest was in the range of 50 to 200 Joch. 146 The
Ukrainian priest was thus more removed in his personal economic condition
from the Galician ruling class than was the Polish priest.
The teacher's motivations for participation in the national movement were
also partly ideological. The national movement's great emphasis on education,
144 That the Polish gentry had prejudices against the Ukrainian clergy was admitted (and
regretted) by Adam Mickiewicz in the early 1830s. Cited in Terletsky, Znesenie panshchyny, 39.
14'
Franko, "Perekhresni stezhky," Zibrannia tvoriv, 20:372. Vasyl Chernetsky [V. z
Sokalshchyny], "Chomu upadaiut u nas dekuda chytalni?" Dilo 7, no. 16 (II [23) February
1886): I. "Pravo pryzenty [sic) sviashchenykiv," Batkivshchyna 17, no. 11-12 (16 [28) June
1895): 87.
Franko, "Zemelna vlasnist u Halychyni," Tvory, 19:284. lakiv Holovatsky had complained in
1846 that the Ukrainian clergy were much more poorly endowed than the Latin rite clergy.
Vozniak, lak probudylosia, 121. Polish
es in 1848 were also aware that "as a rule" the
Roman Catholic clergy had larger endownlcnts than the Greek Catholic clergy. "Memoriale der
Galizier an die Herren Minister in Betreff der Theilung Galiziens," Revolutionsjahre, 67.
146
n""l
128
Village Notables
in its own terminology "enlightenment," must have appealed to every teacher
who took his professional ethic seriously. As we have already ascertained,l47
the reading clubs were excellent supplements to formal instruction and, by
reinforcing a tenuous literacy, could insure that the teacher's efforts in the
classroom were not wasted.
Aside from professional considerations, considerations of prestige could
also attract the teacher to the Ukrainain movement. Here his role as an
instructor of peasants was valued much more highly than it was in Galician
society at large. Also, since the peasants' respect for him would be directly
proportional to their respect for education, he could only welcome a
movement that repeatedly told the peasantry how important education was.
(The effect of the national movement on the prestige of the priest was, as we
will see, almost the opposite.)
The national movement's attraction for teachers also stemmed in part from
the amphibious nature of teachers as a social stratum; they had strong links
both to the secular intelligensia-leadership of the national movement and to
the peasantry-mass, i.e., to both the subject and object of the movement.
Teachers formed the only stratum of village notables that was also a stratum,
the lowest, of the secular intelligentsia. The village elementary school teacher
was not the equal, but nonetheless a colleague, of the urban secondary school
teacher, who played a full-fledged role in the leadership of the national
movement. Their solidarity was confirmed by joint participation in
institutions (the Ukrainian pedagogical press, the Ruthenian pedagogical
association [U Ruske tovarystvo pedahohichne]) established within the
framework of the national movement. But the village school teachers differed
from the secular intelligentsia in the Ukrainian leadership in two ways: they
were rural rather than urban, and they were of peasant-burgher rather than
clerical social origin. These characteristics differentiating the village teachers
from the secular intelligentsia were precisely what linked them to the
peasantry. Teachers in the village could enjoy the company of the new,
enlightened type of peasants who participated in the national movement without the condescension typical of priests, because they were not such a high
cut above them. The teachers' social locus, then, was analogous to a position
between the poles of a magnet, with the field of force being the national
movement; it is only natural that the teachers became magnetized.
Finally, more evidently than priests, Ukrainian teachers suffered
discrimination as Ukrainians. They too were paid less on average than their
Polish counterparts. There was no official salary differential for the two
nationalities, but since Ukrainian teachers more frequently taught in smaller
settlements and since their advancement was slower, they were a poorer lot
than the Polish teachers. Where discrimination was overt was in the matter of
teachers' training. There was no purely Ukrainian-language teachers'
seminary in Galicia, although there were six purely Polish-language
seminaries (in the mid-1880s). In the three bilingual teachers' seminaries, the
141
See especially the testimony of a teacher, already cited above, 86-7.
In the National Movement
129
Polish language dominated over the Ukrainian language. l48 Like Ukrainian
priests, Ukrainian teachers also suffered from the control of their possibility
for advancement by persons socially and nationally alien. In the case of
teachers, not individual Polish nobles but rather the Polish and noble-clerical
crownland and local school councils appointed them to their positions.1 4' The
school councils were infamous persecutors of Ukrainian activism among
teachers; several of our teacher-activists (LA 165, 280, 340) suffered for their
role in propagating the Ukrainian national movement. Again, as was the case
with the priests, such external pressure could restrain some teachers from
taking part in the movement, but for others, whose promotion to a permanent
position was delayed or who endured frequent transfers, the persecution of the
school councils would only kindle animosity. Moreoever, since in this case (as
opposed to the priest's) the conflict was with a political institution (and not
with an individual representative of the ruling class), the animosity was more
likely to develop a political colouring.
While both the priests and teachers had ideological as well as material
motivations for joining the national movement, the cantors-the least
intellectual of the notables-did not. What ideological motivations were at
work among this most plebeian of the notable strata were the same as those
which affected the more enlightened sectors of the peasantry. The only exception to this generalization was the attempt at the formulation of an ideology
for the cantors' movement. Here a specific historical myth (with a kernel of
truth) was created, of the cantor as the traditional guardian of enlightenment
through the darkest night of serfdom, a martyr to the Ruthenian cause. His
activity in the national movement was the natural continuation of his
historical mission."o Unlike the ideological motivations of the other notables,
this was not something intrinsic to the cantors' stratum independent of the
national movement (as was the priests' Josephinism and the teachers' professional ethic); it was, rather, a response to the national movement, a new
interpretation of the cantor within the terms of that movement.
Specifically cantorial motivations would have been connected with
attempts to increase the cantors' prestige, security and material conditions.
These were the main concerns of the cantors' movement proper, which was,
so to speak, a welcome guest within the national movement. By accepting the
movement's doctrine of sobriety and himself promoting temperance in the
village, a cantor could break down the demeaning stereotype peasants had of
him. A cantor who served as secretary of a reading club, read aloud to the
illiterate and less literate or conducted a choral group acquired a new and
prestigious function, transcending the routine duties of liturgical singing.
Such participation reinforced the cantor's position as an intellectual labourer,
148 "V spravi iazyka ruskoho v utrakvistychnykh semynariiakh,"' Dilo, no. 7 (1886): I. Kravets,
Selianstvo, 135. "C.k. seminarya nauczycielskie," Kalendarz Nauczycielski ... 1885, 170.
149 Homola, "Nauczycielstwo krakowskie," 116. Kravets, Selianstvo,135.
"0 See especially the programmatic statement of lliia Boikevych, "Vidozva do ruskykh
diakiv ... ," Batkivshchyna. no. 35 (1884): 213-14.
130
Village Notables
a pOSitIOn that was otherwise the most tenuous of the notable strata.
Furthermore, the assumption of these functions would make a particular
cantor less replaceable in a village and therefore more secure in his tenure.
At the urging of the national movement (CC 13, 141, 161), many cantors
became scribes; this increased not only their prestige and security but also
their income. Similarly, the national movement created new positions-in
cooperatives, stores and insurance companies-which gave cantors an
auxiliary occupation more lucrative and prestigious than subsistence farming.
Finally, the cantors looked to the national movement as a whole for
endorsement of their aspirations for certification, regulation of placement and
regulation and increase of wages.
So much for the motivations specific to the three notable strata. Let us
now look at the specificities of their roles as mediators between the urban
national leadership and the peasantry.
The priest was considered the most important mediator between the
national movement and the peasantry. As the editors of Batkivshchyna wrote
in 1895:
In recent times there has been some formation of a secular intelligentsia,
comprised of lower-rank civil servants (because Ruthenians are not recruited for
higher posts, or very rarely are), teachers, notaries, lawyers, doctors, merchants
and so forth. But nonetheless no one can replace the priest, because other members of the intelligentsia do not have as much opportunity for contact with
people in the village. lSI
This was why Vasyl Nahirny and the national populists objected to the
anticlerical ism introduced into the paper by the radical Mykhailo Pavlyk. As
Nahirny expressed it: "through the intercession of the saints to God, through
the intercession of the priests to the people."15' A correspondent to
Batkivshchyna wrote: " ... No one meets as frequently with the people as a
priest. At work in the field, at banquets in his house and at every occasion,
[the priest] can explain to our man what he absolutely must know [about
politics]" (CC 203).
In fact, the whole fate of the national movement in individual localities
was considered to be dependent on the degree of involvement of the priest. A
burgher from Ternopil explained that the pro~ress of enlightenment varied
from place to place.
This depends mainly on our priests. Where a priest is good, zealous and cares
about the well-being and reputation of his people and his Ruthenian rite, his
church, there the people have it better. But where, on the contrary, the priest is
drowsy, inactive or plays at being a Pole, ... there, in that village or town, there
is still no order among the parishioners. Darkness reigns there, aliens hold sway
there, and the Ruthenian people on its own Ruthenian land has neither justice
nor power (CC 11).
151 "Pravo prezenty sviashchenykiv," Batkivshchyna, no.
15' Pavlyk, Perepyska, 5:357.
11~12 (1895): 87.
In the National Movement
131
A peasant correspondent from the Carpathian foothills expressed a similar
viewpoint:
Where there is a good priest, a zealous and true lover of the people
[U narodoliubets], there is enlightenment, there is a reading club and the
electors from that village vote for the Ruthenian candidate. But where the priest
is indifferent, an elector from that village will not only not aid but will damage
the Ruthenian cause (CC 167).
No other stratum of the notability was considered so crucial. In this
estimation of the priest's key mediating function are reflected the priest's
superiority in most of the qualities that distinguished the notability from the
peasantry: economic status, education, mobility and prestige among both the
intelligentsia and peasantry. It might be argued that the teacher
approximated the priest in these respects, but there were some important
differences that made the priest more suitable than the teacher as the
principal bearer of the national idea. Every Ukrainian community, no matter
how small, isolated or backward, was served by a priest. But not all
Ukrainian villages had a school; and not in every Ukrainian village with a
school was the teacher a Ukrainian. Furthermore, the priest's prestige among
the traditionally minded peasantry (the teacher's would be higher among the
already enlightened) meant that the priest could more easily be the pioneer of
the national movement in the village. And since the national movement in the
countryside was in its pioneering stage in the late nineteenth century, the
priest was its crucial instrument.
This is not to say that the other notables were unimportant. The teacher,
as has already been pointed out, occupied a social locus between the urban
leadership of the movement and its peasant objects. It was thus poised for a
mediating role in some ways more effective than that of the priest. The priest
bent the national ideology into a clerical mold, while teachers remained true
to the fundamentally secular aspirations put forward by the urban
intelligentsia. By the early twentieth century this produced some tension between priests and teachers in the village. IS] As part of the secular
intelligentsia, teachers were more willing than priests and more capable than
cantors of passing on the national idea unadulterated. That the teacher alone
lived in the same intellectual-cultural world as the higher, urban intelligentsia
is well demonstrated by examining the publications of the notables in our list
of activists. If we exclude from consideration all publications in
Batkivshchyna and its successor Svoboda as well as all publications of a
purely professional character (i.e., dealing exclusively with sacerdotal,
pedagogical and cantorial concerns),I54 we find that only three priests l " and
I'J
la .. "Dukhovenstvo, a vchytelstvo," Ruslan 9, no. 185 (24 July [6 August] 1905): 1~2.
I"
By these criteria, I have excluded from consideration the publications of two priests (LA 56,
195), one teacher (LA 17) and nine cantors (LA 26, 39, 91,118,142,264,295,331,368).
155
LA 44, 95, 324.
132
Village Notables
three cantors,'" but nine teachers'" were authors. If we look not simply at the
quantity of authors among the three strata of notables, but at the diversity of
output of the authors of each stratum, the teachers again stand out. Only the
teachers (among our activists) wrote riddles and puzzles (LA 29), verse and
fiction (LA 105, 178), historical operas (LA 256) and scholarly works
(LA 165). Only the teachers published translations from foreign languages
(LA 178) and contributed to the Polish-language press (LA 29). Only the
teachers, in sum, were thoroughly assimilated to the culture of the urban
intelligentsia. Of the village notables, they were the most accurate
mouthpiece of the national leadership.
The other side of the teachers' amphibious position was their relative
proximity to the peasantry. Even though this meant that teachers could not
enjoy the prestige and authority which the priest's distance from the
peasantry lent him, it did mean that teachers had an insider's understanding
of the peasants and more ease in communicating with them.
The latter virtues were even more true of the cantor. Of all the notables,
he was closest to the peasantry. The advantages of this intimacy were explained by several cantors on the pages of Batkivshchyna. Luka
Tomashevsky, cantor of Novosilky Kardynalski, Rava Ruska district:
A good cantor is like the right arm of a good priest, and he can also contribute
quite a bit to the good of the people. A cantor circulates among the people more
than a priest, and therefore by his example he can teach people much .... There
are a number of places where a priest won't go, but a cantor will; there are a
number of good things that a priest can't do, but a cantor will (CC 14).
losyf Byliv (LA 39), cantor of Burkaniv, Pidhaitsi district:
The cantor, after the priest, is the second model for the people. He can
contribute much to the enlightenment of the people, since the cantor too has
influence and capabilities among the people, [he can intervene] even where it
would not be suitable for a priest to act (CC 99).
Iliia Boikevych (LA 26), cantor of Rohatyn:
Our people are generally illiterate, but willingly follow an example. They rarely
take an example from the highly placed, because the latter for the most part are
estranged from the people by their [way of] life, dress, knowledge, conceptions;
and even in their language they are rarely able to adapt to the understanding of
the people, so that the people do not always trust them. We [cantors], however,
live the people's life, speak their language; they understand and know us very
well, and we them, so they have more trust in us.'"
Although the cantor was the notable closest to the peasant, he was still by
virtue of his profession more educated. His superior understanding and ability
to communicate with the peasant made him a natural leader in the reading
"6 LA 215, 304, 344.
157
LA 14, 29, 83, 105, 165. 178, 256, 280, 293.
,,, Boikevych, "Vidozva do ruskykh diakiv ... ," Batkivshchyna, no. 35 (1884): 243.
In the National Movement
133
club movement. The cantor "should read booklets and newspapers, explain
what he reads to the people and incline others to reading and enlightenment"
(CC 14). In Ilyntsi, Sniatyn district, peasants "who cannot read themselves go
to others, and mostly to the cantor, and he reads to them and explains"
(CC 24). Peasants in Kulachkivtski, Kolomyia district, wanted to found a
reading club. "Our only problem is that aside from our cantor Ivan Symotiuk
and [the peasant] Onufrii Proskurniak there are no others who would be able
to explain what they read; there are, it is true, more [peasants who are]
literate, but they are all still little practiced in the reading of books"
(CC 138). The cantor's special task in the national movement was the public
reading and interpretation of the printed word. If the priest was the university
of the national movement in the countryside, the cantor was its elementary
school.
Each stratum of the village notability had something unique to offer the
national movement. The comparison of the priest and cantor is especially
interesting. The priest's importance in the national movement derived from
his exalted position and prestige, while the cantor's plebeian life style and
simplicity allowed him to act at times more effectively than the pastor; the
priest contributed to the national movement the benefits of his higher
education, the cantor his lack of the same. Every strength within a stratum
was accompanied by a weakness: prestige brought distance from the
peasantry; too much education inhibited communication with the uneducated.
The existence of three layers of notability, each with its own qualities of
mediation as well as its own motivations, was a great boon to the development
of the national movement in the countryside.
Tensions between Priest and Peasant
In spite of the large contribution the Greek Catholic clergy made to the
progress of the rural national movement,iS9 its relations with the peasantry
were more strained than those of any other notable stratum. Some of this
strain was traditional, with economic roots, and the rest was connected with
the penetration of the national movement into the village.
The traditional, economic conflicts between priests and peasants revolved
around traditional peasant rights and, especially, payment for sacramental
rites (the jura stolae). A conflict between the pastor and his parishioners over
traditional peasant rights was reported by a correspondent from Fraha,
Rohatyn district. The pastor, Petro Savchynsky,
gives himself airs and makes much of his dignity. If you come to him, you don't
know how to speak, because he immediately becomes offended. He never
appears in the communal chancery. He does not live in peace either with the
commune or the church brotherhood ... And there are quarrels over berries and
plums [picked by peasants from the priest's land], over [customary gleaning
rights in the priest's post-harvest) stubble and over paths [through the priest's
property], on which people have long walked to church and to get water, but
15.
Himka, "Priests and Peasants," 5-9. Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 415-17.
134
Village Notables
now the priest's servants do not allow people to pass through [the priest's]
courtyard on the way to church, and if anyone goes for water, they [the
servants] break [that person's] buckets. Later we hear it mentioned in the
sermon (CC 132).
Disputes over sacramental fees were particularly acrimonious, with a long
history reaching back into the era of serfdom 160 and continuing into the
twentieth century.161 During the revolution of 1848-9, the Ukrainian peasant
deputy Ivan Kapushchak moved in parliament to abolish sacramental fees
entirely,l62 much to the indignation of priests in the Supreme Ruthenian
Council. l63 That the sacramental fees were often exploitative was recognized
by secular leaders of the Ukrainian national movement l64 as well as by Polish
officials. l65 Opponents of the Ukrainian movement used the issue of
sacramental fees to undermine the peasants' confidence in their clergy. This
was true in 1848 166 as well as in the 1880s.1 67 In the correspondence to
Batkivshchyna of 1884-5 the issue of sacramental fees was mentioned only
twice, in each case as an argument used by opponents of the national
movement (a Jew told a peasant during elections: "So you listen to the
priests, but they fleece you" [CC 204]; traditionalist peasants, reluctant to
vote for the Ukrainian candidate, justified themselves by saying: "The priests
exploit us" [CC 182]).
The paucity of references to this issue in our corpus of correspondence and
its presentation as an issue put forward solely by enemies of the Ukrainian
160
Pravda pro uniiu. 94, 106. See also above, 7.
161 During the Ukrainian revolution in Eastern Galicia (1918-20). there were instances of
anticlerical disturbances over the issue of sacramental fees. Ukraine and Poland. ed. Hunczak,
1:99.
162
Rosdolsky, Bauernabgeordneten, 171-2.
Zoria Halytska, no.19 (1849), cited in Pavlyk, "Pro rusko-ukrainski narodni chytalni," 465-6.
164 Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:34.
163
165 For example, the Zolochiv district captain, characterizing Danylo Taniachkevych (LA 324)
for the viceroy's office in 1879, said he was unlike "other priests, especially of the Greek Catholic
rite, who see in their parishioners only a source of income, from which they are free to draw until
they reach the bottom." TsDIAL, 146/7/4149, p.182.
166 Activists of the local Ruthenian council in Zbarazh complained of difficulties they encountered in convincing the peasantry to sign the petition for the division of Galicia: " ... Those
inimical to us have confused our people and turned them away from it [the petition] by various
lies. They have been saying: 'You would not have to pay the priests anything either for a funeral,
or a marriage or any other religious services, but if you do sign, you will have to pay even
more.'" Klasova borotba, 443.
167
In 1880 some self-styled "friends of the communes," with access to the printing press of
Dziennik Polski and funding from a Polish noble, mailed out to various Ukrainian communes a
Ukrainian-language lea net containing the legally valid, but long outdated schedule of
sacramental fees established by Joseph II. The "friends of the communes"' added this
commentary: "It is said that serfdom no longer exists, it has disappeared. Therefore the fear of it
also no longer exists. But fees for baptisms, marriages and burials exist to this day, and in some
regions they are very great. A number of Christians have fallen into Jewish hands through a
conscienceless priest." TsDIAL, 146/7/4220.
Tensions between Priest and Peasant
135
movement cannot be considered entirely trustworthy testimony to peasant
attitudes. Because the question of sacramental fees was in fact frequently
raised by opponents of the national movement, the leaders of the movement,
and thus the editors of Batkivshchyna, were reluctant to raise the question
themselves and probably preferred to suppress references to it. Also, if the
editors received an item of correspondence that criticized priests for
exorbitant sacramental fees, they might suspect the author of being under a
nationally alien ideological influence. As we know, the editors of
Batkivshchyna did not want to alienate the clergy I.' and deliberately
suppressed criticism of priests in both the correspondence '•9 and editorial
articles.I7O That the issue of sacramental fees was none the less important to
the peasantry is shown by the subsequent success of radicalism in fanning
priest-peasant conflict precisely over this issue. Although the national
movement did not allow for the full expression of priest-peasant economic
conflict, it is likely that the economic tension still played a role in the
background of disputes over other issues that were within the framework of
the national movement.
Another source of tension between priest and peasant was the
transformation of the priest-peasant relationship under the impact of the
national movement. 171 Much of the priest's traditional authority had rested on
the cultural difference between the educated pastor and his ignorant flock. A
primary aim of the national movement, however, was the elevation of the
cultural level of the Ukrainian peasant; hence it reduced the cultural distance
between priest and peasant. This meant that the enlightened peasant, the
product of the national movement, did not regard the priest as uncritically as
his forebears had done. The tension implicit in this modification of the
priest-peasant relationship was magnified by the ideology that the Greek
Catholic clergy brought to the national movement. It was not difficult for the
awakening peasants to recognize the paternalism of the clergy's crusade for
enlightenment, sobriety, diligence and thrift; some resented its implicit
stereotype of the ignorant, drunken, lazy and spendthrift peasant. This is well
captured in a story by Leopold von Sacher-Masoch, who put the following
words into the mouth of one of his peasant characters: "In some books you
can read that the peasant of this land is indolent, a poor worker but a diligent
drunkard, and stupid. The cantor once read us something like this, but thank
God it isn't true. "172 The same sentiment is echoed in one item of
correspondence, from Volchukhy, Horodok district. The correspondent
16' See above, 130.
,.9 See above, 80.
170
See above, 78.
The same was true in Polish Western Galicia: "The clergy were held in high esteem, being
thought of as God's chosen, as people who already on this earth counted as saints. Everyone
turned to them in need, with full confidence. Not until the popular movement in politics began
did this relation change somewhat. ... " Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 142.
172 Sacher-Masoch, "Das Erntefest," Galizische Geschichten, 171-2.
171
136
Village Notables
criticized the priest for neglecting his liturgical and catechetical duties and
letting the church buildings deteriorate. "And in addition to all this, our
priest yells at every parishioner: 'Peasant shirker!'" (CC 89).
Such criticism of priests by correspondents was a symptom of the
enlightened peasants' new view of the clergy. As reluctant as the editors of
Batkivshchyna were to print this criticism, much of it still appeared. The
economic topics were generally taboo, and the correspondents focussed their
criticism on other matters. In particular, they censured individual priests or
priests of a certain region for not living up to the ideal of a priest-en lightener.
The nationally conscious peasant was sitting in judgment of his social
superior, appealing to the authority of the national movement. Thus a
correspondent from Tsvitova, Buchach district, wrote:
There are two things that we especially need: a good priest and a good mayor.
Indeed we have nothing against our spiritual father, we only wish that he would
help us [that is, the reading club], if not by deeds then at least by words, and
that he would restrain people from evil (CC 16).
A correspondent from Vyspa, Rohatyn district, lamented that for four years
the commune had had no good example from either the priest or the mayor
(CC 61). Another, from Lysiatychi, Stryi district, was disappointed that an
assistant in the parish "was only engaged in church affairs"; although the
pastor sat on the administration of the reading club, he was indifferent to its
fate (CC 70). A peasant from Ivachiv Dolishnii or Horishnii, Ternopil
district, wrote:
God gave other communes somewhere [else] zealous priests who strive after the
well-being and enlightenment of their parishioners with all their
strength .... [But in Ivachiv,] the priest only takes care of his own business and
does not care about the enlightenment of the people. "You parishioners live as
you like, continue to remain in ignorance as you did under slavery-serfdom"
(CC 77).
A burgher from Mykulyntsi, Ternopil district, wrote:
... Our enemies will make use of the withdrawal from the reading club of such
persons as our spiritual father and Mr. D., the adjunct of the court; not so much
as a hair would fall from their head were they to look after the reading club
and give us a good example (CC 96).
According to a peasant, the priests of the Sambir region "do not want to be
active in enlightenment, they do not care about the founding of reading clubs
and so forth" (CC 130). A nonpeasant from the Kolomyia region tried to represent the viewpoint of the local peasantry:
It is sad that the people have come to the conviction that all need and lie in
wait for them only on account of their money, in order to deceive and cheat
them and snatch away their hard-earned [literally: bloodied] money .... Rarely,
very rarely, can one hear a good word about a priest, even more rarely about a
teacher. Jew, leaseholder, landlord, priest, teacher-almost throughout the
Kolomyia region they are regarded as equal benefactors by the people. The
people have grown lazy and poor, have declined very much, and this because of
Tensions between Priest and Peasant
137
the indifference of our leaders, because they keep themselves at a distance from
the people, who have, in the majority, lost faith in them and make fun of them,
while they themselves wander aimlessly (CC 164).
A peasant from the Carpathian foothills held that
Our peasants would never vote for an alien candidate if our intelligentsia [here
priests are primarily meant] did not turn its back on the common man. But a
significant part of our intelligentsia does not mingle with its own people and
does not say almost anything [to them] except [the traditional greetings] "Glory
to God" and "Glory forever" (CC 167).
The former pastor of Kiidantsi, Kolomyia district, according to another
correspondent, "used to say that the people of Kiidantsi were thieves and
regarded Kiidantsi as a nest of every sort of sin and evil." But no one had
ever seen the priest "sincerely strive to reform his parishioners" (CC 169). A
peasant from Terebovlia district related three instances of priests refusing to
support or actively opposing the Ukrainian candidate to parliament. "Hey,
spiritual fathers," concluded the peasant, "why do you not, as [priests do]
elsewhere, try to lead our people? If you continue to withdraw [from national
work] and force the people to get by without you, this will not be good for
you" (CC 220). A correspondent from the region of Hrymaliv, Skalat district,
wrote in connection with the elections to parliament in 1885:
... From Husiatyn [district] they appealed, wrote and begged: hold a
pre-election assembly, strike a committee! But our spiritual fathers said: "it will
be better not to make a din, it will be better to do things quietly." And they
conducted things so quietly that their own electors abandoned them and in the
very presence of their pastors, as if to scorn and ridicule them, they cast their
votes for the Polish and landlords' candidate .... Also, no one here fosters or
troubles his head about such trifles as reading clubs .... And you, spiritual
fathers, do not become angry when I tell you: more, much more work [is
needed] .... (CC 221)
A peasant at the general meeting of the Russophile political organization
Russkaia rada complained that "many priests, officials and teachers do not
care about the people's rights and call the Ruthenian language a 'boorish'
(U khamskyi) language" (CC 266).
As this long list of complaints demonstrates, some peasants were beginning
to feel that they could demand a certain type of behaviour from priests, and
judged them in terms of their contribution to the national cause. As the items
cited also show, this new peasant criticism was not limited to priests, but
encompassed teachers as well (see also CC 23, 92, 118, 214). The shorter
cultural distance between the other notables and the peasants was also being
reduced by the national movement.
The new criticism of the priest could evolve into criticism of religious
traditions themselves. This is demonstrated by an item of correspondence
from Morozovychi, Sambir district. Although the item may appear to be
simply a naive disquistion into the causes of poverty, the identity of the
author-Ivan Mikhas (LA 220), later a professed radical and already in the
138
Village Notables
mid-1880s under radical influence-leaves no doubt that an attack on the
church is intended:
Why should one wonder that our people are often skinny and weak, slow to
work, happy to lie behind the oven, greedy for liquor? Just look at our life. For
half the year a man doesn't have anything to eat, because the floods come and
the hail, too, and nothing grows; it is a long, hard time before the next harvest,
and the chance of earning something is up to God's will. For the other half of
the year there's lenten fasting. And the way it is with us during lent, a man's
lucky if he eats something that's cooked: borshch, potatoes or cabbage; if there's
milk, God forbid that one give it even to a small child! So half the year a man
doesn't eat because there is nothing to eat, and half the year he doesn't eat
because he considers it a sin to eat.
Now where is one supposed to get the strength and desire to work? It is good
if you can pass the day almost unconsciously; it is better yet if you can lie down
all day with no one chasing you to work. And if you drink some liquor, it seems
that somehow you don't feel so faint and your hunger is forgotten. It's all right
for the gentlemen to fast, since even their lenten fare is tasty and nutritious,
and, what is more, they wash it down with a little wine. It was once even all
right for us to fast, a long time ago, when there were plenty of fish and
mushrooms in the forest and honey in the meadow. But now there are no fish,
and even if there are you have to catch them secretly [because ponds, like
forests and pastures, usually belonged to the landlords 1; there are no mushrooms
because there are no forests [i.e., in the peasants' possession); there is no honey.
All that's left is kysil [a sour fruit soup], cabbage and potatoes, and you're
lucky to have that. But our cattle, calves, pigs, eggs, butter, even our cheese and
milk take off for parts unknown, even across the border. Far away people think:
"What a rich land! It feeds itself and can still feed others." And surely no one
there can guess that this land is weak from fasting and hunger, that those eggs
and that milk are the savings possible because of the fasting even of infants who
cannot yet talk! What sort of savings is this! It is a grave waste because from a
child so fed no worker can grow, no soldier, no wife, no mother-at most a
cripple. And how many people have died because after several weeks of difficult
fasting, finally being allowed to eat, they have so greedily snatched at their food
that they knew no moderation!
I heard somewhere that the Hungarians, even during lent, are allowed to use
pork fat; and our neighbours, the Poles, are allowed during lent to eat meat
once a week and dairy products three times. Now, thank God, we have a third
bishop [a reference to the appointment of a bishop for the Stanyslaviv eparchy
in 1885); isn't it high time that our spiritual authorities reflect and take counsel
among themselves so as to free us too a little from these fasts, so that the priests
would instruct people and warn them against such excessive fasting. Isn't it less
of a sin even to drink milk on Friday and eat meat on Sunday than it is to get
drunk on both Sunday and Friday? And it seems to me that with more
nutritious and more tasty food liquor would have to lose a lot of its appeal
(CC 273).
Given that the reading club could become the forum for peasant interests
and that the peasants in the reading clubs were precisely the type disposed to
be critical of the clergy, if not yet openly anti-clerical, it is not surprising that
our corpus of correspondence reports antagonism between priests and reading
Tensions between Priest and Peasant
139
clubs. An interesting example comes from the village of Volia lakubova,
Drohobych district. The case is untypical because of its extremity-the reading club here, composed entirely of young peasants, was unequivocally radical
in its orientation'-' and the author of the correspondence describing it, Atanas
Melnyk (LA 215), was soon to be arrested for blasphemy. However, in another sense, the case of Volia lakubova can be regarded as typical: it brought
into relief the most troublesome features of the priest-peasant relationship.
Here economic conflict is expressed, and the enlightened peasants' sitting in
judgment on the priest is vividly described. Here is Melnyk's story:
But the most saddening thing is that among the enemies of the reading club one
finds as well our spiritual father, who seemed to welcome it at first. The reason
for this [change of attitude] is not known. Perhaps he was turned against the
reading club mainly by his wife, who in fact runs everything but the liturgical
services. It is true that the members of the reading club did not make special
allowances for our spiritual father and on a number of occasions examined his
several unjust actions vis-a-vis the commune. And there were incidents between
the commune and our pastor such as the following: Every year our pastor would
lease the meadow "Pastivnyk" [a microtoponym] to the Jew Khaim for 90-110
gulden and then the commune would have to rent it from the Jew and pay him
100 gulden more [thus 190-210 gulden in total]. The members of our commune
assembled, paid their respects to the priest and asked him to rent Pastivnyk [directly] to the commune. Well, he rented it [to us] all right, but for 200 gulden!
[Also,] for example, our priest does not give religious instruction in the school,
except once a month; he preaches in the church that the people shouldn't drink,
but during baptisms and weddings he tells [the hosts] to have liquor brought to
him to his home. Bah, he even says that the members of the commune are
sheep. from whom he must have everything there is: the fleece and the cheese
and the dung!
In consideration of the communal welfare, members of the reading club had
to discuss such and similar actions of our spiritual father, and so he began to
make war, vehement war, against the reading club (CC 92).
In a follow-up item of correspondence, Melnyk blamed the pastor for the
economic decline of the villagers over the past two decades. Then he went on
to describe how the priest opposed the reading club and other manifestations
of the national movement:
... Our priest often speaks ... against the reading club, against its members and
against other institutions. We used to have choral singing, which very much
pleased the members of our own and other communes and attracted many members to the reading club. But our priest condemned it to death by locking up the
choir loft. And when our people asked the reverend about this, he said that
members of the reading club were carrying newspapers with them to the choir
loft, and if they were carrying them, they would read them! And that he
dissolved the brotherhood of sobriety is really most saddening. In our village
there is still the custom of bringing a litre of liquor [to the priest] for baptisms!
P ..
See Himka. Socialism. 129-38.
140
Village Notables
Once a member of the reading club read to people near the church from a
newspaper, including, among other things, about the Stundists [a Protestant,
clergyless sect] in Ukraine; our pastor immediately took him to court for this.
Witnesses were interrogated in Drohobych and the court released the accused,
adding that all are allowed to read what is written in newspapers. The priest
then wrote a notation in that reading club member's birth certificate so as to
have his [the reading club member's] appeal against being drafted into the
army refused. When his [the reading club member's] father came to intercede,
the priest told him: "Your son has become a thorn in my side. Let him go to the
army. I'll teach him!" And in the end he added that he would do the same to
every member of the reading club!
And the priest does a number of other spiteful things to reading club
members ....
In conclusion, we appeal to you, father! Do not be so stubborn in your behaviour, because it is only honourable to be stubborn in a good cause. Take example from neighbouring priests, from those who understand that they are
supposed to be faithful servants of Christ's doctrine. As it is our commune is
being very patient: other communes would long ago have appealed to the
consistory and God knows where else. But we continue to wait. Will you
change? (CC 145)
Other correspondents also wrote about clerical opposition to the reading
club. One from Iamnytsia, Stanyslaviv district, wrote: "We will establish a
reading club, even though the priest doesn't want it! But we pay no attention
to this; we have to have a reading club even without him" (CC 86). The
priest-reading club conflict in Iamnytsia had been described earlier in
Batkivshchyna (but outside our corpus of correspondence):
... Several years ago the commune brought in wood for a reading club, but the
priest said: "It would be sufficient if you read prayers in church!" Thus he
frightened people away from the reading club .... Our pastor, to be sure, travels
on [temperance] missions and preaches eloquently in the church about sobriety
and piety, but he must also strive after the enlightenment of his parishioners,
because an ignorant people is always easy for evil persons to exploit and will
become a slave of aliens. l74
As was the case in Volia Iakubova, some priests turned against the reading
club after initially supporting it. This happened in Ternopil, where a priest
left the reading club "because of some petty matters" (CC 69). In Olesha,
Tovmach district, the pastor was originally elected president of the reading
club (CC 60) and even urged the club to expand its activities by establishing
a store (CC 78). Several months later, however, the priest was accused of
being indifferent to the teacher's and mayor's campaign against the reading
club (CC 118); soon the priest left the reading club entirely and joined forces
with the mayor against the reading club's leading activist. l75
114 .....
vid Stanislavova," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 22 (30 [18] May 1884): 132.
175 . . . . . Z
Tovmatskoho," Batkivshchyna 7, no. I (2 January 1885 [21 December 1884]): 6.
Tensions between Priest and Peasant
141
Conflict between priests and reading clubs is also documented in
Batkivshchyna outside our corpus of correspondence.176 It is documented too
in a questionnaire Prosvita sent to affiliated reading clubs in 1910. Question
29 of the questionnaire read: "How does the local intelligentsia (clergy,
teachers, youth [sic] and others) relate to national causes?" Of the eight
answers to which I had access, four reported that the local notability, including the clergy, opposed the national movement. The answer to question 29
from Khorostkiv, Husiatyn district, was simply: "It is sad to say."177 In
Brovary, Buchach district, a barely literate peasant wrote: "Hostile, from the
party of oinker-intelligentsia."I7' The youthful reading club in Vydyniv,
Sniatyn district, responded that "the pastor is a clerical; he is hostile to
everything that is secular. The women school teachers are Polish
pestilences."I79 The scarcely literate response from Kovalivka, in Pechenizhyn
district, was that "the clergy acts as Russophiles, because Father Trach is
hostile to people. And the woman teacher is a Pole, so that there is no counsel
from her."I'o A fifth response, from Zhulychi, Zolochiv district, was that "the
intelligentsia, except for one teacher, a Pole, relates in a medium way"
(U vidnosytsia seredno}.I'1 Only three reading clubs reported the notability
favourably disposed: in Korelychi, Peremyshliany district;l82 in Svarychiv,
Dolyna district;l83 and in Vysloboky, Lviv district. I" In the latter community,
priest-reading club relations may have been fine in 1910, but fourteen years
earlier the pastor had denounced the club from the pulpit and dismissed the
church trustees who had joined it.I"
In the above-cited responses to the Prosvita questionnaire, teachers were
explicitly mentioned three times as indifferent or hostile to Ukrainian reading
clubs. It is important to note that in all cases the teachers were also explicitly
identified as Poles. Since Polish teachers were likely to be influenced by the
Polish national movement, the chief rival of the Ukrainian national
movement, it is understandable that they would have no use for the reading
club. This may explain some instances in our corpus of correspondence where
teachers are identified as opponents of the reading club (e.g., CC 118; and see
176 For example: N[ykolai) K[ryvy), " ... z Hlubichka Velykoho," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 21
(23 [II) May 1884): 132, in conjunction with "Z pid Ternopolia," ibid. 6, no. 34 (22 [10) August
1884): 212; Parokhiiane z Romanova, "Prosvitytel naroda," ibid. 12, no. 5 (26 January
[7 February) 1890): 69; "Radist i neradist," ibid. 12 no. 12 (16 (28) March 1890): 165.
177 TsDIAL, 348/1/5874, p. 47.
178 TsDIAL, 348/1/1297, p. 37. The notion of "oinkers" (U khruni) is examined below, 152-3.
Oinkers supported the landlords.
179 TsDIAL, 348/1/1479, p. 15.
TsDIAL, 348/ I /2900,p. 4.
TsDIAL, 348/1/2448, p. 4.
182 TsDIAL, 348/ I /3031, p. 60.
183 TsDIAL, 348/1/4921, p. 32.
I" TsDIAL, 348/1/1498, p. 65.
Ibid., p. 46.
1'0
1'1
I"
142
Village Notables
LA 214)-they may not have been of Ukrainian nationality. In other cases,
the reading club may have been too radical for any member of the notability
to support comfortably (for example, the reading club in Volia lakubova,
which numbered the assistant teacher Pavlo Horutsky among its enemies;
CC 92).
However, it was the Ukrainian priest, not the Ukrainian teacher, who was
most frequently criticized by the correspondents for indifference or hostility
to the reading club. And this criticism coexisted in the correspondence with
recognition of the clergy's outstanding contributions to the reading clubs.
What we have here is not contradictory evidence concerning the clergy's
attitude to the rural national movement, but rather two distinct patterns: one
of support, the other of indifference and antipathy. This duality is very
reminiscent of the clergy's behaviour under serfdom, already examined, and
analogous to that of the communal governments. 1B6 One can view the clergy's
two patterns of relating to the rural national movement as chronologically
distinct, with the clergy at first welcoming and then shying away from the
movement. Although this chronological distinction is implied for individual
priests in some items of correspondence cited above and although elsewhere I
have argued why the clergy as a whole would first support and later refrain
from supporting the national movement in its parishes, 1B7 this distinction
should not be understood too rigidly. There were always, at any point between 1860 and 1914, priests who were proponents and priests who were
opponents of the rural institutions of the national movement. This was a
consequence of their ambiguous social position, so close to, but divorced
from-and often economically antagonistic to-the peasantry. Yet the overall
tendency must have been for parish priests to have been more fervent, and
more naive, supporters of the rural national movement during its early
phases, before they heard the voice of the peasant they had awakened.
1B6
"7
Examined below, 175-89.
Himka, "Priests and Peasants," 9-13.
4. The Awakening Peasantry
The key to the development of a mass constituency for the Ukrainian
national movement was the participation of the peasantry. This chapter
examines the motivations of the peasantry in joining the national movement
and also some of the changes wrought in the peasantry as a result. After a
brief discussion of the social and cultural profile of the peasant activists, the
chapter examines in some detail the socio-economic underpinnings of
Polish-Ukrainian and Jewish-Ukrainian conflict in rural Galicia. The next
two sections discuss the impact of the national movement on the political and
cultural life of the village. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the
relative weight of socio-economic and national factors in determining the
peasantry's participation in the national movement.
Who Were the Peasant-Activists?
The peasants who took a leading role in the national movement were sImIlar to the notables in that they seem to have been, on the whole, economically
better off than the rest of the peasantry and better educated; we may
presume that their material and cultural status also gave them prestige in the
commune.
Information on the economic status of the peasant-activists is fragmentary.
For 53 of the activists,' it has only been possible to determine that they were
"proprietors," i.e., landed peasants. Except for 5 lads,' who were not yet of
landowning age, none of the peasant-activists for whom we have economic information was landless.] Of 22 peasant-activists whose economic condition is
, LA 4, 12,27,35,36,45,52,55,69,74,75,79,85,89,90,97, 107, 108, 111, 125, 126, 153,
158, 161, 163, 166,210,224,230,236,237,265,271,272,281,289,292, 309, 317, 318, 321,
330, 336, 337, 338, 344, 345, 350, 351, 353, 354, 355, 366.
'LA 180, 181, 196,215,231.
J It is impossible to say what percentage of Galician peasants were landless. Kravets (Selians/vD,
72) estimates that 25 to 30 per cent were landless in 1900, but offers no grounds for this estimate. The estimate does not seem altogether unreasonable, since in four villages for which I
happen to have fairly complete information, 19 per cent of the households were gardeners and
cottagers in the mid-1850s. (Balyntsi, Kolomyia district, TsDlAL, 168/1/1416; Nykonkovychi,
144
The Awakening Peasantry
known, 12 were prosperous,' 3 middling to prosperous,' 4 middling,' I poor to
middling (LA 241; when he started out in the 1840s or early 1850s) and 2
poor. The two poor peasants had secondary sources of income; one was a
cobbler (LA 137) and the other a scribe and sometime merchant (LA 343).
None of the peasant-activists, as far as I have been able to establish, worked
as agricultural labourers on the lords' estates.' Even assuming that the
correspondence was more likely to emphasize the wealth, rather than poverty,
of activists, it is clear that the national movement within the commune was
led not by the rural proletariat but by the yeoman peasantry, the rural petty
bourgeoisie.'
As for education, the highest achievements among the peasant-activists
were the acquisition of sufficient education to be a teacher in the prereform
era (LA 343) and the completion of a four-grade school in a district capital
(LA 231). Although considerably less educated than the priest-activists or
teacher-activists, the peasant-activists were largely literate, which
distinguished them from the bulk of the peasantry. It has been possible to
determine that 42 or 43 of the peasant-activists were literate' and only 2
illiterate (LA 63, 171). Characteristically, as we will see, the two illiterate
peasant-activists were mayors. That peasant-activists tended to be literate is
confirmed by the fact, noted earlier (Table 12), that three-quarters of the
members of reading clubs in 1897-1910 were literate.
Relative wealth and education approximated the peasant-activist to the
notability only to a certain extent. Just as the education of a peasant-activist
was primitive by comparison to that of most notables, his relative wealth was
also primitive, in the sense that it was primarily based on nature rather than
money. The peasant-activists also differed from the notable-activists in
mobility. As has already been mentioned,JO peasant-activists tended to live in
l( continued) Lviv district, TsDIAL, 168/1/1916; Strilkiv, Stryi district, TsDIAL, 488/ 1/422;
Zhulychi, Zolochiv district, TsDIAL, 168/ I /1044). However, the percentage of landless peasants
may have been considerably lower.
4 LA 8, 34,46,63,91,122,143,207,273,284,326,367.
5
LA 51, 155,331.
6
LA 3, 18, 299, 307.
, When Vasyl Nahirny spoke at the popular assembly in Stanyslaviv in 1892, he said that in "a
well-ordered commune" (U uporiadkovana hromada) "a landed proprietor should not engage in
wage labour." Vasyl Nahirny, "Iak maie vyhliadaty uporiadkovana hromada," Batkivshchyna 14,
no. 29 (17 [29] July 1892): 145-6.
When delegates from Dobrostany, Horodok district, attended the mass assembly sponsored by
the national movement in Lviv in 1883, they were impressed by the number of educated and
well-to-do peasants that they saw there. Adriian, Agrarnyi prolSes, 58-9.
, LA 1,3 and/or 4,36,51,75,78,90,91,96,101,117,125,137,154,155, 157, 161, 172, 177,
202, 203, 207, 215, 220, 230, 231, 246, 250, 272, 275, 284, 286, 287, 299, 306, 321, 326, 331,
343, 344, 354, 362. Included here are not only all peasant-activists whose literacy is recorded
under the rubric "education" in the list of activists, but also all peasant-activists who published
anything (within or outside the corpus of correspondence) or who served as cantors or scribes.
8
10
See above, 114.
Who Were the Peasant-Activists?
145
the community where not only they, but also their ancestors were born. Very
few travelled any distance. In our list of activists, three peasants were
reported to have travelled: two served in the army (LA 231, 362) and the
third (LA 265) was said to have been "out in the world." The limits of most
peasants' travel would be to the small nearby market towns and the district
capital.
Another way in which the peasant-activists differed sharply from notables
was the importance of family ties within the national movement. Of the
priests, only 4 (8 per cent) had family connections with other activists;" of
the teachers--only 2 (9 per cent);" and of the cantors-5 (17 per cent)." Of
the peasant-activists, however, 41 (19 per cent) were related to other
activists.14 The notables thus displayed more individualized behaviour, while
the peasants were more strongly influenced by traditional family ties. The
cantors in this respect were closer to the peasants than were the other
notables. Of course, to a large extent, this difference is explained by the
difference in mobility. Priests and teachers, and cantors in so far as they were
itinerant, lived apart from their siblings, cousins and, generally, in-laws;
peasants did not.
In sum, the peasant-activists were recruited from the more prosperous and
literate peasantry. With their higher economic and cultural positions, these
peasants resembled the activist notability. However, by comparison with the
latter, the peasant-activists were stilI economically and culturally primitive,
trapped in their villages and traditional in outlook.
Commune and Manor
The conflict between peasant and landlord was intense in the era of
serfdom and in the decades of the servitude disputes. As the agrarian strikes
of 1900, 1902 and 1906 show, the peasant-landlord conflict was also intense
in the period immediately following the one we are investigating. It would
seem, therefore, that the peasant-landlord conflict should also have been
important in the intervening decades, when the national movement was
penetrating the countryside. It would also seem that the national movement
of the late 1860s-1900 should have followed the pattern of 1848-9, when the
peasantry understood the Ukrainian-Polish conflict as primarily a new
formulation of the peasant-landlord conflict. Finally, when one considers that
the landlords' economic domination of the peasantry did not cease with the
abolition of serfdom,15 that over 40 per cent of the agricultural and forest
" LA 244, 323, 324, 332.
12 LA 83, 178.
Il
LA 3, 168,264,306,344.
LA 3,4,9,10,35,36,37,63,64,65,84,89,90,107,108,171, 177, 180, 181,229,230,236,
237,262,263,270,271,272,273,306,307,312,313,316, 317, 344, 345, 350, 351, 366, 368.
This list includes all peasant-activists with the same last names in the same villages.
15 I have argued this in "The Background to Immigration," 12-13. The situation was correctly
characterized by a Jewish historian: "The peasants had indeed been freed from panshchyna
[serfdom], but not from the pany [lords]." Tenenbaum, Galitsye, 122.
14
146
The Awakening Peasantry
land of Galicia was still demesnal in the late 1880s and early 1900s 16 and that
nearly half of all Galician peasant households in 1902 earned part of their
income from agricultural labour on someone else's (usually the landlord's)
land,iJ one has all the more reason to expect that the peasant-landlord conflict
would be a prominent issue in the rural national movement during the late
nineteenth century. However, as our corpus of correspondence testifies, the
socio-economic antagonism between Polish landlords and Ukrainian peasants
was a subsidiary theme in the national ideology of rural activists, including
peasant-activists. It is not that the struggle between commune and manor
finds no reflection whatsoever in the correspondence-it does. But that reflection is weaker than one might expect and weaker than the reflection of other
issues, such as Ukrainian-Jewish antagonism and conflicts between reading
clubs and communal governments.
The strongest statement of a correspondent against the landlords referred
to the situation in Shydlivtsi, Husiatyn district: "Our peasants are still dependent on the many and unjust whims of landlords .... As it was in the
miserable past, when people bore the yoke of serfdom, so it is even now; while
in other villages people have long ago forgotten how biting was the steward's
lash, in our Shydlivtsi serfdom has not ceased" (CC 129). This bitter
characterization of post-emancipation agrarian relations as still essentially
feudal is unique in the corpus of correspondence. Its significance, however, is
considerably reduced when we examine its context. The author stressed the
uniqueness of the Shydlivtsi situation. Shydlivtsi was a border village and the
peasants' farmland was entirely on the other side of the border, in the
Russian empire. For centuries, the Shydlivtsi peasants had worked this land
and also had performed corvee labour for nearby estates. With the
emancipation of the Russian serfs, the Shydlivtsi labour dues ceased, but so
did their legal rights to their rustical land. In order to continue farming, they
had to rent from the nobles what was traditionally their own land. At best, all
that emancipation meant for the Shydlivtsi peasants was the conversion of
labour rents into money rents. In practice, however, since money could only
be earned on the estates, little had changed since the abolition of serfdom.
Thus here exceptionally "serfdom has not ceased."
The Shydlivtsi case was extreme, but-in a mitigated form-all of Galicia
was a Shydlivtsi. The emancipation from serfdom in Austria had included no
land reform and the large estates remained intact. As under serfdom, the
landlords needed peasant labour to work the estates. Although violent
compulsion-the hallmark of feudalism-could no longer be used to generate
this labour, economic compulsion could. This is why the nobility made a point
of robbing the peasantry of forests and pastures in the aftermath of the
16
Pilat, 0 stosunkach wlasnosci tabularnej, 5. Sviezhynsky, Ahrarni vidnosyny, 19.
In 1902 there were 653,802 peasant households in Galicia; 334,109 of them earned income
from something other than working their own land: 268,472 in agriculture and 12,943 in industry
(52,694 did not specify the sector). Kravets, Selianstvo, 70, 74-5.
17
Commune and Manor
147
abolition of serfdom-to keep it working on the estates. This is why the
nobility in the Galician diet opposed credit institutions for the peasantry-so
that peasants would borrow from landlords and repay their debts in labour. l8
This is why the nobility that controlled the government of Galicia made no
effort to industrialize the crownland-so that rural overpopulation would
force the peasantry to work cheaply on the demesnes. This is why the nobility
not only demanded cash compensation for the abolition of serfdom, but was
not unhappy to see the banks which mediated the peasants' payments take a
scandalously high proportion as interest"-that the peasants might have an
ever greater need for money, which they could only earn as agricultural
labourers. With half the peasants working, reluctantly,'O on the landlords'
estates in the twentieth century, what was the meaning of emancipation?
When the beating of agricultural workers was sanctioned by Austrian law
and was a shamefully common practice," why does only one correspondent-and then in exceptional circumstances-equate the post-emancipation
landlord-peasant relationship with serfdom?
Before attempting to answer this question, and the larger question of the
apparently anomalous underrepresentation of the landlord-peasant theme in
the correspondence, let us examine all the other references to socio-economic
antagonism between the Ukrainian commune and the Polish manor. There
are not many. Resentment of labour on the estates as such is not expressed in
the correspondence, although one item censures a particular case in which the
peasants of Brodky, Lviv district, worked on the estate on Sunday, for which
they accepted liquor and hired musicians as payment (CC 117). The
correspondent was as indignant at the peasants as he was at the landlord
(Emil Torosiewicz, a deputy to the Galician diet). (Actually, censure of
agricultural labour on Sundays and holy days is found in several other items
l8 Erazm Wolanski in the Galician diet in 1881, speaking against the establishment of a
crownland bank: "I am convinced from long association with the peasantry that they do not need
[such] a bank-that banks are the ruination of the peasantry. For what does he need capital?
His best capital are his hands which are with him always and for which he is not obliged to pay
interest. Let him only work-estates are suffering from a lack of labor supply-they can supply
the capital he may need in return for his work if only there is an honest desire for employment.
Loans [from banks] induce laziness, for why should he work if he can borrow .... " Cited in
Murdzek, Emigration, 88.
" The scandal is clearly explained in Franko, "Halytska indemnizatsiia," Tvory, 19: 456-87. See
also above, 28-9.
20 The distaste with which peasants regarded work on the estates is made clear by a Galician
emigrant to America who, shortly after arriving in New York, celebrated in verse that he would
no longer have "to work for the lords as in the old country" (U Oi Nioiorku [sic], slavne misto.
budu v tobi zhyty / Ta ne budu. iak u kraiu. na paniv robyty). Interestingly, after working for a
while in the Pennsylvania coal mines, he idealized his life back in Galicia, where "I had no boss
above me" (U Takoi tam nad sobov ia basa ne mav. / Koly tudy khtiv-sam sy rozkazav).
Oliinyk, Emihrantski virshi, 42, 49.
" Sviezhynsky, Ahrarni vidnosyny, 63. My grandmother earned the money to pay her passage to
America in 1909 by working on the landlord's estate in Khlivchany, Rava Ruska district. She
and her coworkers frequently felt the lash on their backs.
148
The A wakening Peasantry
of correspondence fCC 237, 241, 251, 264), but only in connection with
Jewish estate owners and estate lessees; for the moment, we are abstracting
from the question of the identification of the manor with Jews in order to
focus exclusively on peasant-landlord antagonism that had a Ukrainian-Polish
dimension.) Another item, from Spasiv, Sokal district, mentioned in passing
that " ... our village is poor; it has no forest because we sold it to the
lords ... " (CC 87). Here, laconically, are references to the nobles' control of
the forests as well as to the manor's ability to exploit the peasantry's
impoverishment for the acquisition of peasant land." The nobility's profit
from propination (the monopoly over alcoholic beverages) was decried by a
peasant correspondent:
Come Sunday or a holy day, and sometimes on a work day, the taverns [in
Ivachiv Dolishnii, Ivachiv Horishnii and Plotycha, Ternopil district) are full of
people, men and women. This is a joy to the side-curled [i.e., Jewish)
tavern keepers and to our landlord [Juliusz) Korytowski .... Mr. Korytowski is
the peasant deputy to the diet [i.e., he was elected from the fourth-primarily
peasant--curia), but if he cared more about our peasant welfare, he
would ... try to educate us ignorant ones and not, as in Plotycha, build taverns
like palaces and enrich himself and the Jews by our peasant labour (CC 77).
It is characteristic, as we will see, that this item of correspondence has a directly political message (Korytowski, like Torosiewicz in CC 117 cited above,
is singled out as a deputy to the diet) and lumps the landlord together with
Jews.
Only two other items of correspondence relate to the traditional sphere of
commune-manor antagonism and these concern what might be classified as
subsidiary rather than fundamental issues of peasant-landlord conflict. One
reports the statement of a peasant from Siltse, Kalush district, at a public
meeting arranged by the national populists (CC 93). The peasant spoke out
against the hunting laws, which forbade peasants to shoot the wild boars that
destroyed their crops, but were much prized as game by the Polish nobility.
The manor officials
make fun of us, saying we should go out at night into the fields with bells and
ring them at the beast or drive it off with a rock. But how can a man, after
working hard all day, not sleep at night and go to work again the next day?
And how can we confront a wild boar with a rock when even the forest warden,
often armed with a gun, climbs up a tree?
The same peasant went on to complain about the manor's conduct during
road repairs (U sharvarok). The commune was supposed to furnish the
labour and the manor the materials, but the question of who was responsible
for delivering the materials to the work site was disputed."
22
On the latter point, see Sviezhynsky, Ah,arni vidnosyny, 15.
" The Galician crownland administration decided that the commune was obliged to deliver the
materials, but on 19 April 1884 (N.S.) an administrative tribunal in Vienna decided that this
was the manor's responsibility.
Commune and Manor
149
The last item of correspondence to mention conflict with the manor
reported that the lady of Khylchychi, Zolochiv district, fell seriously ill and
vowed, if she survived, to perform the pious act of building a church where
presently stood the tavern. When she recovered, the tavern-keeper convinced
her to forego her oath and "make various difficulties for the commune."
So, in order to punish the Jew, the commune decided not to buy anything more
in the tavern. It has now founded its own store and for the third week is holding
firm in its boycott. The Jew is yelling, the lady of the manor is lamenting and
threatening (CC 268).
Characteristically, a Jew is both blamed and punished for the landowner's
offense.
And this is all our correspondence has to say about socio-economic conflict
between the Polish manor and Ukrainian commune. Not only is the conflict
underplayed in the correspondence, but the correspondence praises individual
landlords, the "good lords"'4 who supported the Ukrainian movement. The
reading club in Dobrostany, Horodok district, was supported by the forest
warden (!) and the estate manager Mroczkowski, "whom the members of the
commune love very much" (CC 100)." The Polish landlord of Ripniv,
Kaminka Strumylova district, donated 300 gulden to the reading club's
building fund; "glory to such a good lord," exulted the correspondent who
reported this (CC 159). Manor officials in Lopatyn, Brody district, let the
peasants put on a play inside a manor hall to raise money for the reading
club (CC 200). Leopold Obertynski, lord of Utishkiv, Zolochiv district,
donated a lot for a community hall and a building, at our request drove the Jew
from the tavern and put in his place one of our men .... Heartfelt thanks to a
man who, in contrast to neighbouring lordlings and guided by healthy views,
contributes to our welfare and thus to the welfare of the crownland (CC 216).
The Countess Sofia Starzenska, owner of the estate of Hnizdychiv, Zhydachiv
district, donated 7,000 bricks to the reading club so that it could build its
own premises (CC 234).
The correspondence leaves the objectively false impression that there was
no fundamental socio-economic conflict between the Polish landed nobility
and the peasants in the Ukrainian national movement. The Polish landlords
here appear to be analogous to the Greek Catholic priests, whom we have already examined, and to the village governments, who will be treated below,
i.e., they seem to occupy an ambiguous position vis-a-vis the national
movement: good landlords, like good priests and good mayors, support the
movement, while bad ones do not.
In attempting to explain this anomaly, it is first necessary to consider
whether we can entirely trust the testimony of the correspondence in this
instance. The national populists, unlike their Russophile rivals, at several
24
On the myth of the good lords. see Burszta, Spoleczenstwo i karczma, 157-61.
" This throws more light on why some peasants in Dobrostany believed that the reading club was
a step in the direction of a return to serfdom. See above, 95-6.
150
The Awakening Peasantry
junctures from the late 1860s to the early 1890s eagerly sought a modus
vivendi with the Polish nobility. Thus the editors of Batkivshchyna may have
considered it politic to mute the sensitive socio-economic conflict in order to
leave the door open for future concessions in the strictly national-cultural
sphere. I have not, however, been able to find direct evidence in support of
such a hypothesis.'· Although I think certain aspects of the
correspondence-the cult of "good lords" and the deliberate channelling of
socio-economic resentment against Jews-does reflect the national populists'
hesitation to champion the peasantry's socio-economic grievances against the
Polish nobility, I cannot accept this as the major reason for the
correspondence's relative silence on the peasant-landlord conflict. Against this
thesis is a strong argument: analogous correspondence in the radical
newspaper Khliborob in 1892-4 is also relatively silent on the
landlord-peasant conflict. The radicals, of course, had no interest in or hope
for reaching an accommodation with the Polish noble ruling class.
(Characteristically, however, no "good lords" appeared in the radical
correspondence. )
Although we must dismiss the hypothesis that national populist politics
were primarily responsible for the lack of strong statements against Polish
landowners in the correspondence, we must also consider whether there was
external pressure to moderate the correspondence. This would have affected
all correspondence to popular newspapers, of whatever political persuasion.
There certainly was such pressure. The Polish nobility, ever since the peasant
revolt of 1846, was extremely sensitive to any anti-landlord agitation among
the peasantry. It is unlikely that the Galician authorities would have allowed
a paper to flourish that deliberately fanned animosity to the nobility. It was,
in fact, against the law to publish anything encouraging "enmity against the
legally recognized estate of the nobility."" The practice of Galician censors
was to expurgate even relatively mild denunciations of the nobility. For
instance, the following passage was censored out of the editorial in
Batkivshchyna, 1881, no. 16, as promoting enmity to the noble estate:
Our Ruthenian people in Galicia-and the situation is even worse in
Bukovyna-make the least use of their rights and their power of all the peoples
of Austria. Because our people do not elect for themselves the sort of deputies
who would do their will, but rather elect mainly Polish lords and government
officials, who do the complete opposite of what the people want and need."
In the editorial of Batkivshchyna, 1881, no. 19, the following sentence was
censored for its antagonism to Polish lords: "Oppressed by all manner of
burdens, we cannot extricate ourselves from our poverty, but Polish lords,
" One would expect the radical Pavlyk to have castigated the national populists for suppressing
anti-landlord correspondence.
" TsDIAL, 152/2/15011. p. Iv.
" Ibid., p. 3.
Commune and Manor
151
Jewish usurers and all sorts of banks get rich from Ruthenian labour."'· As
these censored passages make clear, Ukrainian popular newspapers could not
print much against the landlords without risking confiscation. Unfortunately,
it is impossible to determine to what extent Galician censorship discouraged
the editors of Ukrainian popular newspapers from publishing correspondence
with a strong anti-landlord thrust.
Thus far we have considered editorial policy as a factor distorting the
correspondence on the landlord question. We must also remember, however,
that the authors of the correspondence themselves were not entirely typical of
the Galician Ukrainian peasantry as a whole. The peasants who submitted
correspondence were, as previously indicated, economically better off than
most of their class.]O They did not have to work on the landlords' estates.
They were a rural petty bourgeoisie, relatively independent of the manor, and
not, like much of the peasantry, only formally emancipated serfs and rural
proletarians. Therefore they would be less than typically concerned with the
landlord-peasant problem. If we assume that with time the national
movement penetrated not only into more villages (horizontally) but also into
lower strata of the peasantry (vertically). then the influx of poorer peasants
into the movement would explain why the landlord-peasant conflict erupted
with such power in the early twentieth century (the agrarian strikes of 1900
and, particularly, 1902 and 1906).
In sum, as far as the trustworthiness of the correspondence is concerned,
the correspondence underplays the conflict between Polish landlord and
Ukrainian peasant because of both the censorship of anti-landlord sentiments
by the Galician authorities and the economic status of the peasant
correspondents, which placed them on the periphery of the peasant-landlord
struggle.
The socio-economic conflict between the Polish manor and Ukrainian
commune was not only understated in the correspondence, but also
transformed. The transformation was of two varieties: the socio-economic
conflict appeared as a political conflict and the Polish manor appeared as a
Jewish manor.
The national movement politicized the landlord-peasant conflict. While
under feudalism individual communes confronted individual manors over
economic issues, the national movement strove to have the Ukrainian
peasantry as a whole oppose the Polish nobility as a whole, during elections.
The most important message Batkivshchyna sought to convey to the peasants
was: vote for the Ukrainian candidate. The correspondents had no illusions
about the political sympathies and antipathies of the Polish nobility. The
nobles in the correspondence were depicted as opponents of the Ukrainians'
political aspirations who used bribery and pressure to make Ukrainian
" TsDIAL, 152/2/15013, p.2.
There is no reason to believe that the radical correspondents of the early 1890s were derived
from a much lower stratum of the peasantry than the Batkivshchyna correspondents of the
mid-1880s.
JO
152
The A wakening Peasantry
peasants vote against their interests and for Polish noble candidates. The
nobility's influence over elections was particularly effective because of the
curial system of elections to the diet and parliament." The population was
divided into four electoral curiae: of the landowners, of the chambers of
commerce, of the large cities and of everyone else (mainly the peasantry). In
the fourth, peasant curia elections were indirect. Every five hundred rural
inhabitants elected one elector to vote for the deputy to the diet. Thus the
landlords' pressure ultimately had to be brought to bear against only a
relatively few peasant electors in each electoral district. Also, the balloting in
the fourth curia was open, not secret, so the landlord (as well as activists of
the national movement) knew for whom an elector had cast his vote.
The correspondence records that Polish landlords bribed electors. In
Ivachiv Horishnii and Dolishnii and Plotycha, Ternopil district, the owner of
the estate, Juliusz Korytowski, effectively bought himself a seat in the diet by
bribing peasant electors with "sausages, cigars, liquor and so forth"
(CC 77).33 In Radekhiv, Kaminka Strumylova district, the mayor and a
councilman were chosen as electors in the parliamentary elections of 1885.
They promised "to stand for all of Rus', because this is our fatherland." But
"when they [the Polish nobles or their agents] began to give out liquor and
sausages and, moreover, began to light cigars, the councilman and mayor
completely forgot about Rus', their fatherland, because both cast their vote
for Mr. Kielanowski." Electors from Mukan, a village near Radekhiv, "sold
their votes for a thousand bricks" (CC 222). At a pre-election meeting in
Zhovkva, a landlord (U didych) drove up to promise access to forests and
pastures to compliant electors; he also distributed bribes in money, of 15-20
gulden, to lure votes away from the Ukrainian candidate (CC 225). In Lviv
district a number of Ukrainian peasant electors voted for the conservative
landlord Dawid Abrahamowicz, "some for a pasture, some for fir trees, some
for money" (CC 242).33 In addition to bribes, landlords used the threat of
refusing loans of seed grain to sway electors (CC 211 ).34
Ukrainian peasant electors who submitted to the bribes or threats of
landlords were dubbed Mykyty Khruni or simply khruni by the national
The curial system with respect to parliamentary elections was reformed in 1897 and replaced
by universal manhood suffrage in 1907. Elections to the Galician diet retained the curial system
until 1914.
31
" Stanislaw Maueyski, later prime minister of Austria, spent 400 gulden on banquets and drinks
for peasant electors in order to become a deputy to parliament in 1879. Radzyner, Stanislaw
Madeyski. 59-60.
33 Among the papers of the Potocki estates is a letter to Count Roman Potocki from a peasant
elector, Maciej Czajkowski (10 December 1900). Czajkowski wrote that as an elector he had
always voted for Count Potocki as a deputy to the diet. Furthermore, "having influence and
popularity among the peasantry. 1 have also agitated during elections among the peasant electors
with the best effect for His Excellency." He promised to campaign for the Count in the 1901 diet
elections. He concluded the letter with a request for one oak and fourteen softwood trees to build
a farm building as well as four cartloads of firewood. LNB, Pot., No. 292, pp. 7-8v .
.\4
See also Julian Marchlewski [J. Karski], "Galizien," Neue Zeit 20 (1902), Bd. 2, pp. 748-9.
Commune and Manor
153
movement (CC 56, 77, 211). A khrun was literally an "oinker," i.e., a pig.
Khruni were also sometimes called kovbasnyky, i.e., sausagists, because they
accepted "electoral sausage"" as a bribe (CC 56,212). The national
movement tried to shame electors into holding firm and voting for the
Ukrainian candidates. Electors who sold their votes in Rava Ruska district
were jeered at in rhyme: "To Mykyta Khrun, Khrun, iemu v ochi pliun,
pliun" (That's Mykyta Khrun, Khrun; spit, spit in his eyes) (CC 211). Thus
the electoral conflict with the Polish nobility also had ramifications within the
commune.
The electoral conflict between the Ukrainian national movement and the
Polish nobility also involved the Jewish minority in Galicia. Jews were often
used by the Polish nobility as instruments of electoral chicanery (CC 166,
182, 203, 204, 225, 239). Jewish tavern keepers were used to bribe and
confuse peasant electors, Jews of the manor were used to apply economic
pressure and Jewish thugs-recruited from the Jewish lumpenproletariat in
the towns-were sent to steal the precious legitimation cards from peasant
electors.
Bribery, as has already been seen, was commonplace during elections. It
was rumoured that Krizer, a Hungarian Jew engaged in the lumber business
in Perehinsko, Dolyna district, hosted the Perehinsko electors at "Rubin's
Restaurant" prior to polling (CC 203). In the hill region in the south of
Galicia, peasant electors were said to have allowed themselves to be bribed by
Jews "with liquor and sausages to our shame and detriment" (CC 182). A
peasant who served as an elector several times reported to Batkivshchyna a
practice that he had heard of from other electors:
It would happen that when an elector would come to town, the Jews would lie in
wait for him as a cat for a mouse, they would surround him like crows, drag
him to the tavern and tell him that the electors from all the villages had already
gathered there. All the while they would speak to him smoothly. Before long
they would drag in a second and third elector and whisper to each that all had
already agreed to vote for the Polish candidate, that there was nothing he himself could do about it and that he would do better to eat and drink his fill rather
than listen to the priest" and vote in vain for a Ruthenian (CC 166).
Another elector reported that votes were bought with money: "Like black
crows, Jews in caftan robes and suits wove their way among us and traded in
votes as if at a bazaar" (CC 225).
A further electoral abuse documented in our correspondence (and
elsewhere)" was the theft of peasant electors' legitimation cards. In Sokal
" U vyborcha kovbasa. G Wahlwurst.
Another elector reported: "I heard a Jew approach our peasant [at the polling place.] and say:
'So you listen to the priests, but they fleece you' (P To wy ksirzy sluchacie a oni was drq)"
J6
(CC 204).
Die Reichsratswahlen in Ostgalizien im Jahre 11197. verfasst yom Ausschusse des ruthcnischcn
Landeswahlkommitees (Vienna: 1898), 52, cited in Staruch, "Oer Kampf der galizischen
Ukrainer," 69. Olesnytsky, Storinky, 2: I 04, 113-14.
37
154
The Awakening Peasantry
district, according to one elector, "the [electoral) commission was composed
exclusively of landlords and they did not allow two peasants to vote without
their legitimation cards, which Jews had torn from their hands, and the
gendarmes even arrested one elector because he wanted to hold on to the arm
of a Jew who grabbed his card" (CC 204). The elector who reported that
Jews were buying votes with money went on to say: "When [the Jews) did
not succeed in buying off a peasant, they distributed money among Jewish
thugs and criminals like Symkhe Bart or Shmaie Grintal and others, and
these leapt on us like wolves ... and grabbed our legitimation cards"
(CC 225).
Ultimately it was the Polish nobility who assigned Jews their role as
instruments of electoral chicanery. A clear example of this subordination
appears in an item of correspondence from Lviv district. Dawid
Abrahamowicz, a wealthy landowner and prominent Polish conservative
politican of Armenian extraction, sold Jews in the lumber business the right
to cut trees from his forest. Peasants from Dmytrie drove to Abrahamowicz's
woods, hoping to earn money by hauling lumber. But the Jews could not hire
them-Abrahamowicz had forbidden hiring peasants from Dmytrie, because
the village had voted against him in the parliamentary elections a few weeks
earlier (CC 242). Thus Jews were used to execute the economic punishment
dictated by a Polish landlord for a political offence.
Since Jews figured as the nobility's agents during elections, the national
movement's political struggle against the Polish nobility frequently had an
anti-Jewish component. Moreover, the socio-economic conflict between
commune and manor was frequently expressed as a Ukrainian-Jewish rather
than Ukrainian-Polish conflict.
The identification of Jews and the manor was primarily a phenomenon of
the constitutional era. For almost the whole first century of Austrian rule in
Galicia, the stewards, mandators and leaseholders had been recruited largely
from the Polish gentry. Jews were expressly forbidden to engage in such
occupations until their emancipation in 1868. They had also been forbidden,
as a rule, to own estates. Beginning in the late 1860s, the impoverished Polish
gentry that had managed the demesnal estates found new careers in
government service J8 and their places on the estates were taken by Jews. Also,
many traditional noble landowners did not adjust to the new economic
conditions of the late nineteenth century, particularly the absence of serfdom
and the transition to a money economy;39 they were inclined to leave the management of their estates to a people accustomed to a money economy, the
Jews, or to lease and even sell their estates to them.
Rudolph Kurzweil, the tax collector who came to Dobrotvir in 1873, was a retired manorial
steward (see above, 48). Judging by his name, however, Kurzweil was a German, not a Pole.
3R
The deepening crisis of the noble estates is reflected in the fact that in all of Galicia in
1881-1900 there were 1,618 cases of purchase and sale of tabular land, while in 1900-7 there
were 2,326 such cases. Sviezhynsky, Ahrarni vidnosyny, 19-20.
]9
Commune and Manor
155
Rural Jews represented a sizable portion of Galicia's Jewish population
(36.6 per cent in 1910). As the Jewish demographer Jacob Lestschinsky
noted, the weight of rural Jewry in Galicia was anomalous in comparison to
Jewish settlement patterns elsewhere: "Except for Bukovyna, Galicia is the
only land in the whole world where such a large percentage of Jews lives in
villages."4" The legislation of Joseph II had forbidden Jews who were not
registered as farmers to live in the countryside'" Although the ban was poorly
enforced, the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries witnessed an
exodus of Galician Jews from village to town, and the emancipation of the
Austrian Jews in the 1860s brought a reimmigration into the countryside.
The correspondence published in Batkivshchyna records an influx of Jews
into the village. One correspondent wrote ironically that "the people of
Mshanets [Staryi Sambir district] are very fortunate, because they have as
many as seven friends of the Jewish faith in their village, where once, some
thirty years ago, there were only two Jewish families" (CC 66). Another
correspondent noted that in the village of Perehinsko, Dolyna district, there
were only two Jewish families in the I 840s, but by 1885 the village had seven
hundred Jews (CC 257),,2
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Jews were prominent
as estate officials (stewards, overseers, labour recruiters and the like). In
1794 the emperor had prohibited the employment of Jews in any clerical
capacity on estates;43 the law was poorly enforced and altogether invalidated
by the full emancipation of the Jews in 1868. In 1900 there were 1,495
Jewish estate officials in Galicia. There were almost three and one-half times
as many Jewish as Ukrainian officials, although there were thirty-four times
as many Ukrainians as Jews engaged in agriculture. 44 Almost all the officials
on estates owned by Jews were Jewish,.s and Jewish officials also worked on
Polish estates. It was customary for Polish nobles to keep
Jewish factors, factotums and familiars, popularly known as "Moszki." Their
task was to supply the "the Honourable Lord" with news, gossip, information
and advice on prices, characterizations of merchants and lessees of taverns and
mills, and so forth. These familiars perforce had enormous influence on events
in the demesnes, among Jewish merchants and even among the authorities,
40
Lestschinsky, Dos idishe folk in tsi/ern, 99.
4'
Tenenbaum, Galitsye, 122. Friedman, "Landvirtshaft," 135-6.
42
The census of 1880 recorded 548 Jews in Perehinsko; the total population of the village was
4,294. Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880.
43 Mahler, History, 334.
44 Buzek, Stosunki zawodowe i socyalne. Since Ukrainains here are calculated by language and
Jews by religion, and since 5 per cent of the Jews listed Ukrainian as their language, a significant proportion of the 429 Ukrainian officials may have been Jewish. Friedman ("Landvirtshaft,"
140) states that Jews made up 30 per cent of the 4,000 agricultural administrators in Galicia in
1902 and that Jewish estate officials were concentrated in Ukrainian-inhabited Eastern Galicia.
Kotler, "Zydowskie dwory," 3. "Juden als Ackerbauer," Der Israelit, no. 20 (30 October
1885): 6.
4S
156
The A wakening Peasantry
depending on how much they were trusted by their masters. And for the most
part they were trusted 100 per cent. This guaranteed the "Moszko" a
comfortable and even ample living."
Estate officials were in a very exposed position, between landlord and
peasant, and could easily replace the landlord as the object of the peasants'
hatred. An item of correspondence in Batkivshchyna illustrates this:
In the neighbourhood of Bovshivets, in Kukilnyky, Medukha, Slobidka, Iabloniv,
Zahirie, Dytiatyn, Byblo and other villages, wherever you turn, there is such
poverty that one is overcome by sadness. Jewry has settled in the region and
conquered it as speargrass does an empty field. The villages mentioned above
are the property of the Latin-rite archdiocese. So all of them have lessees
(U posesory) , who bring with them a whole gang of sublessees (U pakhtiari),
tavern-lessees (U arendari) , mill-lessees (U miroshnyky) , stewards (U faktory),
dairy-lessees (U vydiinyky) , familiars (U povirnyky) and whatever else they're
called. Those who are best at dealing with peasant skin become officials
(U zhondtsi). And wherever there's one of these caftan-garbed officials, a
Christian is fortunate if he is left with his shirt (CC 264).
Another statement of peasant hatred for Jewish estate officials is contained in
a leaflet confiscated by the police during an agricultural labourers' strike in
Borshchiv district in 1900. The leaflet was handwritten, obviously by a
peasant, on the back of a printed invitation to join the Prosvita society. The
leaflet urged peasants to stop working on the estates because wages were so
low.
Look! The lord is ashamed to cheat you [himself], so he keeps Jews to cheat
you. Because the Jew is a devil. He'll even swindle the lord!"
Jews acted as labour recruiters, both for local estates 48 and for estates
abroad. Several items of correspondence complain about the practices of Jews
who recruited peasants to work in Bessarabia and Moldavia. A correspondent
from the town of Lysets, Bohorodchany district, wrote:
Jews also deal in labourers; they send them by the hundreds to work in the
fields of Bessarabia. The Jew receives 3,000 gulden a year to supply a certain
number of workers. During the winter he gives [peasants] an earnest of a dozen
or so gulden. Whoever takes it must go where the Jew tells him. The most
important dealer in people is named Moshko Shporn (CC 62).
The correspondent went on to describe the terrible working conditions in
Bessarabia. Another correspondent from Lysets also registered complaints
about Shporn (CC 82). The correspondent from Kiidantsi, Kolomyia district,
wrote that some of his impoverished fellow villagers went to work in
4. Kofler, "Zydowskie dwory," 3.
TsDIAL, 146/4/2209, p. 38.
Referring to the town of Sighet, in a Ukrainian-inhabited region of Hungary, a journalist
observed: "If the peasant wants to be hired, he usually goes not directly to the farmer, but to the
Jew, who at daybreak is arranging his terms in the large central market-square and in the
court-yards surrounding it." Pennel, The Jew at Home, 33-4.
47
48
Commune and Manor
157
Moldavia. "When they didn't work off the money they took in advance and
escaped home, the Jew who recruited them brought the runaways to court
and during the autumn before last the court auctioned off their property"
(CC 165).
Jews invested in the appurtenances of the manor: stands of wood, lumber
mills, pastures, hayfields, grain mills and ponds. In old Poland, renting such
appurtenances from the manor provided a major source of livelihood for rural
Jews, who would then charge the villagers for their use. 49 Joseph II had
prohibited Galician Jews from leasing mills and similar sources of revenue in
1785, but enforcement of his legislation, especially after his death, was lax. 50
After emancipation Jews openly returned to their old occupation of
leaseholding and sometimes bought, rather than leased, a specific manorial
appurtenance.
Renting or owning the appurtenances brought Jews into direct conflict
with peasants. Especially after the bitter struggle over servitudes, peasants
resented having to pay for wood or grazing rights. Rights to hayfields and
ponds were also contested. Grain mills seem to have been more clearly
associated with the manor, but peasants were nonetheless resentful of the
nobles' monopoly. Inasmuch as Jews rented or bought these contested
appurtenances from the nobles, they deflected the peasants' enmity to themselves.
Jews had been involved in the lumber trade in Eastern Galicia since at
least the seventeenth century.51 Emancipation and the economic decline of the
Polish nobility allowed Jews to purchase 7.4 per cent of Galicia's forest land
by 1902.52 A correspondent from Zhuzhil, Sokal district, felt that Jewish
ownership of forests meant higher prices for wood:
In the village of Zhuzhil neither the manor nor the peasants have even a bit of
woodland, therefore wood for fuel and construction are purchased from Jewish
retailers who bought up the larger tracts of forests from the neighbouring
landlords. It is no wonder that wood bought at second or third hand is very
expensive .... The Jews set whatever price they like just to extract the greatest
profit from our Christian (CC 261).
A correspondent from Perehinsko, Dolyna district, reported that Jews paid
100 gulden for 1,600 trees from a village-owned forest and then sold the wood
back to the peasants for 2,000 gulden (CC 258). (On Jews in the lumber
trade, see also CC I, 33, 107, 203, 242, 258.)
The leasing of pastures and hayfields by Jews is also mentioned in the
correspondence (CC 92, 101, 107, 151). In Drozdovychi, Horodok district, the
Jewish tavern keeper rented a meadow from the landlord and charged the
Jews also sometimes leased feudal rents in nature (chickens, capons, geese, thread and the
like), as was the case in the Komarno region in 1822. Klasova borotba, 132.
49
50
Mahler, History, 327-8.
51
Rawita Gawronski, Zydzi ... na Rusi, 106.
" Rosenfeld. Die polnische JudenJrage. III.
158
The Awakening Peasantry
peasants three or four times as much as he paid to lease it (CC 101). Jewish
mill owners and lessees also figure in the correspondence (CC 66, 151,257).
Control of the manorial appurtenances could occasion more than purely
economic conflict between peasants and Jews. A peasant from Verbiv,
Pidhaitsi district, wrote to Batkivshchyna to complain of a Jew who used his
control of the mill and hayfield to discourage peasants from joining the
village reading club. The correspondent urged his fellow villagers to boycott
the Jew's mill and hayfield until he mended his ways. The proposed boycott
also had an economic aspect, however. Currently, when the peasants cut hay
for the Jew, they received only every sixth haystack; after the boycott they
should be able to receive every fourth (CC 151; see also CC 242).
In old Poland Jews had frequently leased the estates themselves from the
nobility. Ineffective Josephinian and subsequent legislation had prohibited this
leaseholding,53 but after emancipation Jews again openly leased estates. The
correspondence accuses Jewish lessees of expropriating peasant cattle that had
either strayed or been driven by a lackey of the estate onto the manorial
pasture (CC 107, 110).
Actual Jewish ownership of estates was an innovation of Austrian rule.
Some exceptional Jews with the rights of Hofjuden were allowed to acquire
estates in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. 54 The revolution
of 1848 removed restrictions on Jewish acquisition of real estate and some
Jews then purchased tabular land. Jews were prohibited from buying estates
in October 1853," but were allowed to do so again in 1860. They very quickly
acquired a significant share in the ownership of estates. By 1902 Jews owned
18.5 per cent of the tabular land in private estates in Eastern Galicia. In all
of Galicia there were 543 Jewish-owned estates, averaging 555 hectares
each." Jewish estate ownership was concentrated
in Eastern,
Ukrainian-inhabited Galicia. 57 To purchase an estate required considerable
wealth, which might have derived from trade,58 tavern keeping or usury.59
Jewish estate-owners are mentioned in the correspondence three times: for
influencing village politics (CC 58), for underpaying labourers (CC 251) and
for polluting the village water supply with a distillery and cattle (CC 265).
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
Aside from the reasons already adduced, there is one more very important
reason why the correspondence is relatively silent on the conflict between
53
Mahler, History, 327-8.
54
Kofler, "Zydowskie dwory," 17-18.
" Friedman, "Landvirtshaft," 132-3.
" Rosenfeld, Die polnische Judenfrage, III; see also Sviezhynsky, Ahrarni vidnosyny. 20.
57 Rosenfeld, Die polnische Judenfrage, Ill. Friedman, "Landvirtshaft," 141.
58 Kofler, "Zydowskie dwory," 17.
59 Max Zetterbaum, "Klassengegensatze bei den Juden," Neue Zeit 11, Bd. 2 (1893): 36-7.
Zetterbaum estimated that a usurer had to foreclose on thirty to fifty peasant farms in order to
buy an estate; or a noble debtor might lose his estate directly to a Jewish creditor.
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
159
manor and commune: it was no longer the primary and exclusive
socio-economic issue for the post-emancipation peasantry. To some extent
from the abolition of serfdom in 1848, but much more intensively after the
1860s, the peasantry suffered above all from the penetration of a money
economy and the concomitant destruction of the traditional natural economy.
With this shift in the terrain of socio-economic tension came also a shift in
the terrain of national conflict: under feudalism the Polish-Ukrainian conflict,
not yet perceived as a national conflict, was the dominant polarity for the
Ukrainian peasantry; but with the penetration of the money economy,
coinciding with the penetration of the national movement, Ukrainian peasant
antagonism was directed more against the representatives of the money
economy-the Jews. This explains why, even in correspondence concerned
with manor-commune antagonism, anti-Jewish sentiments are prominent.
With the emancipation from serfdom in 1848, the Galician peasant
became a petty, independent farmer. 6O His independence was threatened from
two directions: from the past and from the future. The past was represented
by the feudal landlord, who, with his large estate intact, sought to render the
abolition of corvee labour merely formal. This was the meaning of the
landlords' expropriation of forests and pastures during the servitudes struggle
(and explains why the landlord-peasant conflict was still so intense for the
first two decades after emancipation). The threat from the future was the development of capitalism which "must ... always and everywhere fight a battle
of annihilation against every form of natural economy [and independent petty
production] that it encounters."61
The economy of serfdom was largely natural'" As already noted, the
greatest part of the serfs rents-94 per cent-was paid in labour or nature.
The serfs own needs (as opposed to rents) required very little money (liquor
and salt were the major expenses). The abolition of serfdom created a
self-sufficient farmer who primarily needed money to pay taxes (including the
compensation to the nobility for the cessation of corvee labour) and to fight
the servitudes battle. In his domestic and economic life, he had little use for it
and might hoard it,, 3 Evhen Olesnytsky, in his memoirs, recalled the natural
peasant economy of his youth (the 1860s):
"Free self-managing peasant proprietorship ... is found among modern nations as one of the
forms arising from the dissolution of feudal landownership." Marx, Capital, 3:806.
61 Luxemburg, Accumulation of Capital, 369.
6' On the great problems the natural economy of Austrian serfdom posed for the Josephine civil
service in attempting to calculate the net profit of peasant agriculture, see Rosdolsky, Die grosse
Steuer und Agrarreform, 44-5.
63 " ..• In every Rusniak [i.e., Galician Ukrainian] household will be found [in the early 1840s] a
little box, to which the master of the house alone has the key, where he deposits his savings,
often a considerable sum, with whose amount, however, not even his wife or children are
acquainted." Kohl, Austria, 434-5: "The less advanced is the production of commodities, the
more important is hoarding-the first form in which exchange-value assumes an independent existence as money-and it therefore plays an important role among ancient nations, in Asia up to
60
160
The Awakening Peasantry
Farming (U hospodarstvo) was, especially in the older times I can remember,
more natural than money-based. The farm produce was used at home. People
wove cloth at home, even dipped [their own] candles. Hired hands were also
usually paid not in money, but in kind. They received clothing, linen (U billia),
boots and also grain. Work at harvest-time was paid in kind as well. ... 64
Jan Slomka of Dzik6w provided similar testimony in his memoirs for the
same period: "We ate what the land gave us, and our clothing was of
homespun .... The turnover of money in the villages was still trifling in my
early days.""
In general, the economy of Galicia on the eve of the constitutional era was
dominated by petty producers-the peasant proprietor in the countryside and
the small craftsman in the city.66 In the era of rapidly expanding capitalist
relations, this was an unstable and unviable economic complex. It was
undermined by the rapid penetration of a money economy, especially from
the 1860s on.
Before outlining how the money economy in Galicia destroyed the petty
producers' society, with its natural economy in the countryside, it is necessary
to clarify some terminology and conceptualizations. In Soviet historiography
on Galicia, the year 1848 divides the feudal from the capitalist era. While
this is a handy and in some respects justifiable simplification, it does not
elucidate the real relations of production in late-nineteenth century Galicia.
Nor is it consistent with Marx's view of economic history, which held that
"wherever [capitalism] appears, the abolition of serfdom has been long
effected."" At least from 1848 until the turn of the century, capitalism as
such did not exist in Galicia. Instead, the economy was based on petty
producers,68 and therefore a fundamental precondition of capitalism-the separation of the labourer from the means of production-was lacking. This
economy was transitional, at least in the abstract, between feudalism and
capitalism,69 but it did not correspond to either. Also, when speaking of the
"(continued) now, and among contemporary agrarian nations, where exchange-value has not
yet penetrated all relations of production .... Where the bourgeois mode of production has
reached an advanced stage the formation of hoards is reduced to the minimum .... " Marx,
Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, 134, 151.
64 Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:22.
" Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 12, 84.
66 On artisanal production, see Himka, Socialism, 3, 13, 80-2.
"Marx, Capital, 1:715 (and see 1:717).
68 Analogously, "through much of Western Europe, notably much of France, serfdom had been
succeeded not by capitalism, but by an economy dominated by what were essentially peasant
freeholders." Brenner, "Origins," 7 3.
69 It is difficult to speak of the late nineteenth century as concretely transitional to capitalism,
since a very weak capitalism lasted such a short time in Galicia-from sometime in the early
twentieth century (I would propose 1918 as a convenient marker) until 1939. In this context, the
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
161
dissolution of the petty producers' society, I prefer to speak of its penetration
by a money, rather than capitalist, economy. By this I mean to stress that
what initially entered Galicia were not capitalist relations, but precapitalist
relations. Marx made a sharp distinction between "money as money" and
"money as capital."70 This distinction, like all of Marx's categories, is not only
logical, but historical. 71 By a money economy, therefore, I understand an
economy based on exchange, with money as a universal equivalent, but in
which the fundamental feature of capitalism, the self-expansion of value, is
still absent. A money economy paves the way for capitalism, both by
destroying the natural economy of petty producers in the countryside and by
propagating exchange value.
For the moment it is necessary to focus on the money economy's
destructive aspect, i.e., the money economy as a solvent of the natural
economy. It was this aspect, incidentally, which most interested the
traditional landowning class, which viewed the money economy as an
excellent mechanism for breaking down the self-sufficiency of the peasantry
and inducing it to return to work on the estates for very low wages.
The most naked confrontation between money and the natural economy
was usury, here understood in the technical, Marxist sense of precapitalist
moneylending. The high rates of interest characteristic of usury cannot be
compared to capitalist interest rates; usury in precapitalist modes of
production can assimilate almost all of the surplus product of an independent
producer, while interest under capitalism is only a part of surplus value. The
ruinous effect of usury-the separation of the labouring producer from his
means of production-was the starting point of capitalism.72
"( continued) few decades of capitalism can be viewed as part of a transition directly from
feudalism into a Soviet·style formation.
70 From Marx's Grundrisse (p. 251): "In any case, money as capital is distinct from money as
money. The new aspect is to be developed." The clearest development of this aspect is in Marx,
Capital, 1:146-54 (see also 1:94-145).
This is exceptionally well argued by Rosdolsky, The Making of Marx's "Capital", 114-15.
118, 167.
7J
" Usury is the precapitalist loan of money to landowners and "to small producers who possess
their own conditions of labour-this includes the artisan, but mainly the peasant, since particularly under pre-capitalist conditions, in so far as they permit of small independent individual
producers, the peasant class necessarily constitutes the overwhelming majority of them." But to
what extent the ruin of landowners and small producers "does away with the old mode of
production. as happened in modern Europe, and whether it puts the capitalist mode of production
in its stead, depends entirely upon the stage of historical development and the attendant
circumstances .... In the form of interest, the entire surplus above the barest means of
subsistence ... can be consumed by usury ... , and hence it is highly absurd to compare the level
of this interest, which assimilates all the surplus-value excepting the share claimed by the state,
with the level of the modern interest rate, where interest constitutes at least normally only a part
of the surplus-value .... Under the capitalist mode of production usury can no longer separate the
producer from his means of production, for they have already separated." Where the means of
production are dispersed, usury "does not alter the mode of production, but attaches itself firmly
to it like a parasite and makes it wretched. It sucks out its blood, enervates it and compels
reproduction to proceed under ever more pitiable conditions. Hence the popular hatred against
162
The Awakening Peasantry
Usury, a marginal but indispensable component of the feudal economy,
was transformed by the 1860s into the vanguard of the young and rising
money economy. The abolition of serfdom was a precondition for the
proliferation of usury. Under feudalism, the usurer could not aim at the total
expropriation of the peasant, because the landlord, who required landed serfs
to work his estate, would not allow it. But when the former serf became an
independent producer, the usurer could, and did, aim at the total
expropriation of the peasant farm. The usurer's aim was consonant with the
interests of the post-feudal landlord, who now had to hire labour and
therefore welcomed the creation of a reserve of landless peasants. The
Austrian economic reforms of the 1860s gave a further impetus to usury. In
1868, as part of the triumph of constitutionalism and strategy for economic
development, peasants were permitted to divide their lands for sale; the
traditional moneylenders of Galicia, the Jews, were legally allowed to engage
in lending after nearly a century of formal prohibition; and all restrictions on
interest rates were abolished. In the immediate aftermath of these reforms,
Galician peasants began borrowing money at the rates of 52 and 104
per cent. The pace of ruination of the Galician (and Bukovynian) peasantry
was so swift that a special law of 1877 attempted to reimpose interest limits
in Galicia and BUkovyna.1J
The nationality most prominent in usury in Galicia was the Jews. 74 In
feudal Poland Jews had lent peasants money and sold them alcoholic
beverages on credit, but from the beginning of Austrian rule in Galicia a
series of laws limited both peasant indebtedness and Jewish lending." The
legislation of 1868 allowed Jews to return to usury, and under much more
favourable circumstances than feudalism had permitted. Although, as we will
see, usury was not an exclusively Jewish occupation in post-feudal Galicia,
Jews were dominant. In the 1880s nearly nine out of ten persons convicted in
Galicia of exceeding the interest limits established in 1877 were Jews.'6 Most
Ukrainian peasants tended to identify usury with the Jews; as a proverb had
it, "every Jew is a usurer" (U Shcho zhyd, to lykhvar).77
Resentment of "Jewish usury" was expressed by many correspondents
(CC 1, 6, 26, 33, 48, 67, 77,107, Ill, 148, 184). According to a peasant
from the Carpathians,
"(continued) usurers .... Only where and when the other prerequisites of capitalist production
are present does usury become one of the means assisting in establishment of the new mode of
production .... " Marx, Capital, 3:594-7. As is clear from the foregoing (and see Marx,
Grundrisse, 535), the flourishing of usury in late-nineteenth-century Galicia indicates that
capitalism did not exist there and further justifies the distinction between a money and capitalist
economy. See also Leon, The Jewish Question, 143-4.
73 Caro, "Lichwa," 125-238.
74
On Jews and usury in Western Galicia, see Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 84-8.
'5
Mahler, History, 318. Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, 1:96-7, 226.
More accurately, for seven consecutive years sometime between 1.877 and 1892, 87.5 per cent
of all persons so convicted in Galicia were Jews. Ivan Franko, "Zydzi 0 kwestji zydowskiej,"
Tydzien. Dodatek literacki Kurjera Lwowskiego 1, no. 6 (6 February 1893): 42.
76
77
Franko, Halytsko-ruski narodni prypovidky, 113.
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
163
there are villages where out of a hundred households it is hard to find a single
landed peasant who is not in debt-to the Jews, of course .... In almost every
one of the local towns, such as Stare Misto [Staryi Sambir), Khyriv, Dobromyl,
Ustrzyki and others, there is some rich Jew who has [peasant land] under his
control, i.e., in his pocket. ... Often on a single day he will summon from ten to
a hundred of his debtors to court for their debts; and he does not usually do so
in vain (CC 141).
Another correspondent summarized the situation as follows: "It's often the
case that someone borrows a dozen or so gulden from the Jew for some
requirement and after that can't get the Jew off his back; he pays and works
off the debt, but still ends up losing his land" (CC 30).
Land was the penalty or reward for borrowing or lending:
Some of these Jews came naked to Mshanets [Staryi Sambir district), but today
they all have their own houses and plots of land which they bought and
snatched away from people. One of them, Abramko, took a house and land
away from a certain widow for a debt of 25 gulden (CC 66).
A correspondent from Chortovets, Horodenka district, reported:
Several years ago he [Ivan Lubyk] borrowed 100 gulden from the Jew Shu lim
Naiberger. He gave him one loch of arable land as collateral and worked off 60
gulden by carting. But Mr. Shulim counted these 60 gulden as interest and in
the end, after several years, the 40 gulden [debt] grew to 400 gulden of interest.
[Allegedly] as insurance, the Jew tried to convince Ivan to sign a promissory
note in court for 400 gulden, which the Jew [said he] would keep until death.
Ivan, through his ignorance, let himself be talked into it by the Jew, not
foreseeing that it would be his ruin. And in Obertyn he signed a promissory
note in court for 400 gulden. Now the Jew is driving poor Lubyk off his land
and from his house! Ivan, grab your sack and go begging! (CC 2).
Sometimes the credit was extended in liquor rather than money, but with the
same result:
Ten years ago the lessee Khaim Breslier came here [Kryve, Berezhany district].
And there was a landed peasant here named Nykola Pytel, number one in the
village, but also number one in the tavern. He had twelve loch of land, a house,
a garden and a fine orchard. When his wife died and his children went to live
with other families, Nykola took to drink until all he had left was four loch of
land, the garden and the house. One day Khaim said to him: "Listen, Nykola,
you're always drinking, but you never give me any money. Let's reckon it up:
I'll pay you the difference and you sign over to me the house with the land and
garden." Nykola agreed and the Jew reckoned the debt at 160 gulden. They
went to a notary in Kozova and signed a document which said that the Jew
could keep Nykola's property for ten years as interest. If by that time Nykola
hadn't paid up, the arrangement would become permanent. It wasn't easy for
Nykola to earn 160 gulden to pay the Jew, so he decided to sell the property. A
certain landed peasant offered him 200 gulden just for the house and garden,
but the Jew didn't want to give up the property until the ten years had passed.
When the alotted time had expired and Nykola didn't return the money, the
164
The Awakening Peasantry
Jew took over all the property. Nykola's son Stefan had meanwhile earned some
money and wanted to pay the debt, but the Jew wouldn't take the money. The
matter went to court, where it is still being contested (CC 281).
In addition to Jewish usurers, there were also some Ukrainian usurers in
the Galician countryside. Some priests (e.g., LA 70) lent money to the
peasantry at high interest, and some rich peasants also engaged in usury." A
peasant from Olesha, Tovmach district, reported on a peasant usurer in his
village:
We still have one evil, and that is usury. And it is not only Jewry that fleeces
the poor peasant, but-what is more saddening---{)ne peasant flays another
through usury. In our village there is the rich peasant Tymko Kuzma. He does
not come from a wealthy family, but, having some money, he began to loan it to
peasants on provision (U na proviziiu) [i.e., the debtor offered as collateral for
the loan a piece of land; the creditor had full usufruct of the land until the loan
was paid off]. Thus he gradually accumulated much property. But even now, although he is already rich, he doesn't give up his custom. He lent the local
proprietor Onufrii Lazoruk 100 gulden and now for the fourth year he is
keeping on provision 5 loch of good arable land. Just from the provision of this
land he has taken much more than 100 gulden .... Of course, the communal
government, although well aware of these extortions, keeps silent" ... (CC 78).
A nonpeasant complained that many peasant-run loan associations displayed
less "brotherly Christian love" than a desire for "Jewish usury" (CC Ill).
The pervasive usury led to large-scale auctioning of peasant land to pay
debts. Between 1873 and 1894 there were 49,823 such auctions ordered by
Galician courts, over two thousand a year.so Although land was the most
important of the means of production from which usury separated the
peasant, livestock also changed hands through debt. sl
With the encouragement of the national populists, the peasants took a
number of measures to combat usury. They founded reading clubs, which
raised their educational level and thus, as some believed (CC 6), indirectly
helped them in the contest with usurers. They also founded their own loan
associations to compete with private lenders. The village of Korchyn, Stryi
district, planned such a loan fund "which would do much to rescue us.
Instead of going to the Jew to borrow money at high interest, we'd prefer to
borrow from ourselves at lower interest" (CC 107). A peasant from Strilkiv,
Stryi district, boasted that "no one goes to the Jew to borrow, only to the
communal fund" (CC 34). Similarly, in Kolodribka, Zalishchyky district, "no
one has to go to the Jew anymore to borrow, because there is our own fund.
In this way we have driven out of our village one enemy-Jewish usury"
(CC 67). Loan associations were founded throughout Galicia and some were
" Peasant usury is mentioned in a novel by Ivan Franko set in the early 1880s. Franko,
"Perekhresni stezhky," Zibrannia tvoriv, 20:296.
79
See below, 175-89.
80
Kravets, Selianstvo, 103-4.
81
Oliinyk, "V Amerytsi spomyny pro staryi krai," Emihrantski virshi, 38-9.
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
165
affiliated with various national institutions. Prosvita was the patron of 257
credit unions in 1912."
A close cousin of the loan association was the communal granary, which
also competed with usurers. Particularly in the spring before sowing and in
the lean months preceding the harvest, peasants could feel an acute shortage
of grain. To avoid borrowing either cash or grain from usurers, peasants set
up communal granaries to take care of their needs: "Let's establish ... a
communal granary so that in case of need we won't go to the Jew to borrow
grain or money" (CC 2). Some granaries worked out well, such as the one in
Korchyn:
We have a lot of people who sometimes run out of grain either for sowing or for
bread, and straightaway they go to the Jew, borrow money at usurious interest
and pay dearly. But now it's completely different. Now if they borrow from the
communal granary, they don't have to pay anything back until after the harvest;
and if they contribute more, it remains theirs in the future (CC 107).
Other communal granaries, like one in Kiidantsi, Kolomyia district, had
trouble accumulating a sufficient fund of grain to perform their function:
For eight years now we've had a granary, ... but what good does it do us if it's
empty! That's a great pity, because thanks to our carelessness the Jews clean us
out every time. And they have plenty of time to clean us out, because it's a long
time from Christmas to the fall and it's a rough stretch before the harvest. No
one is able to remedy this evil, except for the granary. So to work, landed
peasants! (CC 185).
Both the loan association and the communal granary meant competition
for the Jewish lenders in the village. It is not surprising, then, that they
opposed these institutions. As one correspondent wrote: "The priest ... advised
us .... [to establish] a communal granary: but this too is somehow not in the
Jews' and mayor's interest" (CC 265). Thus usury engendered conflict not
only between Ukrainian peasant debtors and Jewish creditors, but also between peasant lending institutions and private Jewish lenders.
The loan associations and more sophisticated credit institutions contributed
to the economic decline of Galician Jews by restricting their opportunities to
engage in usury. According to Raphael Mahler, by the turn of the century
"the development of modern banking, mortgage banks, and savings and loan
associations practically did away with private moneylending, which had
become particularly widespread among Galician Jews, especially among the
village shopkeepers, after the abolition of serfdom in 1848.""
Jews themselves, however, particularly petty shopkeepers and artisans, also
suffered from Jewish usurers. To combat usury, the Jewish Colonization
Association founded loan associations in Galicia where Jewish tradesmen
could obtain loans at 6 per cent. Six associations had been established by
" Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, pt. 1, 3: 1118-20.
83
Mahler. "Economic Background," 260.
166
The Awakening Peasantry
1903. According to a contemporary account, the Jewish credit associations
were also undermining the usurers. 84
Related to usury was Jewish investment in peasant property, e.g., livestock.
Jews frequently bought young animals which they gave to peasants to tend
and feed. When the animal matured and was sold, the original Jewish
investor and the peasant who raised the animal would divide the money
received from the sale. There are relatively many references to this practice
in the correspondence, all of them negative (CC I, 26, 30, 33, 141, 178). A
clear and full statement of the dissatisified peasant viewpoint was provided by
a correspondent from Vyktoriv, Stanys1aviv district:
And now [the Jews] have started buying small bull calves with their own money
and giving them to the poorer peasants to feed for several years. After two or
three years the bull calves become oxen. The Jew then says to take them to the
marketplace and they both [the Jew and the peasant] sell them. From the
money they get for the oxen, the Jew takes as much as he paid for the bull
calves, and the rest they divide in half. If this went fairly, perhaps there would
be some benefit for the peasant, but the Jew isn't stupid! He makes an
arrangement in the marketplace with the Jewish merchants, and the latter,
speaking aloud, name a price that is lower than what they whispered into the
ear of the Jew [the investor]. As a result, there is less money to split after the
sale, and the peasant is cheated. Sometimes, if the Jew is very fortunate, a
peasant will only receive a few gulden for several years' feeding; and sometimes
a peasant even ends up paying the Jew. If a peasant runs out of fodder during
the second winter, he returns the oxen to the Jew: the Jew takes them, but the
first winter's feeding is unrecompensed and the peasant loses his right to the
oxen (CC 30).
A peasant from the Carpathian foothills complained that twenty or thirty
years earlier, i.e., before Jewish emancipation,
every farmer had his own cart and horses or oxen, but today perhaps in every
tenth household someone has oxen, and rarely his own, because most of the
cattle is owned jointly with Jews, which had not been the case in the
past. ... Now the Jews not only invest in cattle, but in our region they even
invest in pigs, although they don't eat them themselves (CC 178)."
Some Jews invested in peasant grain. They could buy it relatively cheaply
in the fall after the harvest and sell it back to the peasants at higher prices in
the spring, when peasants were most in need of it. A peasant from the town
of Zboriv, Zolochiv district, wrote:
Mr. Berko runs the granary" .... He is a very obliging man and therefore only
takes very low interest. For example, if someone sells him a bushel of rye for 5
gulden in the fall, he will take for the same grain, but a skimpier measure, only
twice as much, i.e., 10 gulden, in the spring (CC 112).
Pappenheim and Rabinowitsch, Zur Lage der Judischen Bevolkerung, 30, 73-4. For more on
Jewish credit institutions, see Rosenfeld, Die polnische JudenJrage, 120-\.
85 On Jewish investment in peasant livestock, see also Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 313.
84
86 The correspondent is using irony in referring to Berko's investment as a granary. He also calls
the tavern a reading club and the usurer a loan association.
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
167
The natural economy was also broken down by the expansion of commerce;
this too drew the Ukrainian peasantry into antagonistic relations with sectors
of the Jewish population. New needs and new products entered the peasant
household and enlarged the role of money. Again, the emancipation of the
peasantry from serfdom was a precondition for this process, which accelerated
only from the 1860s on. Austrian reform legislation, such as the industrial
law of 1859, and especially the development of transportation (Lviv was
linked by railway with the Viennese and Bohemian industrial centres in
1861)" brought the cheap and new factory-made goods into the countryside."
In the corpus of correspondence there is a very interesting item defending
the natural economy against the influx of commodities:
Everywhere in our villages around Stanyslaviv the old way of life-our own
Ruthenian way of life-is dying out; in its place, bad customs from the outside
are being introduced. Maybe these customs are fine for someone else, but they
do not suit the Ruthenian-unless they are invented to make the Ruthenian the
object of scorn and ridicule. It's not so much the vests, which a lot of peasants
have now started to wear, but isn't it ridiculous when a peasant buys himself an
umbrella so that people would think he's a gentleman on his way to town: otherwise they'd think him a peasant. I once had to feel shame when I saw a
formerly well-off proprietor from Pavelche, now down on his luck; he was
walking to town all puffed up beneath his umbrella and a Jew called to him in
mockery: "Mister Nykola, come on to my place! I have some rum fit for
gentlemen." The bait, God knows, was attractive, and Nykola would have
stopped for a little drink, but apparently he had not a kreuzer; because poor old
Nykola runs around to his neighbours asking for a quart of flour to make a thin
gruel for his children. And don't think he's the only one who has bought an
umbrella, because there are many like him. And all of this is introduced by all
kinds of railway workers, brakemen and watchmen. From the wives of these
watchmen, from the Polish women of the small towns or from women who once
worked as servants in the cities, some of our farm women have learned to make
kutia [a ceremonial pudding) out of rice. Don't you see, grand ladies, that that's
not kutia at all, but rice porridge? The old home cooking isn't good enough
anymore. Bah, even the paska [Easter bread) is no longer baked from domestic
flour, but from the whitest flour, the kind gentlemen use for their delicate
pastries. This is improper, farmers and wives! People will laugh and you will
reduce your children to begging (CC 250).
This correspondent, who was most likely a peasant, resented having to acquire
articles of clothing (umbrellas, vests) that could only be bought, not made,
just as he resented having to acquire food (white flour, rice) that could only
be bought, not produced on his own homestead. His argument against
commodities had a political-moral as well as economic edge: every purchased
" The line was extended to Brody, on the Russian border, and to Zolochiv by 1869. Rocznik
Statystyki Galicyi 3 (1889-91): 218-19. For a map of the railway system in 1889, see Artaria's
Eisenbahn u. Post-Communications-Karte. By 19IO Galicia had 4,117 kilometres of railway.
Oesterreichisches statistisches Handbuch ... 1911, 213. A map of the development of the railway
system in Galicia through 1914 can be found in Historia Polski, vol. 3, pI. I, Mapy.
88 Himka, Socialism, 14-15. Himka, "Voluntary Artisan Associations," 180.
168
The Awakening Peasantry
innovation was not only a source of economic ruin, but a betrayal of the
traditional Ukrainian way of life. For him, the national movement represented the preservation of the natural economy. (CC 254 contained a reponse
arguing that progress is inevitable, that not all the old ways are the best and
that no harm can derive from umbrellas, rice and white flour. Judging by the
style, the author was a nonpeasant.)
Another item of correspondence also expressed opposition to commodities.
Describing the activities of the late pastor of Khotin, Kalush district-the
priest-activist Hnat Rozhansky-it praised Rozhansky's efforts to preserve
traditional crafts and discourage the purchase of ready-made goods.
Rozhansky
wanted to have everyone try to make their own cloth, because these two villages
[Khotin and ZahirieJ and the city [of Kalush) annually spend more than 2,000
gulden on that stupid calico for [sewing) shirts, aprons, skirts and kerchiefs; and
this all is flimsy and tears quickly, so one has to buy again. But if one has one's
own domestic cloth (whether hemp or fustian), one shirt will last for three
years, but for those others you have to buy three times in one year.
Father Rozhansky "had [also] abolished the practice of giving engaged
couples wreaths of feathers," which cost 4 gulden from the Jews, as well as
other idiocies, for which unintelligent people give the Jews considerable
profits and destroy [the fruits of] their labour without the slightest need or
benefit" (CC 31). The peasant correspondent believed that the traditional
wedding wreaths, plaited by peasant women from flowers or periwinkle, were
both more fitting and more economical than the store-bought variety. Here
again tradition and the natural economy are opposed to innovation and the
money economy, and Jews are seen as the agents of the destructive process of
innovation. These same points were also made by an English traveller to
Galicia: " ... The average Jew all over the southeastern part of the Continent
is doing his best to crush out all artistic sense in the peasants by supplanting
their really good handiwork with the vilest machine-made trash that he can
procure."90
The preeminence of Jews in trade was reflected in Galician Ukrainian folk
proverbs: "Without a Jew, there's no trade" (U Bez zhyda i torhu nema) and
"From infancy a Jew has his own bazaar within" (U Zhyd z malenku v
seredyni svii iarmarok maie), i.e., he is an inveterate merchant." In 1900
over a third of Galicia's Jews were engaged in or supported by trade and
communications, making up over two-thirds of all Galicians in that
occupational sector." The census, however, understated Jewish involvement in
eo It was customary in the Ukrainian marriage ritual to crown the couple with wreaths during the
church service, whence one of the Ukrainian words for marriage, vinchannia (from vinets,
wreath).
90 Pennel, The Jew at Home, 56.
" Franko, Halytsko-ruski prypovidky, 106-7.
92
Buzek, Stosunki zawodowe i socyalne.
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
169
commerce, since many of those who listed no profession probably engaged in
jobbing, and retail trade could often complement another primary occupation
such as tavernkeeping 93 (which in Austrian statistics was included in the
industrial sector). By contrast, Ukrainians were almost absent from the
sphere of commerce. This was part of the legacy of serfdom, and it began to
change, very slowly, only after emancipation in 1848. There is a telling letter
from the Ternopil Ruthenian council to the Supreme Ruthenian Council,
dated 30 September 1848 (O.S.), in which the Ternopil council made a number of propositions for a Ukrainian economic programme. "As for commerce
and industry," wrote the Ternopil Ukrainians, "the local council can offer no
advice, because it has no merchants and people who understand commerce
among its members; one can only hope that, with the freedom now emerging,
the Ruthenian people will want to think also about commerce."" Thinking,
and some action, did indeed begin, but by 1900 only 20,029
Ukrainian-speakers (at most) were employed in or dependents of persons
employed in trade and communication. This was 0.7 per cent of the total
Ukrainian-speaking population and about one-fourteenth of the number of
Jews in the commercial sector (279,571 )."
This social imbalance greatly disturbed the leaders of the Ukrainian
national movement in Galicia, who sought to develop a more diversified
Ukrainian society. They therefore advocated a markedly different response to
the proliferation of commodity exchange than did some of the peasants and
rural notability who joined their movement. Instead of sharing the universal
peasant distrust of the merchant as such, instead of identifying the natural
economy with Ukrainian tradition and instigating a boycott of the money
economy, the leadership of the national movement urged the peasants and
rural notability, especially the cantors, to take part in the developing money
economy by establishing and managing Ukrainian stores, whether cooperative
or private. 9.
The notion, radical in its time, that not only Jews, but also Ukrainians
could operate stores intensified and, in a certain sense, modernized
Ukrainian-Jewish antagonism in the village. It was no longer merely a
phenomenal expression of the conflict between the peasant and the
representative of the money economy. Under the influence of the national
movement, more conscious villagers began to abandon their traditional
distrust of commerce and expressed their dissatisfaction that only Jews
93 "Our village [Bereziv, Kolomyia district] had ... two Jewish stores, and besides them every
tavern keeper ... retails all sorts of things at a good price" (CC 168).
94
Klasova borotba, 434.
Buzek, Stosunki zawodowe i socyalne, "Tablice." Since 5 per cent of all Jews were, for census
purposes, Ukrainian-speakers, it is possible that in reality there were only about six thousand
Ukrainians engaged in or dependent on trade and communication.
95
96 Nonetheless Vasyl Nahirny, in the same speech in which he said that every village should have
a Ukrainian-run store, urged peasants to wear traditional clothing instead of city-style clothing.
Vasyl Nahirny, "Iak maie vyhliadaty uporiadkovana hromada," Batkivshchyna 14, no. 29 (\ 7
[29] July 1892): 145-6.
170
The Awakening Peasantry
engaged in it. A Ukrainian storekeeper in Barani Peretoky, Sokal district,
urged his conationals: "Establish stores in the villages and towns while there
is still time ... , because if Jewry makes its nest in the villages and establishes
its own stores, then it will be too late for us" (CC 3). In response to frequent
exhortations in Batkivshchyna to establish Ukrainian shops, a correspondent
from Kostarowce, Sanok district, wrote:
You say we should set up shops in the village, and really: Why shouldn't our
peasant draw the profit which [now] goes into a Jewish pocket? We will heed
your advice and will try to set them up. Maybe it's not such a big deal to run a
shop if even an ignorant, shaggy Jew can do it (CC 254).
Already in this item of correspondence one can detect more contempt for
Jews as such than in previously cited items referring to more traditional
spheres of conflict. Also, one hears the voice of an embryonic shopkeeper
breaking through. Both of these notes are sounded more clearly in another
item of correspondence:
In our land Jews have taken over commerce to such an extent that it seems no
one else can have a store or state concession [to sell tobacco or salt], only a
Jew .... In Bereziv [Kolomyia district] it happened that a Jew did not sell
tobacco honestly and in accordance with regulations, so his concession was
revoked and given to a Ruthenian merchant [the author?] .... Over a dozen
times already it's happened that a travelling Jew, seeing the eagle [i.e., the state
emblem, signifying a state concession] displayed on the building, entered it with
the certainty that he would find one of his own people; and he was very amazed
when he saw not a Jew sitting there but a Christian. One such Jew drove up to
the concession and even unhitched his horse, thinking he would spend some time
there; but when he entered inside and saw images of the saints on the walls, he
became so frightened that he immediately fled, and didn't look back. If only in
all our villages the Jews would flee so! (CC 174).
We attend here the birth of shopkeepers' anti-Semitism in Ukrainian Galicia.
To emphasize their non-Jewish character, the new Ukrainian-owned stores
were sometimes referred to as "Christian stores" (CC 33, 206, 207). One
store, in Stariava, Mostyska district, was actually founded by the church
committee to raise money for the church. The manager of the store wrote to
Batkivshchyna: " ... People have recognized the Jewish trap set for them, and
they remember the beautiful aim of our commerce, so their pious hearts do
not permit them to go to the Jews, but draw them instead to the church
store" (CC 116).
The item just quoted implies that the Ukrainian shopkeeper, unlike his
Jewish rival, entered business for disinterested motives. The same point was
made by a correspondent from Bereziv, Kolomyia district: "Good people have
opened a Ruthenian variety store, not so much for their own profit as in order
to prevent the Jewish shopkeepers from fleecing [people] completely"
(CC 168). The rest of the article concerned the false weights and inflated
prices to be found in Jewish stores.
There is frequent mention in the correspondence of competition between
Ukrainian and Jewish shops (CC 36, 80, 86, 189), as well as Jewish
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
171
OppositIOn to the Ukrainian-owned stores (CC 30, 78, 118, 207, 265). A
correspondent from Vyktoriv, Stanyslaviv district, described the ruin of a
community-owned store because of opposition from Jewish competitors:
There was a communal shop, the only one, and it was developing very nicely;
the whole village shopped there. But the Jews were resolved against it. They tied
the mayor's hands in the way they know how, and set up no less than four of
their own shops. The communal store collapsed and today barely manages to
stay in existence (CC 30).
A less successful, but more colourful, attack on a commune-owned store is
described at greater length by a correspondent from Trybukhivtsi, Husiatyn
district:
When the communal council resolved to establish a communal store and the
Jews learned of it, they at first did not want to believe that peasants could do
such a thing; but when they found out it was the honest truth, they became very
alarmed. One Jew who had his own store came to the communal office and said:
"Listen, what do you need stores for, who's going to tend it [sic]? And even if
you find someone, you will have to pay him well, so that you will have nothing
left of your profits. It would be best if I gave you 400 gulden; don't set up the
shop and you will save yourself much trouble." But the councillors saw what lay
behind this offer; they would have returned the 400 gulden with usurious
interest. ...
The store was established and in its first week it had a turnover of 150
gulden. "When the Jews saw there was nothing they could do about it, four
of them rode to the rabbi in Husiatyn to request him to curse Mr. Pynkovsky
and Mr. Cherevatiuk [the shop managers]; but they, as faithful Christians,
were not afraid even of this curse" (CC 207)'"
The correspondence also mentions the traditionalist peasant reaction to the
innovation of Ukrainian-owned stores. Some peasants continued to prefer
shopping at the familiar Jewish-owned stores. A correspondent from Dmytriv,
Kaminka Strumylova district, stated that the newly opened Ukrainian store
had lower prices than the local Jewish store:
But there are still people who go to Radekhiv, buy salt at the same price [as in
the Ukrainian store, but] from the Jews and carry it a mile [7.6 kilometres]
home. When will they get some sense! (CC 269).
Some Ukrainian peasants simply could not be persuaded to get involved in
commerce. The memoirs of the pastor of Manaiv, Zboriv district, quote a
peasant, c. 1897, who was reluctant to contribute his share to a cooperative
store: "That's Jewish stuff and what does a peasant know about it? It
requires a Jew's head for that business, not a peasant's. "98 The mayor of
The "curse" referred to here must have been the kheyrem (excommunication), which placed a
person and his business under a ban.
98 Tarnavsky, Spohady, 174-5. "Peasants had nothing to do with trade, holding it to be a Jewish
enterprise, for which only Jews (the saying was) were fitted." Slomka, From Serfdom to
Self-Government, 81.
97
172
The A wakening Peasantry
Novytsia, Kalush district, built a store at his own cost and refused to rent the
building to Jews, even when they offered 120 gulden. He wanted to rent it to
a Ukrainian for 50 gulden and even offered to give the shopkeeper a piece of
land and the right to graze a cow along with the mayor's cattle. But no
Ukrainian was willing to take up his offer, although, according to the
correspondent, the village had a population of three thousand (CC 155)!9
Yet in spite of the initial peasant reluctance to break with tradition, the
Ukrainian cooperative movement was flourishing by the eve of World War I.
A central commercial cooperative organization, Narodna torhovlia (National
Commerce), was founded in Lviv in 1883. In addition to its central
warehouse in Lviv, Narodna torhovlia had 10 branches with warehouses in
1894 and 19 in 1913. In 1894 the organization had 314 stores; in
1896-7-346. By 1913 the Ukrainians in Galicia had 92 consumer
cooperatives with 12,500 members. The famous dairy cooperative Maslosoiuz,
so prominent in the interwar era, started in Stryi in 1907; by 1911 it had
united 75 dairies. 100 The real development of the Ukrainian cooperative
movement came in the decade preceding the First World War, as is indicated
by the appearance at that time of a series of economic-cooperative periodicals
including Ekonomist (1904-14), Samopomich (1909-14) and Torhovi visty
(1914).'0' The Ukrainians' initial involvement in commerce in the late
nineteenth century should be viewed as a pioneering stage.
A particular branch of commerce was tavernkeeping. It was particular as
being more than an outpost of the money economy. It represented also the
influence of the manor, since the landlord owned the tavern; furthermore, as
promoter of feudal-rooted alcoholism, it was bitterly opposed by the
Ukrainian national movement, especially its clerical contingent. Although
ownership of taverns in Galicia was the hereditary privilege of the Polish
nobility (the so-called right of propination), beginning in the seventeenth
century Jews rented this right. ,02 Although early Austrian legislation forbade
Jews to engage in tavernkeeping,'03 the prohibition was frequently evaded. '04
99 The census of 1880 recorded a total population of 2,382, of whom 2,247 were Greek Catholics
and 78 Jews. Spec. Orts-Rep. J880.
Bujak, "Rozw6j gospodarczy Galicji," 382-3. Rosenfeld, Die polnische JudenJrage, 119.
Kravets, Selianstvo, 64-5.
100
101 Ihnatiienko, BibliohraJiia ukrainskoi presy. Magocsi, The Peter Jacyk Collection.
Rawita Gawronski, Zydzi ... na Rusi, 104. See also Levine, "Gentry, Jews, and Serfs,"
233-50.
102
103
Mahler. History, 326. Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddancze, 1:98.
Mahler, History 339-40. See TsOIAL, 146/64b/3219, pp. 71-2; 146/87/1126, p. 105;
146/87/1130, p. 18. " ... If we consider that the Jews in these times were almost the exclusive
representatives of merchants' and usurers' capital in Galicia as well as almost the only purchasers
of the peasants' products, then we will not wonder that-with the exception perhaps of the last
three years of Joseph II's rule-the legislation concerning Jewish leaseholds remained largely on
paper and that in spite of legal prohibitions Jewish tavern keepers in the villages of Galicia
continued to ply their trade under the most diverse pretenses .... " Rosdolsky, Stosunki
poddancze, 1:99.
104
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
173
In 1900 Jews made up over 80 per cent of all Galicians involved in any way
in the liquor trade. '01
In the correspondence referring to Jewish tavern keeping the theme most
often repeated is that Jews grew rich from the peasants' drunkenness (CC 27,
62, 66, 67, 77, 87, 157, 254, 278, 281). A peasant from Ivachiv Dolishnii,
Ternopil district, wrote: "The tavern keepers, even though they pay thousands
for propination, still grow rich from it and all of this they take from our
stupid goy-peasant. ... Through liquor the Jewish tavern keepers have become
lords, while we Ruthenian peasants are becoming beggars" (CC 77). The
correspondent from Kostarowce, Sanok district, in arguing the need for
Ukrainian-owned stores, also spoke of the tavern:
If only we were allowed to establish stores with concessions, where peasants
could buy tobacco and snuff from their own people, then the sun would shine in
the villages and the Iudky and Mekhli would slowly have to retreat from them!
Take us, for example, in Kostarowce: over half the village no longer ... drinks
liquor, and more than one of us would not so much as look at the tavern, were it
not for the need to go in and buy tobacco or snuff, without which it is hard to
get by once you get the habit. So, you go into the tavern for tobacco, and the
Jew begins to talk smoothly, he begins to praise his liquor and make fun of
[the] sobriety [movement] and the apostles of sobriety [i.e., priests active in the
temperance campaign]. Before you know it, you've had one drink, then another,
though you promised yourself to flee from the tavern with your tobacco and not
so much as look at the liquor! In more than one case, someone has just begun to
abstain from alcohol, but his will is weak. Because of tobacco or snuff, he goes
on such a binge again that he sells his boots for liquor and pays double for
whatever he drinks.106 And Iudka just puts his hands in his pockets, jingles his
money, laughs and makes fun of the drunk (CC 254).
The correspondents' tales about the tavern keepers' easily acquired wealth
were exaggerated. Leases on propination were high, not only because of the
avarice of the nobles, but because so many Jews sought to obtain them.107 At
the turn of the century, Galicia had 17,277 taverns, i.e., one for every 420
inhabitants. This was an improvement over the 1850s-70s, when there was a
tavern for every two to three hundred inhabitants. lOS A reading club member
from Fytkiv, Nadvirna district, reported that this village with a hundred
househoids lO9 had four taverns (CC 22). Another correspondent, from
Mshanets, Staryi Sambir district, wrote that some Jews who did not legally
lease the right of propination nonetheless sold liquor to supplement their
incomes (CC 66)."0 As Raphael Mahler has noted: "The exceptionally large
number of taverns and saloons, reflecting the frightful extent of alcoholism in
101 Buzek, Stosunki zawodowe i socyalne, "Tablice."
106 Galician tavern keepers understood "the art of watering schnapps, and of doubling the chalked
score of anyone who went upon the tick." Franzos, The Jews of Barnow, 321.
107 Franko, "Zydzi 0 kwestji zydowskiej," Tydzien I, no. 5 (30 January 1893): 35.
lOS Wyka, Teka Stanczyka, 51-6.
109
110
The census of 1880 recorded 567 inhabitants in Fytkiv. Spec. Orts-Rep 1880.
See also Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 78, 80--1.
174
The A wakening Peasantry
the country, could nevertheless not provide a livelihood for the considerable
number of Jews in the villages and towns who were engaged in this
deplorable occupation, because of the terrific competition existing in the
field."'" To all this must be added the effects of the sobriety movement,
which also contributed to the economic decline of the Galician
tavernkeeper. '12 In 1900 the weekly income of an average tavern keeper was
estimated at 1.2 to 2.2 gulden (in Pechenizhyn, a district capital).'1J
The tavern keeper's poverty only exacerbated Ukrainian-Jewish conflict. If
the tavern keeper wanted to pay his rent and make something for himself, he
had no choice but to foster the alcoholism of the peasants and to extract as
much as possible from them in payment by employing sharp practices or by
encouraging them to drink on credit. This is why the Jewish tavern keeper,
the agent of demoralization and economic ruin, was such a hated figure to
representatives of the Ukrainian national movement.
As we know, the national movement through the clergy called on peasants
to abstain from alcohol. Two items of correspondence mention that the
sobriety movement was directed against the Jews (CC 12, 158) and two
others that Jews opposed the sobriety movement (CC 67, 254). During a
temperance mission held in Kolodribka, Zalishchyky district,
The Jews walked about in the distance, for some reason saddened. They looked
and listened, shaking their heads, even tearing their beards. "Ei, gvalt! What
are those lads doing, what do they need this for? Why are they spending money
[on the pageantry of the mission]? We told them, but did they listen?" And the
bolder ones stole into Andrii Mehera's orchard near the church, set a little table
with bottles of liquor and glasses under a cherry tree and kept calling out from
behind the fence: "Gentlemen, ladies, good liquor! Please, we invite you!" But no
one even looked in that direction (CC 67).
In order for the national movement to combat the tavern's influence, it had
to develop an alternative institution that would assume the tavern's social
functions. The reading club became this rival institution: "What a great thing
the reading club is in a village; it is education, recreation and life. We no
longer need taverns" (CC 153). " ... Better our own reading club than the
Jewish tavern" (CC 42). In Vynnyky, Zhovkva district, the church fraternities
and sororities had traditionally celebrated their feast days in the tavern; but
when a reading club was established in Vynnyky, the celebrations were
transferred to its premises (CC 5, 153).
Sometimes the commune would continue to frequent the tavern and
content itself with putting the tavern under Ukrainian control. The
Ukrainian-managed tavern was analogous to the Ukrainian-owned store. The
III
Mahler, "Economic Background," 258.
Kohos Leib Szparer, tavern keeper of Pidhorodyshche, Bibrka district, petitioned the
administration of the Potocki estates in 1884 to lower the cost of the propination lease. Among
the reasons he cited for his request was that "almost the entire village, bound by an oath, has
stopped drinking vodka." LNB AN URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, Pot., No. 272, p. 15.
112
II]
N. Blickstein, "Die Lage der Juden Galiziens," Die Welt, no. 18 (4 May 1900): 6.
The Money Economy and Its Representatives
175
change in management may have been accompanied by a reform of the functions of the tavern. In Utishkiv, Zolochiv district, the hindlord Leopold
Obertyitski ousted the Jewish tavern keeper at the commune's request and replaced him with "our man." The new tavern keeper transformed the tavern
into a combination of reading club and store by subscribing to the popular
press for his customers and offering for sale "the most necessary and
inexpensive things" (CC 216). In Kurivtsi, Ternopil district, the commune
itself leased the right of propination from the landlord. The priest who
reported this to Batkivshchyna commented: "Thus the inhabitants of Kurivtsi
have shown that where the commune is conscious and sober, it does not allow
an unbaptized one to rake in money from the commune and to exact such
high tribute for spreading demoralization" (CC 44). It is difficult, however, to
see how Ukrainian-owned taverns could survive for long as "reform taverns,"
given the high costs of propination leases. l14
In light of the preceding it should be clear why there was such a
pronounced anti-Jewish component in the Ukrainian national movement,
especially its rural variety, in late nineteenth-century Galicia. The economic
antagonism between Jews and Ukrainians had its roots deep in the feudal era,
when Ukrainians were, broadly speaking, serfs and Jews were representatives
of merchants' and usurers' capital as well as middlemen between nobles and
peasants. The abolition of serfdom in 1848 and the constitutional and
economic reforms of the 1860s (including the emancipation of the Austrian
Jews in 1868) did not mitigate the economic antagonism inherited from
feudalism, but in fact exacerbated it. Such, for example, was the effect of
repealing Austrian legislation aimed at limiting traditional Jewish economic
activities in the village. More important, however, were two other moments.
First, the abolition of serfdom and other restraints on modern economic development pushed the formerly marginal sphere of the money economy into the
foreground and afforded its representatives, the Jews, opportunities in the
sphere of usury and commerce that did not exist, and could not exist, under
feudalism. Secondly, the great reforms of the mid-nineteenth century also created new opportunities for the Ukrainians. Freed from serfdom and with
more access to education than ever in the past, the Ukrainians became
interested in engaging in economic activities that hitherto had been pursued
almost exclusively by Jews (commerce, lending, even tavernkeeping). In the
late nineteenth century Ukrainians became for the first time economic rivals
of the Jews.
The Challenge to
Commune
Traditional Authority in the
The coming of the national movement had profound implications for local
self-government. Municipal government had been undergoing a continual, but
114 In Pidhorodyshche (see above, note 112) a peasant was given the lease of the tavern in 1872.
He could not make the payments on the lease and was removed after seven years. LNB AN
URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, Pot., No. 272, p. 17.
176
The A wakening Peasantry
never thorough, democratization from above on the eve of the penetration of
the national movement into the village. The major moments in this process
were the attempts to· curtail seigneurial domination of local administration
when Galicia came under enlightened Austrian rule, the reforms of municipal
administration attendant upon the abolition of serfdom and the extensive
municipal autonomy introduced in connection with the constitutional
restructuring of Austria in the 1860s. These reforms were never intended to
institute a radically democratic system of self-government in the commune,
and the weight of tradition in the Galician countryside was such as to inhibit
even the full implementation of what was intended. The national movement,
however, gave impetus to a more far-reaching democratization of local
self-government and therefore challenged traditional authority in the
commune.
The importance of local government in the national movement is signalled
both by the list of activists (34 activists, i.e., 9.2 per cent of all activists, held
a position in municipal government)"5 and by the corpus of correspondence
(73 items, i.e., 26.0 per cent of the total, referred to municipal government).
The correspondents of Batkivshchyna presented a very ambiguous picture of
local self-government in relation to the national movement, much as they had
done in the case of the clergy."6 Of the 73 items referring to communal
government, the vast majority (70.0 per cent) described the government in a
negative way,I" and only a minority (28.8 per cent) described it positively.1I8
This mixed view of communal government l19 corresponded to contradictory
attitudes of the local governments to the national movement, which in turn
corresponded to contradictory and conflicting forces in the make-up of the
governments themselves. The roots of these contradictions lie in the feudal
era.
The basic offices of local self-government-those of the mayor l20 and
aldermen l21 -went back to the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, to the
introduction of German law in Galician villages as a result of German
115 LA 11,16,46,51,53,63,70,90,92,107,122,171,197,199, 246, 266, 268, 276, 285, 288,
292,301, 303, 304, 307, 327, 328, 331, 334, 337, 343, 348, 350, 362.
116 See above, 133--42.
117 CC 1, 10, 13, 16, 23, 25, 30, 33, 36, 49, 54, 58, 60, 61, 62, 68, 77, 78, 84, 86, 87, 106, 112,
118,125,141,143,151,169,173,197,199,206,211,214, 217, 222, 224, 231, 232, 235, 236,
237, 241, 249, 257, 258, 263, 265, 270, 278.
118 CC 2,32,34,52,69,74,95,105,114,115,121,137,155,161, 188,201,216,223,240,260,
276. One item, CC 123, was too mixed to classify; it was negative in relation to the former
government and positive in relation to the new government.
119 Noted also by Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 420-2.
120 U viit; P wojt; G Vogt, Ortsrichter, Dor/richter, Gemeinderichter; L praetor.
121 U prysiazhni, P przysi(!zni, G Geschworene, L jurati.
The Challenge to Traditional Authority in the Commune
177
colonization. m The local self-government of that period had independence
from the seigneurs as well as a fairly wide competence. But with the advent
of "second serfdom," the autonomy of peasant self-government was severely
restricted. In most villages the seigneurs "succeeded in making the mayors
their creatures,"12) while in others the organs of local self-government were
altogether eradicated. It was primarily on royal estates that the traditional,
autonomous village government was preserved into the Austrian era.'24
The historical mixture of village autonomy and seigneurial influence was
codified and made uniform for all of Galicia by Joseph II's patent of 13 April
1784 (N .S.). While certainly an improvement in the status of the communal
governments in most of Galicia, '25 the Austrian reform still allowed
considerable legal leeway for the lord to make his influence felt. The law established that each village would have its own mayor and from two to twelve
aldermen, depending on the size of the locality. The mayor was to be chosen
by the landlord from three candidates elected by the commune. The aldermen
were to be elected by the commune alone, but in agreement with the mayor
(G mit Einverstiindniss des Richters). After election, the mayor and
aldermen had to take an oath to the landlord that they would perform their
functions loyally and conscientiously. The government held office for three
years, but any officer who merited it could be approved by the landlord
(G Grundobrigkeit) and commune for another term. In the reactionary
1830s, laws were issued that allowed the landlords themselves to exercise the
functions of any communal officer guilty of not reporting to the manor, or
embezzling, fines imposed on the villagers. 126
The functions of communal self-government under feudalism were very
limited, since much of the local administration was simply entrusted to the
manor and its appointees, particularly the mandator. The mayor and
aldermen heard cases of disputes between serfs, but their decisions could be
appealed to the manor; they also had the obligation to administer communal
property, but under the strict control of the manor. In the main, the
communal governments were only executive and auxiliary organs of the
demesnes.127 Characteristically, a folk song considered the mayor as much a
manorial official as the steward. 12'
The legal influence of the feudal landlord on communal government was
thus not insignificant. In practice, however, his influence was much greater
than the law envisaged or permitted. For example, the village governments
'" See Kaindl, Beitrage zur Geschichte des deutschen Rechtes.
m Blum, "The Rise of Serfdom," 824.
124
12l
Grodziski, Historia ustroju, 78, 80-1.
In spite of Joseph's distrust of communal autonomy, mentioned in Rosdolsky, Die grosse
Steuer und Agrarreform, 75.
126 Klunker, Die gesetzliche Unterthans-Verfassung, 1:261-2.
127 Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddafzcze, 1:69-70.
12. See above, 16.
178
The A wakening Peasantry
traditionally held their sessions in taverns, which were owned by the
landlords; the tavern keeper, by skillful distribution of alcohol and banter,
could influence the proceedings.I" Other abuses, though, were far more
egregious. There were cases where the landlord, following the old Polish
custom, simply appointed the mayor without the nicety of an election of three
candidates by the commune. A peasant grievance from the Komarno region
in 1822 noted that "those mayors, who according to the patent are supposed
to be elected by the commune of each village, have been deposed by the
10rds."]]0 The peasant rebels of the Chortkiv circle in 1838 demanded the
replacement of village officers who were devoted to the landlords with elected
officials who would defend the communes' interest;lll this demand implies
that the communes' rights to elect village officers had been rendered
ineffective. That the landlords were abusing their legal role in the selection of
communal officers is also indirectly confirmed by a reform of 1846, i.e., in
response to the jacquerie of that year: the landlords from then on were to
send the three mayoral candidates to the circle authorities, who would choose
one of them and administer the oath.ll2
Since the village government represented a combination of manorial
influence, recognized in law and dominant in practice, with the influence of
the serf commune, dominant in law but weaker in practice, it is only natural
that, in the struggle between landlords and serfs, officers of the village
government could be found on both sides of the conflict, and somewhat more
often on the side of the landlords.
A documentary collection on antifeudal struggle in the Galician
countryside (Klasova borotba) mentions five instances in which members of
the communal government led or supported peasant resistance l13 and eight
instances in which they sided with the landlords. ll4 The same source shows a
basic continuity during the revolutionary years 1848-9, when one mayor led
an attack on the landlords and steward,1J5 but the Supreme Ruthenian
Council received four complaints of the anti-Ukrainian and pro-landlord
biases of the communal governments. ll6
Communal administration was somewhat reformed in the wake of the
revolution, but the far-reaching reforms legislated by the Kromefiz
129 See the "amusing" account by Prince Betanski in his memorial of 1773: "Ces jugements se
font ordinairement au cabaret chez Ie juif ... , une dose plus ou moins d'eau de vie influe dans les
procedures et quelque fois les juges et les parties se rossent mutuellement d'importance."
Rosdolsky, Stosunki poddahcze, 2:44. Of course, the prince here neglects to mention any benefit
to the landlord deriving from this particular venue.
]]0 Klasova borotba, 134.
]]1 Ibid., 207.
132
III
134
135
1]6
Grodziski, Historia ustroju, 78-9.
Klasova borotba, 52-3, 67, 71, 237-8, 281.
Ibid., 101, 184, 187-8, 190,207,237,299-300,304-5.
Ibid., 388-9.
Ibid., 424, 430-1, 473, 500.
The Challenge to Traditional Authority in the Commune
179
parliament were not implemented at all in Galicia. During the decade of
centralist reaction, manorial control of the local government was weakened,
but the manor's influence was replaced by that of the central bureaucracy
rather than by that of the commune.1l7 The bureaucracy rather than the
manor often appointed the mandators in the early 1850s, and the mandators
disappeared altogether in 1854-6 when the whole demesnal apparatus of local
administration was dismantled.1l8 Thus during the period when the servitude
commissions were most active in Galicia, communal governments were
influenced by the central bureaucracy; this may have weakened the
determination of village councils to support the communes' claims against the
decisions of the commissions. As has already been shown in the case of
Dobrotvir,1l9 even after the autonomy of communal government was
augmented (1866), a government could earn the enmity of the commune by
accepting an unfavourable settlement of a servitudes dispute.
The Austrian constitutional reforms of the 1860s, which heralded the beginning of the penetration of the national movement into the villages, included a fundamental restructuring of municipal government that granted
considerable autonomy to the communes. The municipal reforms were characterized by the principle of duality in administration, i.e., alongside the various
gradations of the central bureaucracy, which reached down to the district
level, authority at the municipal level rested in the hands of autonomous,
elected organs of self-government. Although in Galicia the influence of the
district captaincies over the communal governments was somewhat stronger
than elsewhere in Austria, the basic principle of autonomy was instituted here
as well. The Polish nobility as a class had influence over the communes in so
far as the district captaincies, which represented its interests, had an
influence, but otherwise there was no formal connection between the manor
and the commune as a self-governing unit. Since 1851 manor and commune
had been separated as administrative entities in Galicia (as well as
Bukovyna), and the municipal reform of 1866 retained this administrative
division. Thus the landlord in Galicia neither paid taxes to the communal
government nor voted in communal elections.
The manor still retained an informal, general influence over village affairs,
but judging by the paucity of references to it in the correspondence, it was
III By law, the commune elected three candidates for mayor and the circle authorities made the
final selection. In memoirs referring to the early 1860s, Evhen Olesnytsky recalled the practice in
his village which differed from the legal norm and gave the commune decisive power. A circle
commissioner would simply come to the village, assemble the commune and ask whom it wanted
to be mayor. The villagers shouted their choice unanimously and the commissioner officially
conferred office on the man they so chose. Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:30. Olesnytsky did not venture
to assess whether this practice was exceptional or common. Obviously, this method could only
have been employed when the commune was not divided over its choice.
138 The dissolution of the demesnal apparatus began several years earlier elsewhere in Austria.
On the general structure of municipal government, 1848-1918, see Grzybowski, Galicja, 227-89;
Klabouch, "Die Lokalverwaltung"; Klabouch, Die Gerneindeselbstverwaltung.
Il9 See above, 45-8.
180
The Awakening Peasantry
not very strong. The corpus of correspondence contains only two passing
references to this influence, in both of which the manor in question was in
Jewish hands. The mayor of Fytkiv, Nadvirna district, was said to have a special understanding "with the landlord Khaskel and other Jews" (CC 58),
while the mayor of Berezhnytsia, Kalush district, was reputed to "cling to the
Jew like a burr to a sheepskin coat, and whatever ludka [the lessee of the
estate 1 says, the mayor considers sacred" (CC 173). Jewish manorial
influence on the village government is corroborated, and assessed more
sympathetically, outside the corpus of correspondence, in the memoirs of the
son of a Jewish estate owner. '40 A brief notice in Batkivshchyna from 1884
mentions the influence of landlords in general: "In the village of
Kalynivshchyna [Chortkiv district), the mayor is illiterate, he knows no
regulation or law, he only knows how to ingratiate himself with the lords."'"
Although general manorial influence on village government was weak in
the post-reform era, one specific outpost of this influence remained strong:
the tavern. The practice, instituted under serfdom, of running communal
affairs from the tavern continued into the late nineteenth century. With the
manor's loss of formal mechanisms of control over the village government and
in the context of distrust between manor and autonomous commune, the
indirect influence of the tavern, which had played a subsidiary role in the
early nineteenth century, swelled in importance. A village priest observed,
with reference to the period after 1866:
The peasants made a village parliament out of the tavern, where all local affairs
were decided in accordance with the advice of the Jewish tavernkeeper, with
liquor. The Jewish tavernkeeper had orders from the lord, the owner of the
manor, how to decide each communal matter .... The lord, the owner of the
village, instructed the Jewish tavern keeper who should be elected as mayor and
who as councilmen, who should be scribe ... and member of the communal
directorate. '42
The corpus of correspondence records several instances of communal business
being conducted regularly in the tavern. In Dynyska, Rava Ruska district,
"the mayor and the whole communal council meet in the tavern with a bottle
at hand ... " (CC 231). In Tsvitova, Buchach district, the mayor conducted
village business in the tavern, because "he likes to drink one glass after
another ... " (CC 16). In Turia Velyka, Dolyna district, "the communal
government drinks its fill of beer in the tavern, sometimes from evening all
the way to midnight" (CC 33). In the small town of Khrystynopil, Sokal
district, the tavernkeeper "daddy loso" (U tatko 1050) made the decisions.
The influence of the tavern on village politics is also implied in the
frequent complaints in the correspondence about communal officers who
drank. A correspondent from Peremyshliany district complained that ignorant
140
Kofler, "Zydowskie dwory," 91.
141
S.T., " ... vid Chortkova," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 16 (18 [6] April 1884): 100.
Tarnavsky, Spohady, 4 J.
142
The Challenge to Traditional Authority in the Commune
181
people, succumbing to pressure from landlords and Jews, elected "drunkards"
to communal councils (CC 241). A correspondent from Radvantsi, Sokal
district, charged that the mayor of the village encouraged the commune to
drink (CC 106). In Perviatychi, Sokal district, the former mayor allegedly
"from time to time sat in the tavern and drank away people's labour," i.e., he
spent communal money on drink (CC 87). The municipal government of
Liubycha Kameralna, Rava Ruska district, was accused of unnecessarily
selling communal timber in order to pay for drinks; commune members could
only receive wood if they bribed the councilmen, usually with liquor (CC 49).
A correspondent for Ivachiv Dolishnii, Ivachiv Horishnii and Plotycha,
Ternopil district, wrote: "Our famous councilman Vasyl Dobosh not long ago
spent three days in jail in Ternopil for drunkenness, and now he's going to
jail for eight days because of some rowdy stunts he pulled in the tavern one
night" (CC 77). Correspondents reserved special ridicule for mayors who took
a sobriety oath, but then invoked a rustic casuistry to justify backsliding. In
November 1883 the mayor of Spasiv, Sokal district, swore off vodka
(U horilka), but within a year he was allegedly the largest consumer of
arrack (U arak) in the village (CC 87). A correspondent from Berezhnytsia,
Stryi district, wrote much the same about the former mayor Ivan Sachavsky:
"He doesn't even give a good example to the commune, because he'll look
into the tavern and, even though he's taken an oath to abstain from vodka, he
won't forget to drink some arrack or plum brandy or at least some beer;
sometimes he even spends the night at Khaskel's [i.e., the tavern], because
he's still a bit ashamed to lie in the ditch" (CC 236).
The correspondents' opposition to the tavern's influence on communal
government does not seem to have been motivated primarily by the tavern's
connection with the manor. Rather, the prime motivations for the opposition
appear to be rooted in complexes already described: the general antagonisms
between the Ukrainian national movement and the Jews,l43 between the
sobriety movement and the tavernkeepers, and between the reading clubs and
taverns. l44 The many motivations of the Ukrainian national movement's
opposition to the tavern's influence on village government account for the
prominence this theme is given in the correspondence.
The transformation of manorial influence into "Jewish" influence is
analogous to the previously discussed transformation of the socio-economic
conflict between commune and manor into Ukrainian-Jewish antagonism.
There is also an analogy to the transposition of manor-commune conflict from
the socio-economic to the political sphere. The influence of the Polish nobility
as a class on the mayors of peasant communes was very much in evidence, if
143 For an overview of this antagonism in the sphere of local government, see
Himka,
"Ukrainian-Jewish Antagonism."
144 "So you see, good people," wrote the correspondent from Tsvitova, "we draw people to the
reading club while the mayor draws them to liquor" (CC 16). In Hlubichok Velykyi, Ternopil
district, "the communal officers don't care about the reading club, only about the tavern and
drinking parties ...... "Z pid Ternopolia," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 34 (22 [10] August 1884): 212.
182
The A wakening Peasantry
we are to believe the correspondence, during elections to the diet and
parliament. Mayors were frequently chosen as electors for these elections (in
the peasant curia the elections were indirect). The corpus of correspondence
mentions several cases of mayors selling their votes to the Polish candidate
(CC 217, 222), including that of the former mayor of Berezhnytsia, Stryi
district, "who even brought home the sausage which he had acquired for his
efforts" (CC 236).'45 In Rava Ruska district, the communal scribes, in fear of
losing their jobs, were said to have convinced the mayors to vote for the
Polish candidate (CC 211). The mayor of Hora, Sokal district, even gave a
speech in the district capital in which he "very maliciously" opposed the
Ukrainian candidate (CC 235). In Svystilnyky, Rohatyn district, the lessee of
the estate wanted to be an elector; when he was not chosen, the mayor tried
to have the initial results of the primary election nullified (CC 199).'46
Already from some of the correspondence cited, it should be clear that
there was bound to be frequent conflict between the rural national movement
and village officers who continued to function in ways more proper to the
period preceding the emancipation from serfdom, the reform of municipal
government and the penetration of the national movement. The conflict between the correspondents and the tavern-frequenting communal officers was
also a conflict between a new way of doing things and traditionalism. It has
already been shown'47 that the national movement engendered tension between
the older, largely illiterate, traditionalist peasants, who opposed such
innovations as reading clubs, and the younger, often literate peasants who
were more open to change. At least before the national movement was able to
alter the situation, the village governments, and the mayors in particular,
were recruited from the milieu of the traditionalist peasantry. The electoral
law for communal government excluded from a formal voice in communal
affairs, either as electors or officers, anyone under twenty-four years of age
and anyone who did not pay taxes (hence all "lads," who were by definition
landless). Thus young people, who formed about a quarter of the reading
clubs' membership, '48 were not represented in the communal government.
Custom even more than law ensured that older peasants dominated the
village government, since in a culture only just emerging from an exclusively
oral tradition, wisdom was associated with experience and age rather than
with knowledge gained through some other means.'49 Hence the mayors
tended to be older peasants and, much more often than not, illiterate. A
,45 See also Himka, Socialism. 214 note 72.
'46
See also Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 419.
147
See above, 92-9.
'48
See above, 97.
High authority [was I vested in the main carriers and transmitters of traditional culture.
Clearly, the most influential were the old people, whose long life and numerous contacts with
people permitted them not only to accumulate the greatest amount of traditional knowledge, but
also to gain the richest experiences through economic and social practice." Dobrowolski, "Peasant
Traditional Culture," 287.
149 " .••
The Challenge to Traditional Authority in the Commune
183
contributor to Batkivshchyna in 1884 complained that there were only two
literate mayors in all of Stanyslaviv district. 150 [n 1886 only one out of seven
mayors in Galicia could read and write.15' A survey conducted by the Galician
crownland administration in 1888 showed that of 5,933 mayors, 4,743 (86 per
cent) were illiterate.'" It was only natural therefore that the domination of
the highest village offices by illiterate old men would be challenged by the
national movement, whose adherents in the countryside, as represented by the
membership of the reading clubs, were generally younger as well as literate
(see Table 12). It was also only natural that mayors could be found in the
forefront of the traditionalist opposition to reading clubs.'5J As the
correspondent from Korelychi, Peremyshliany district, wrote: "We also, sad to
say, have enemies of the reading club; it is all the sadder that these people
are older and members of the council" (CC 84).
There were also economic motivations for the communal officers'
opposition to reading clubs. The reading clubs often started communal loan
funds, communal granaries and stores and generally raised the socio-economic
consciousness of the peasantry. These developments were patently unwelcome
from the point of view of landlords, estate lessees, moneylenders and
tavernkeepers. Hence, to the extent that mayors and other communal officers
were under the influence of the manor or its agents, they would oppose the
establishment of reading clubs. However, even independently of direct or
indirect manorial influence, the communal governments would tend to oppose
the economic activities of the reading clubs, since the governments were
dominated by the richest strata of the peasantry. 154
The domination of the rich was a deliberate consequence of the communal
electoral law introduced in the 1860s. The central Austrian government
sought to avoid a radical democratization of the commune and to ensure that
propertied and wealthier citizens held sway. The law excluded from the
franchise all members of the commune who did not pay taxes, thus all
landless peasants. Furthermore, since the electoral law was based on the
Prussian "three-class" franchise, the votes of the richest members of the
commune counted for much more than the votes of the middling and poor
proprietors. The taxpayers of a village were divided into three electoral
circles'" according to the amount of tax each elector paid. The circles were
"0 Roz., " ... z-pid Halycha," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 23 (6 June [30 (sic; should be 25) May]
1884): 140.
15'
"Oplata shkilna," Batkivshchyna 8. no. 28 (16 [4] July 1886): 171.
152
"Sprava pysariv hromadskykh," Batkivshchyna 10. no. 39 (16 [28] September 1888): 238-9.
153
See above, 94.
'" Interestingly, mayor Jan Slomka of Dzik6w benefited indirectly from Jewish usury: "About
1874 I got hold of five acres from neighbours whose places had gone to ruin either in part or
altogether from drunkenness or from borrowing off Jews. I got part of this direct from the owner,
the rest by redeeming it from the moneylender." Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government.
174.
'55
If the commune had fifty or fewer electors, there were only two circles.
184
The Awakening Peasantry
equal only in the total amount of taxes paid by each; the number of electors
in each circle differed. The first circle had the least, but wealthiest, electors;
the third circle had the most, but poorest, electors. Because each circle
elected one-third of the members of the communal council, the richest
peasants had a disproportionate say in who was elected. Further aspects of
the electoral law that favoured the richest peasants were the provisions that
the first circle (i.e., the circle of the richest peasants) voted last, after the results of the elections in the other circles had been made public, and that the
mayor, a strong and relatively independent executive, was elected by the
councilmen rather than by the commune as a whole. Hence, the communal
officers tended to be well-to-do peasants. 156
That communal officers tended to be richer than the peasantry as a whole
and even richer than the peasant-activists as a whole finds corroboration in
the list of activists. Of four mayor-activists who can be classified by economic
status, three were wealthy (LA 46, 63, 122) and only one middling (LA 307).
In the corpus of correspondence we find confirmation as well, both
sympathetically expressed (the mayor in Fytkiv, Nadvirna district, was said
to be "wealthy and hard-working" [CC 58]) and unsympathetically expressed
(in Korelychi, Peremyshliany district, the councilmen were identified with
"our rich guys" [U nashi bohachyky] fCC 237]). Confirmation, from diverse
perspectives, is also to be found outside the corpus of correspondence. For example, the radical newspaper Khliborob wrote in 1892:
The result of this [the communal electoral law] is that in all communes a few
rich men in the village always control the communal council. And since now the
communal councils pick the mayors from among their own members, it is, of
course, a rich man or someone who is in service to the rich that is elected
mayor. And once such a rich man's party gets together, it does what it wants to,
how it wants to, in the commune.1S7
A member of one of the rich families in the village of Nysmychi, Sokal
district, recalled in her memoirs that the thirteen richest families controlled
village politics even into the interwar period. Representatives of the thirteen
families, who were nicknamed "the Habsburgs," always dominated the
communal council. 158
The correspondence often linked the wealth of the village officers with
their opposition to manifestations of the national movement. A particularly
full account comes from Uvysla, Husiatyn district:
In our village only rich men are respected; only those who have a dozen or so
Joch, "wise heads," though more than one of them perhaps cannot understand
156 It should be noted that the weighting of the electoral law in favour of the rich peasantry was
simultaneously a weighting in favour of the older peasantry.
151 Khliborob (I August 1892), cited in Kravets, Selianstvo, 131.
158 Kimpinska-Tatsiun, Rik u zhytti ukrainskoi zhinky-hospodyni, 93-4. In the interwar era
women were enfranchised. On the eve of World War I Nysmychi had a population of 467, thus
about ninety-three families. Chanderys, Kompletny skorowidz (1911), 115.
The Challenge to Traditional Authority in the Commune
185
as much as a poor cottager; because they acquired their property not by their
own intelligence, but because their daddies left it to them. Nonetheless such a
person is more likely to become mayor and councilman and who knows what
else .... This year a dozen or so poorer people announced that they wanted to
establish a loan fund .... But when the mayor heard of it, he told these poor
people: "Well, well' You will yet, each of you, go to jail!" And he has altogether
40 loch of farmland. And ... a councilman ... said: "What good is a loan fund
to me'?" (CC 68).
In Mshana, Zolochiv district, the new reform mayor, losyf Skochylias,
founded a loan fund; the correspondent noted: "It would have been possible to
have established a fund twenty years ago, but the former rich mayors didn't
try to ... " (CC 123). In Novosilka lazlovetska, Buchach district, the pastor
founded a loan association, but the communal government refused to use the
commune's bonds as capital for the association. " ... We still have plenty of
people who always say: 'We didn't have that in the past and things were
good!' This is because they are rich, you see, and the satisfied man does not
know the hungry one" (CC 48). In Korelychi, Peremyshliany district, "the
reading club members again advised the commune to collect a few bushels of
grain from each member and in this manner to establish a [communal]
granary; and again our rich guys [i.e., the councilmen] said: 'The best
granary is to have grain in your own storehouse [U komora]" (CC 237). As
if generalizing the above experiences, a correspondent from Tetevchytsi,
Kaminka Strumylova district, advised peasants:
... When our people elect their representatives, they only make sure that these
are well-to-do proprietors and do not consider whether they will defend the
rights of the whole commune as well. ... During the coming communal
elections ... , one should not look to those who are well-to-do and care only
about their own good, but to those who would care for the good of the whole
commune (CC 214).
The complaint that village officers used their powers to promote their own
interests, and the interests of those who had special protection, is frequently
met in the correspondence. I59 A number of peasants in Turia Velyka, Dolyna
district, registered a grievance with the district captaincy that their mayor
"perpetrates various extortions and abuses his powers" (CC 33). More specific
charges were raised against the mayor of Olesha, Tovmach district: "Wood
from the communal forest is cut down without informing and obtaining
permission from the communal council; wood provided by the manor to repair
the bridges went to build a storehouse for the mayor, though on the bridges
you can break your leg in broad daylight" (CC 118). The communal
governments assigned members of the commune for various communal duties,
including much-hated road work (U sharvarok);160 according to a number of
correspondents (CC 33, 86, 107, 110, 118, 257), the governments exempted
159
See also Klabouch. Die Gemeindeselbstverwaltung, 50.
160
On the resistance to road work, which led to mass arrests in 1887. see Kravets, "Dzherela,"
65.
IS6
The Awakening Peasantry
certain groups in the commune from these onerous duties: the Jews,l6I the rich
and the Ukrainian petty gentry (the so-called [U] shliakhta khodachkova, to
be discussed later). The correspondence mentions embezzlement quite frequently, by scribes (CC 13, 23,141),162 mayors (CC 235,236) and councils as
a whole (CC 33, 241). The correspondents also criticized village governments
for poor management of village property (CC 16, 143,231,265). The bridges
with holes, impassable roads, treeless forests and empty treasuries described
by the correspondents imputed to the village governments incompetence at
best and peculation at worst. That the reading clubs and correspondents
brought such matters to public attention further soured relations between the
municipal governments and the national movement.
The national movement created a peasantry that sat in judgment on the
village governments, much as it sat in judgment on the c1ergy.16] The national
movement gave the affected peasantry a new self-confidence and a new set of
criteria for assessing village affairs. Members of the reading clubs felt
justified in demanding mayors who voted for the Ukrainian candidate in the
same way that they felt justified in demanding pastors who promoted
enlightenment. But there was a major difference between the criticism of the
village officers, on the one hand, and of the pastors, on the other: village
officers were chosen by the commune itself, by the hromada, and it was possible for enlightened communes to replace undesirable officers with reform
candidates. Thus the village activists' criticism of their governments had a
much more concrete intent than their criticism of the clergy. 1M
The reading clubs were in the forefront of reforming village government.
The correspondent from Olesha, Tovmach district, announced to the readers
of Batkivshchyna that "the reading club will protect the commune from the
extortions and arbitrary rule of the government officers" (CC 60). The chief
proponent of the reading club in Olesha was the scribe, Mykhailo Diakon
(LA 53); the chief opponents were the mayor and councilmen. The council
fired Diakon as scribe, and Diakon led a campaign against the mayor, even
organizing the commune to submit grievances against the mayor to all
branches of the state bureaucracy (CC lIS). In Volia Iakubova, Drohobych
district, the reading club led by Panas Melnyk (LA 215) waged a bitter
struggle against the communal government and ran its own slate of
lOl
For a fuller treatment, see Himka, "Ukrainian-Jewish Antagonism."
In 1884 Danylo Klub, the scribe in Kaminka Yoloska, Rava Ruska district, was tried in Lviv
for embezzling taxes, interest on communal bonds and money from the loan fund as well as for
accepting bribes. In two years he acquired about 2,300 gulden. He was ostentatious with his new
wealth, even purchasing 26 loch of land. Klub pleaded innocent at the trial and "appealed to the
fact that during elections he always agitated for the Polish candidate." In spite of his
protestations, he was sentenced to three years of severe imprisonment. "Spravy sudovi,"
Batkivshchyna 7, no. 2 (9 January 1885 [28 December 1884]): 15.
162
16]
See above, 135-7, 139.
1M I n this light, the longstanding demand of the national movement that the communes, not the
landlords, confirm pastors in their appointments had a radical subtext that is generally
overlooked.
The Challenge to Traditional Authority in the Commune
187
candidates in the communal elections of 1885. 165 In Berezhnytsia, Stryi
district, the reading club campaigned against the long-term mayor, Ivan
Sachavsky. At last, in 1885, "our commune ... came to its senses" and elected
two of the founders of the reading club to the council. One of the reading
club activists was even chosen mayor by the other councilmen (the vote was
almost unanimous; only one councilman, "who is rarely ever sober," voted
against the reading club's candidate) (CC 236). In Shliakhtyntsi, Ternopil
district, the mayor and scribe, "obedient to what the Jew [the tavernkeeper]
whispered," had persecuted the reading club; the reading club avenged itself
in the 1885 communal elections: the old mayor was replaced by the
vice-president of the reading club and the secretary of the reading club
became deputy mayor (CC 249). Thus the reading club could act much like a
political party in the village, contesting seats in local government. The
national movement created village politics.
In addition to running reform candidates for council, the national
movement also attempted to reform the one appointed office in the village
government: that of scribe. The scribe was hired by the council, not elected
by the commune; in theory the scribe was merely a subordinate, the council's
clerk, but in practice, given the illiteracy of the mayors, he was a crucial figure in village government, its eminence grise. 166 The national movement
advocated that its own local activists, particularly cantors,I67 be hired as
scribes; after all, they were literate and devoted to the good of the commune.
The worst thing for a commune, according to the movement, was to hire a
nonlocal scribe recommended by the nationally and socially hostile district
captaincy.
The correspondence explained in detail the advantages of the local scribe
over the non local scribe. In the Dobromyl-Staryi Sambir region the district
authorities strongly recommended certain individuals as scribes, but these
"imposed scribes," warned a correspondent, were likely to embezzle and
demand high salaries; where a cantor might charge 12 gulden a year for
serving as scribe, a nonlocal scribe would charge from 60 to 100. The
nonlocal scribes were "a cause of poverty" not only for the above-mentioned
reasons, but also because they necessitated expensive travel for the commune.
Sometimes it happens that several people travel several miles [1 Austrian
mile = 7.6 kilometres] in some minor matter to such a scribe, and they
sometimes waste two days and quite a bit of money, especially when, as is the
custom, they stop at every tavern along the road there and back and moreover
must treat the scribes and themselves [when they arrive]. In fact, it even
165 Himka, Socialism, 131-2.
166 The crownland administration came to the conclusion that, since 86 per cent of the mayors
were illiterate, communal affairs were actually managed by the scribes, opening the door to
many abuses. "Sprava pysariv hromadskykh," 238. A case of an illiterate mayor being "led by
th.e nose" by the scribe and the dissatisfaction this caused in the village is mentioned by Kofler,
"Zydowskie dwory," 91.
167
See above, 112, 130.
188
The A wakening Peasantry
happens that people come from afar and do not find the scribe in. They wait a
second day, and, if he does not return, they start home on the third day
(CC 141).
A similar tale was told by a correspondent from the Burshtyn area in
Rohatyn district (CC 13).
The nonlocal scribe in Kiidantsi, Kolomyia district, was not so much an
inconvenience as a menace to the commune:
... We have no educated people in our communal government. In our village
the scribe is a very important gentleman. Our communal scribe comes from the
city, he is not a Ruthenian, and, as is generally true of such scribes, he does the
commune more harm than good. In our village the scribes, as prominent people,
led the communal officers to the tavern and thus ruined our communal officers,
who are sometimes such as have never given a thought to the commune's good
(CC 169).
In sum, to quote a contributor to Batkivshchyna in 1884: "No commune
should accept as scribe any vagrant (U proidysvit); it is best that one's own
literate proprietor or cantor do the work of scribe, either by himself or under
the supervision of the priest. The most swindling (U tsyhanstvo) is
perpetrated by those scribes who are scribes for several villages .... "168
Although the grounds for conflict between communal governments and the
rural national movement were many, and although the majority of items of
correspondence that mentioned village government presented it in a negative
fashion, there were nonetheless instances of cooperation between the village
governments and the national movement. 169 These instances admit of a number of explanations. The most obvious one is that sometimes overall class and
communal solidarity took precedence over the particular interests of
municipal officers. Then too, as in the case of priests, village officers might
have originally supported reading clubs without yet realizing the full
implications of their activities. Perhaps something like this occurred in Berezhnytsia, Kalush district. According to Aleksii Maneliuk, a member of the
reading club, the scribe in Berezhnytsia was secretary of the club and even
read his own verses at the club's opening in the fall of 1884Yo But four
months later Maneliuk portrayed the same scribe and the mayor as the chief
enemies of the reading club and allies of the tavern keeper and the Poles
(CC 173). The list of activists offers evidence that some of the cooperation
between the village governments and reading clubs rested on delicate
foundations: some activists who held office in the village government had
opponents as well as supporters in the national movement l71 and others found
Roz., " ... z-pid Halycha," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 23 (6 June [30 (sic; should be 25) May]):
140.
169 See above, note 118.
168
A[leksii] M[aneliuk], " ... vid Kalusha," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 45 (7 November [26 October]
1884): 285.
171 LA 63, 70, 199, 304, 331.
170
The Challenge to Traditional Authority in the Commune
189
themselves in a minority within their communal governments. '" Cooperation
between the village government and the national movement was probably
never fully assured until a reform mayor, who accepted the principles of the
national movement, was elected.17l
In conclusion, the national movement pressed for a new type of village
government, free of influences that were socially and nationally alien,
responsive to the needs of the commune as a whole, not just to the desires of
an elite, and supportive of the institutions of the movement. It brought to the
villages a struggle for the democratization of the commune that went beyond
the limits of the democratization from above that had been implemented by
the Austrian government. The national movement did not, however, demand a
thorough democratization. One does not find in Batkivshchyna, for example,
an explicit call for the abolition of the three-class franchise or any call, even
implicit, for the extension of the franchise to women. These limitations
reflected the national leadership's deliberate policy of courting the more
prosperous, male peasantry. Nonetheless, what the movement demanded was
enough to unsettle communal governments throughout Eastern Galicia and to
create a new politics in the villages. Communal solidarity, which had played
such a prominent part in the resistance to serfdom before 1848, was now to
be harnessed to the national cause.
The Transformation of Peasant Culture
The peasantry played an unconscious role in the national awakening as the
preserve, so to speak, of ethnicity, as the guardian of the sacred legacy of folk
songs, popular customs and vernacular language, all of which the
intelligentsia appropriated and mythologized in order to canonize them in the
national ethos and ideology.'74 Indeed, this cultural borrowing from the
peasantry constituted a major component of the initial, romantic
(heritage-gathering) phase of national revivals throughout Eastern Europe. In
characterizing the peasantry's role as "unconscious," there is no intention to
minimize the creativity of the peasantry in developing songs, fables, proverbs
and rituals. But in this activity, the peasantry was not consciously
participating in a national movement; rather, it was meeting its own cultural
needs and only inadvertently creating the ethnos that the educated classes
would later use as a primary element in the national idea.
Ironically, simultaneously with the penetration of the national movement
into the countryside, the traditional peasant culture that was the repository of
ethnicity was undergoing a profound transformation. Beginning in the last
third of the nineteenth centuri" the peasants' cultural experience was
'" LA 53, 343.
m LA 288, 304.
174
See Hofer, "The Creation of Ethnic Symbols."
See above 59, 63, 159-62, 167. The same dating has also been applied to Polish Galicia:
"Generally it may be said that the peasant culture of Southern Poland [Western Galicia] showed
a preponderance of the traditional elements until the emancipation of the peasants in 1848, and
even beyond that to about 1870." Dobrowolski, "Peasant Traditional Culture," 297.
I7l
190
The Awakening Peasantry
changing as the countryside moved from a natural to a money economy and
as a print culture began to supplement and then supplant the traditional oral
culture in the village. These changes were epoch-making and heralded the
extinction of cultural patterns and skills dating back centuries, perhaps
millennia. The relationship between these cultural changes and the progress
of the national movement was that each spurred the other on."6
The penetration of the money economy has already been described, particularly in relation to the destruction of the natural economy. I77 In addition to
this destructive aspect, however, there was also a constructive aspect that
touched off a tremendous cultural metamorphosis in the countryside. As
noted by the Polish ethnographer Kazimierz Dobrowolski, some aspects of the
money economy contributed to the strengthening of a "forward-looking
perspective among the peasantry." Among these features were: "the growing
infiltration into the villages of products demanding higher technical skill and
knowledge about how to use them" as well as "a more intensive exchange of
goods between town and country and the breaking up of the spacial isolation
of the countryside." 178
A comprehensive analysis and catalogue of the changes wrought by money
cannot be included in this study. Still, it is possible to indicate the extent of
the change by briefly considering how the money economy was altering the
way in which peasants satisfied their basic needs for food, clothing and
shelter, or-to rephrase this in more clearly cultural terms-how the money
economy transformed the folk cuisine, costume and architecture of Ukrainian
Galicia.
"As for articles of food," wrote Jan Slomka of the 1860s, when the natural
economy was still dominant, "only salt and beverages were bought in the
shops. Village folk lived mostly on what they themselves sowed and planted
on their own land."'" By the mid-1880s the situation was already quite
different. The inventory of a village store in Kolodribka, Zalishchyky district,
in 1884 included the traditionally bought salt, but it also included an array of
other food items that had already been part of the peasant diet: honey,
vinegar, fish, yeast and nuts. The presence of fish and nuts in the store
reflected the fact that ponds and forests were largely expropriated by the
landlords as private property in the two decades following the abolition of
serfdom. The sale of honey, vinegar and yeast suggests that these items were
176 Among the factors which Dobrowolski isolated (ibid., 297-8) as initiating the disintegration of
traditional peasant culture was "the wider connexion of village populations with social, political
and cultural movements on a national scale."
See above, 158-75.
Dobrowolski, "Peasant Traditional Culture," 297. For some concrete aspects, see Hryniuk, "A
Peasant Society," 238-43.
179 Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 26.
JJ7
178
The Transformation of Peasant Culture
191
now less often produced domestically. Food items new to the peasant diet and
offered for sale by the store included pepper and other spices, tea and its necessary complement, sugar, and buns made from white flour (U bulky)
(CC 73). Writing in 1912 and comparing the foodstuffs available then with
what had been available in the 1860s, Slomka stated: "Coffee, tea, sugar,
rice, raisins, almonds, oranges, lemons-things sold today in every store with
other articles of food-were virtually unknown in the village.""o In 1885 a
Ukrainian peasant from the Stanyslaviv region wrote of rice and white flour
as superfluous innovations introduced to the villages by, among others, the
wives of railway workers.'" The extent of the change is perhaps best
illustrated by the cabbage roll (U holubets), popularly considered very
traditional ethnic food. The cabbage roll as we know it is stuffed with rice,
yet rice does not grow in Galicia. Therefore it had to be imported and
purchased; it could only have entered the West Ukrainian diet in a significant
way after the 1860s. But it caught on to such an extent that today only
students of the history of diet would think of a cabbage roll filled with the
truly traditional millet, maize or buckwheat.
In costume the changes were even more far-reaching. The handmade
national costumes could barely withstand the competition of the cheap,
colourful textiles coming from foreign factories. To quote again from Slomka:
Our clothing was for each whatever could be made at home .... Until well after
1860 folk dressed in white both summer and winter, both on workdays and
holidays; and all home-spun materials tended to stay that colour. More dressy
women and girls. however. were already putting on bright coloured skirts and
girdles of bought materials. as well as kerchiefs, shawls and stays from the
stores .... With the years, clothing made of bought stuffs became the regular
thing; and about 1870 the new fashion caught on.'"
The village store in Kolodribka sold linen, ready-made kerchiefs, yarn, cotton
material and thread (CC 73). The peasant from the Stanyslaviv region who
complained about rice and white flour also felt that the umbrellas coming
into the villages ("introduced by all kinds of railway workers, brakemen and
watchmen") were expensive and useless novelties; but even he had reconciled
himself to "the vests, which many peasants have now started to wear."
Peasants in the Kalush area in 1884 were buying what one peasant characterized as "stupid calico" to make shirts, aprons, skirts and kerchiefs, even
though "this all is flimsy and tears quickly so one has to buy again." They
preferred buying the calico to making their own cloth, although their
home-made hemp shirts lasted nine times as long."] Obviously, to buy a
"" Ihid .. 29.
18, See above. 167.
,,, Slomka. From Serfdom to Self-Government, 21, 23-4.
lRJ
See above, 168.
192
The Awakening Peasantry
cheap, short-lived, factory-produced textile meant that one would not waste
labour embroidering it. 18'
The construction and furnishings l85 of the peasant cottage were also
modified under the impact of the all-pervading money economy. The thatched
roof-the very symbol of the Ukrainian village-began to give way to roofs
covered with sheets of tin.186 Other metaJ187 and glass l88 (neither of which
could be produced by a peasant household) found increasing application in
the Ukrainian peasant cottage.
Although none of the changes noted above constituted by itself a revolution
in lifestyle, the sum total of all such changes did. In the late nineteenth
century, Ukrainian peasants entered the world of commodities. As a result,
their specific material culture began to alter in conformity with the much
more general, in fact universalized, material culture of industrial Europe.
In West European history the transition from feudalism to capitalism
occurred simultaneously with the employment of the printing press. The
widespread exchange of commodities characteristic of capitalism, and of its
predecessor, the money economy, was ideally suited to the dissemination of
printed material. National networks of commodity exchange served also as
the networks for the distribution of the printed word. The printed book was
itself a commodity, in fact "the first modern-style mass-produced industrial
commodity";I89 the same can by no means be said of the oral creation or even
of the manuscript. Thus historically (and for more reasons than can be developed here) there has been a close link between an economy based on
exchange and a culture based on print, and it is not unusual that a money
economy and a print culture penetrated the Galician countryside at the same
time.
The Galician Ukrainian peasantry had preserved an almost exclusively oral
culture into the late nineteenth century. Wisdom was passed from generation
to generation and from village to village in the form of proverbs, songs and
18' On the impact of factory. made textiles, see also Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 304.
185 A traveller in the early 1840s reported: "The Rusniak peasant, like those of Little Russia,
makes all his furniture and household utensils himself: he is his own architect, carpenter,
coachmaker, and shoemaker." Kohl, Austria, 434.
186 Insurance companies, concerned about fires, were the chief promoters of tin roofs. According
to insurance-company statistics, the peasants of Volhynia gubernia, the region of Russian-ruled
Ukraine bordering Galicia, spent over 120,000 rubles on 762,631 kilogrammes of tin in just nine
months of 1913. "Prodazh bliakhy," Rada 9, no. 2 (3 [15] January 1914): 3.
187 The store in Kolodribka sold nails (CC 73). They would have been used primarily to attach
shingles and to hang objects of domestic use.
188 The home of a well-off peasant in Kamianka Lisna, Rava Ruska district, in 1884 was
distinguished by its "large windows" and by the presence of a bookcase "with glass doors"
(CC 53). See also LA 343. "The board-covered window was very rare by the end of the
nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. It consisted of thinly whittled boards that
covered the elongated window openings and the window itself which was filled either with
cow-stomach lining or many pieces of glued-together glass of different colours, sizes and
thicknesses." Chomiak, "Vernacular Architecture," 65.
189 Anderson, Imagined Communities, 38.
The Transformation of Peasant Culture
193
tales. In an oral culture it is difficult to maintain continuity and therefore to
accumulate knowledge, especially precise knowledge. By contrast, a culture
based on literacy fixes the knowledge of previous generations and of diverse
peoples, thus making the accumulation of knowledge more efficient. I 9(1 The
benefits of a literate culture are accelerated by the use of print. The print
culture, by diffusing knowledge quickly to many people, allows more rapid
development and greater participation in the expansion of human understanding. It was the print culture that made possible the scientific advances on
which the industrial and subsequent technological revolutions have been
based. In a wider sense, print culture includes not only the production and
distribution of printed matter, but also the knowledge and theories shared by
those participating in the print culture.
Ukrainian peasants in Galicia were introduced to the print culture through
the school system established at the end of the 1860s. Under serfdom the
peasants had been kept ignorant deliberately. But as we have seen, about half
the children of Galicia were attending school by the 1880s, and on the eve of
the First World War elementary education became quite widespread in
Galicia. 191 Corresponding to the increase in school attendance was a slow,
steady increase in the literacy rate. By 1914 the majority of young peasants
in Galicia could read. In addition to the school system, the Ukrainian
national movement also did much to promote literacy and reading among the
peasantry, particularly by establishing reading clubs and publishing a popular
press. The reading clubs, furthermore, spread the message of the print culture
to illiterates, since public readings were an important component of their
activities and undoubtedly the clubs' influence extended beyond the
dues-paying membership.
One inevitable result of the introduction of a print culture into the village
was a certain displacement of the traditional oral culture. This is strikingly,
but unconsciously, revealed in a passage from Slomka's memoirs:
Parties would be arranged evenings in the winter from house to house. In the
summer folk would gather in groups on Sundays or holidays on the lawns, or
indeed anywhere in the open, to gossip about the lately abolished serfdom, or
the campaigns the older ones had seen .... In general, stories were popular, or
jokes, riddles and prophecies; as well as news from afar, or incidents of interest
from the villages. In other days these things counted for what the reading of
books or papers does now [1912].192
The introduction of the print culture effected changes in almost all aspects
of peasant life and folk ways. It meant, for example, that theatre was added
to the peasants' entertainments,193 that clock time was starting to replace solar
190
See Dobrowolski. "Peasant Traditional Culture." 279.
191
See above, 62-4.
Emphasis added. Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 102. See also Dobrowolski,
"Peasant Traditional Culture," 285.
I'"
193 Peasants in Lopatyn. Brody district. staged an amateur theatrical performance in 1885 to
raise money for the reading club and its library (CC 200).
194
The Awakening Peasantry
and stellar time,'" that traditional religious and seasonal feasts were now
supplemented
by
new
print-culture
holidays
(e.g.,
the
annual
commemorations of national poet Taras Shevchenko in March'" and of the
abolition of serfdom in May),'" that lines from the poet Shevchenko were
sometimes used by peasants in place of traditional folk sayings, ,97 that
traditional folk medicine was now being denounced as harmful and stupid
superstition by reading peasants,'98 that the icons hanging on the walls of a
peasant cottage were now more likely to have been printed rather than
painted and that they had to share space with secular portraits.'9' The print
culture also drastically altered the peasant world-view: the reading peasant
developed a modern national consciousness, political opinions and, in some
cases, a more critical attitude to the church.
To illustrate the type of changes implicit in the diffusion of the print
culture we might focus briefly on the impact of the print culture on folk
music. The folk songs of Ukrainian Galicia were recorded by representatives
of the print culture, i.e., by professional and amateur folklorists, who
subsequently published collections of these songs. At least among the more
democratic folklorists, there was a desire to make these published collections
available to the peasantry,200 and some collections did indeed reach the reading clubs."" In such cases the oral creativity of the peasants was transformed
'94 The well-to-do peasant of Kamianka Lisna had "a beautiful clock" against one of the walls of
his home (CC 53). On traditional methods of timekeeping and the introduction of the clock, see
Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 18-19. And cf. above, 5.
195
For a description of a Shevchenko commemoration in Zakomarie, Zolochiv district, see
of peasants attended the Shevchenko concert in the city of Ternopil in 1884
ee 29. Hundreds
(ee 19, 44).
'96 See above, 57-8.
,,)7 "In cvery commune let there be a reading club, a communal granary, a loan fund, a store,
unity as well, and all kinds of economic associations. Then we will not give in to anyone, then we
will show our enemies who we are, whose children, of what parents (U khto my. chyi syny.
iakykh batkiv)" (CC 110).
,n CC 50, 78, 181, 274. See also: [HryhoriiJ R [ymar J, "Pysmo z-pid
Batkivshchyna 4, no. 18 (16 [4J September 1882): 144. Himka, Socialism, 132.
Drohobycha,"
,99 The wealthy peasant of Kamianka Lisna decorated his walls with "images of the saints, of the
baptism of Rus', and portraits of our Ruthenian personalities" (CC 53).
2(1('
Dei, Ukrainska revoliutsiino-demokratychna zhurnalistyka, 82.
"" Vasyl Fedorovych, librarian of the reading club in Dobrostany, Horodok district, came upon a
collection of Bukovynian folk songs compiled by Hryhorii Kupchanko. He was so impressed that
he wrote to the editors of Batkivshchyna: "After reading that book, I came up with the
suggestion: We have a lot of reading clubs, and we have enough literate members, and we gather
in the reading clubs to sing and enjoy ourselves; and we even have literate young people who
recently finished school. It would do no harm, therefore, if some of them took up this task
energetically and in their free moments copied down the secular [i.e., nonliturgicalJ carols, songs,
tales and sayings; if they described the customs at weddings, feast days, burials and christenings;
and if they sent off all that they had written to Lviv .... Then they ["those learned Ruthenians
who best understand such things"J would publish new collections of folk literature and folk
customs .... In this way we peasants would get to know one another more intimately; we would
get to know our cultural life and our history" (CC 146).
The Transformation of Peasant Culture
195
into an object of the print culture and returned to them in this new form.''''
The school system also influenced the musical culture of the village.
Elementary schools were expected to teach singing,'O] and songbooks for
Ukrainian schools in Austria were prepared by the Bukovynian composer
Sydir Vorobkevych (who studied at the conservatory in Vienna in 1868).'''4
Thus peasant children were exposed to non-folk music and to folk music that
had been arranged by a highly educated, professional musician. Finally, the
national movement encouraged the development of choirs in the villages,
generally in association with the reading clubs. Already by 1884 national
populist students had counted 68 choirs in Galicia and Bukovyna, 48 of which
were attached to reading c1ubs.'o, The choirs often made a point of singing
from notes (a great fad at least in the 1880s), and introducing polyphony.'''6
Some, such as the famous choir of Denysiv, Ternopil district, became
accomplished enough to appear on stage in the cities (CC 19).'°7 The founder
of the choir in Dobrostany, Horodok district, not only attended Anton
Bruckner's lectures at the conservatory in Vienna, but sang in the chorus of a
leading Viennese operatic house (LA 245).
All of this intervention by the print culture began to alter the character of
peasant music. In an oral culture the words to songs undergo continual
modification, but once they are printed they are relatively fixed. Exactly the
same applies to melodies. The fluidity and spontaneity of folk culture does
not easily survive imprisonment in print. With the dissemination of song books
and choirs, moreover, the repertoire of peasants' songs expanded to include
songs composed outside the villages, within the context of the print culture.
This would imply some displacement of the authentic folk music, especially
since the folk songs would be competing with songs that had lyrics by
talented poets (a number of Shevchenko's works, for instance, were set to
music) and melodies by professional composers (such as Vorobkevych).
Finally, the sound of the music itself began to change, and not simply
because of the introduction of novel harmonic techniques in the choirs. The
change was more complex. Once peasant music was captured by notation and
'"' Exactly the same thing happened in Hungary. Hofer, "The Creation of Ethnic Symbols," 142.
Sirka, The Nationality Question in Austrian Education, 77-8.
'04 Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Vorobkevych Sydir." Narysy z istorii Pivnichnoi
Bukovyny, 237.
'OJ
'0'
[Mykhailo). "Spravy ruskykh chytalen. III," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 49 (5 December [23
November] 1884).
206 Danylo Saikevych of Radvantsi, Sokal district, was agitating for "enlightenment" in his
village, but was opposed by traditionalist peasants under the mayor's leadership. He then
recruited twenty-eight boys and girls and "began to teach them notes, then divided them up into
voices; this pleased them so much that even adult peasants joined the singing group" (CC 106).
See also CC 15 and LA 164. "The first modern musical club was formed in 1881 in Miechocin,
the school teacher there being the leader. It was composed of pupils, and had ten boys in it. They
played from notes .... " Slomka, From Serfdom to Self-Government, 114-15.
'07 The choir was directed by Father losyp Vitoshynsky who was a professional enough director
to open a school for directors. Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Vitoshynsky losyp."
196
The Awakening Peasantry
choirs began to sing in accordance with the notation, some of the very
important tones of Ukrainian folk music disappeared. The musically illiterate,
traditional singer deliberately sang some tones flatter or sharper than can be
conveyed by standard notation. These shades of difference were lost in
notation, and when notation superseded oral tradition the original sound was
lost. Traditional peasant singing can be compared with a violin, an unfretted
instrument on which any interval between tones can be played. The new,
notation music was like a piano, with its limited set of predetermined tones.
Also, standard musical notation does not encompass nuances that were very
important in traditional singing: quavers, wails, shouts, timbre. Notation
tended not only to abstract from such nuances, but to minimize their importance and eradicate them. Thus pre- and post-notation music (oral and
literate-print music) sounded very different.,oB
Such changes as have been described for music affected all aspects of
peasant culture to a greater or lesser extent, depending on the degree to
which the print culture had fastened on to a particular aspect.
In the late nineteenth century the money economy and print culture were
only beginning to effect a sea-change in peasant cultural life. Some isolated
Galician localities would be but little or late affected, while others would be
experiencing rapid change. The extent of the changes among the peasantry
was also determined by generational, gender and economic differences. At
this time, then, the Ukrainian peasant in Galicia still lived in two worlds, the
traditional world of the natural economy and oral culture and the "modern"
world of the money economy and print culture.
A more subtle change was also occurring in peasant culture under the
influence of the national movement. Elements of peasant culture were
acquiring new significance as self-differentiating symbols, i.e., as symbols
marking one nation off from another.,o9 This accretion of symbolic meaning to
cultural elements that had hitherto been "unconscious" in relation to the
national movement'JU was the result of an exchange (via print) between the
peasantry and the intelligentsia: the peasants developed and created a culture
with no national purpose in mind; the intellectuals codified the culture and
endowed it with political, self-differentiating symbolism; then they returned it
to the peasants who integrated this revised and symbolized culture into their
own. This was the general process implied by the specific phenomenon
previously noted in regard to folk songs, i.e., the peasantry's own songs,
collected, codified, annotated and printed by the intelligentsia, were returned
to it in new form.
Let us look at the symbolic transformation of the two most salient cultural
markers of the Ukrainian nation in Galicia: language and religion.
"" I am grateful to Andrij Hornjatkevyc for discussing these problems with me.
209
See the perceptive remarks in Connor, "Nation-Building or Nation-Destroying?" 337-8.
lIO
See above, xxii, 189.
The Transformation of Peasant Culture
197
Language is one of the most important-perhaps, as some argue,2Il the
most important-<lf the cultural elements in national movements, since
submerged nationalities strive to make their language the accepted medium of
communication. It might be thought that in the case of the peasantry, the
linguistic issue assumed its most pragmatic aspect, that here the language
question was a question of comprehension. The peasant, one might argue, was
disadvantaged because he did not understand the foreign language of the
administration and other higher spheres; so he was drawn into the national
movement in order to make the language he understood the language of
modern communication. Although the problem of comprehension was a
serious one before the late 1860s, when German was frequently used in the
administration,212 it was not so in the era of the national movement,
dominated by Polish-Ukrainian linguistic rivalry. In the corpus of
correspondence proper, no item treats the Polish-Ukrainian language question
from the practical viewpoint of comprehensibility. However, a brief notice in
Batkivshchyna in 1884 does mention this problem as an afterthought:
On 23 and 24 October [1884] elections to the communal council were held in
[Nyzhniv, Tovmach district]. On the first day few of our people showed up,
because not everyone knew about the elections. True, announcements were
posted near the church, but few of our people know how to read and those
announcements were written only in Polish.21l
That this part of the language question had little urgency for the
Ukrainian peasantry is perhaps not as strange as it first appears. First, the
lexical overlap in Polish and Ukrainian, especially its Galician dialects, as
well as the centuries of Poles' and Ukrainians' cohabitation in this region
made the Polish language a relatively comprehensible idiom. The mutual
comprehensibility was strengthened by the educational system; the Polish language was taught in elementary schools, especially after 1892. 214 Secondly, the
Ukrainians in Galicia did enjoy certain linguistic rights already, significant
ones by comparison with Ukrainians in the Russian empire; in Galicia use of
the Ukrainian language in the press, public life and administration was tolerated. And thirdly, the major barrier between the peasantry and the modern
means of communication was not so much the Polish language as illiteracy;
as the quoted passage specified in the first place, "few of our people know
how to read." Linguistic comprehensibility, then, did not figure prominently
in the peasantry's motivation for participating in the national movement.
It would be a mistake, however, to go one step further and conclude that
comprehensibility played no part at all in the way the peasantry's national
awakening took shape. It did playa role as a limiting or excluding factor. If
See especially: Stokes, "Cognition and the Function of Nationalism," esp. 536-7; Stokes, "The
Undeveloped Theory of Nationalism," 155-7: and Gellner, Thought and Change. 146-78.
112 See above, 15.
2ll
213
Chytalnyk, " ... z Nyzhneva," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 47 (21 [9] November 1884): 297.
214
Sirka, The Nationality Question in Austrian Education, 80.
198
The Awakening Peasantry
the nationally conscious intelligentsia were to address the peasantry, orally or
in print, it had to do so in the peasant vernacular, not in Polish and not in
any other language. This precluded, or at least hindered, the development of
a Polish national movement in the Ukrainian village.21S
This follows logically from what the correspondence suggests about the
limits to Russophilism's popularity in the village. Russophilism, the
orientation on Russian culture and the Russian state, had a linguistic aspect.
Russophiles wrote either in "attempted Russian" or-more commonly in this
period-in an artificial amalgam of Russian, Ukrainian and Church Slavonic.
What happened when Russophile publications fell into the hands of the
peasants? Vasyl Fedorovych, who read a book of folk songs collected by the
Bukovynian Russophile, Hryhorii Kupchanko, complained: "( did not understand very well the introduction to this book, because it was written in some
sort of hard'l6 language" (CC 146).211 The introduction the peasant refers to
was written for the intelligentsia and therefore it was composed in the "high"
literary style of Russophilism, which was difficult for the peasant to understand. In their popular, peasant-oriented publications, such as Nauka or
Ruska rada, the Russophiles did attempt to write in a more popular idiom,
closer to the Ukrainian vernacular. But even so, it was hard to compete with
the national populist newspaper Batkivshchyna, which was published completely in the vernacular with many dialectical features preserved. Consider
the words of a man who referred to himself as "a simple peasant from the
village of Rudno," Lviv district:
Dear Sirs:
I first became acquainted with this paper, yours and ours, when it came to
the reading club, when our founding members subscribed to it for us. At first
we had only read Nauka and Ruska rada from Kolomyia, and we did not know
that there was yet something as good for us as the paper Batkivshchyna. But
now, even if no one else read it, I would continue to read it until my dying day.
Because it has become for me like my own dear mother on account of its easily
understood language,218 its advice and counsel, and other things useful for
peasants (CC 240).
Although Polish was relatively comprehensible to the peasantry (see above, 30), it was not
perfectly comprehensible. This was noted by the Galician police chief Leopold von
Sacher-Masoch (not to be confused with his son, the writer). He submitted a memorandum to
the governor's office in 1846 urging that all decrees relating to the East Galician peasantry be
promulgated also in the Ukrainian vernacular, lest linguistic misinterpretation give rise to false
rumours and social unrest. TsDIAL, 146/87/1122, pp. 123-4.
2lS
216 By "hard" Fedorovych does not mean "difficult," but Russophile. The word (U) tverda, in the
sense of uncompromising or rigid, was frequently used-and not only by peasants-to describe
the language of the Russophiles and Russians. According to a Hutsul peasant, the Russian
Orthodox religion was also a "hard" religion, "harder" than Greek Catholicism (U ta tverda vira.
tverdsha vid nashai); the connotation here is positive. For the Hutsul's views on the "hardness"
of the Russian faith, see Pavlyk, Maskvafilstva, 9-10.
211 This same Fedorovych delivered a lecture on the Ukrainian language in the reading club in
Dobrostany, Horodok district (CC 245).
Emphasis added.
218
The Transformation of Peasant Culture
199
It seems not unreasonable therefore to suppose that if linguistic
comprehensibility was not a primary issue drawing the peasant into the
national movement, it nonetheless could influence the specific orientation of
the peasantry within the movement.
The most interesting aspect of the role of language in the peasant
awakening, however, is the extent to which language figured as a symbol, as
an extension of identity. In an item of correspondence from Uhniv, Rava
Ruska district, a small agricultural town that held bazaars, the inhabitants
complained about the high-handed ways of the local gendarme, who ripped
up horse licences written in the Ukrainian language and demanded that the
licences be written in Polish. The item of correspondence was in the form of a
petition to the viceroy of Galicia. In it there was not one word about the
incomprehensibility of Polish-language licences; instead, the emphasis was on
the inconvenience caused by the gendarme's behaviour. There was also
mention, however, of the dishonour done to the Ukrainian language, and this
theme ran implicitly through the whole account:
Inhabitants of Uhniv presented the following letter to the imperial-royal
viceroyalty in Lviv:
Excellent imperial-royal viceroyalty!
Inhabitants of Uhniv, Rava Ruska district, bring a complaint against the
gendarme Rejowski posted at Uhniv, because at the Uhniv bazaar he rips up all
horse licences issued in the Ruthenian language. He explains to those who have
such licences that he rips them up because only Polish-language licences are
supposed to be displayed. A witness to the above-mentioned arbitrary behaviour
of the said gendarme is Ivan Petrovsky, proprietor from Shchepiatyn, whose
Ruthenian-language licence the gendarme tore up on 15 May of this year with
these words: It is forbidden to write licences in Ruthenian (P po rusku
paszportbw nie wolno pisac). He also ripped up the licence of Vasyl Partysovsky
of Novosilky Peredni with the same words; this was on 30 October 1884 [N.S.]
on the feast of St. Luke. He tore up the licence of a man from Shchepiatyn and
wrote on the other side: A licence must be displayed in Polish, not in Ruthenian
(P paszport rna sie wystawiac po polsku. a nie po rusku). He has destroyed the
licences of still more peasants, and all because they are written in Ruthenian.
And a few people, hearing such words from the gendarme, hid their licences and
hid themselves with their horses in corners, being afraid lest the gendarme
confiscate their horses. Hryn Kushnir from Novosilky Kardynalski had two
licences written in Ruthenian; afraid because it was forbidden to possess
Ruthenian licences, he harnessed his horses to his cart and fled from the horse
market. We only mention these three proprietors because we were eyewitnesses
and we know their names; but we refrain from mentioning people from other
local villages because we do not know their names.
The high-handed ways of gendarme Rejowski went much beyond this,
because he even ordered all people with Ruthenian licences to leave the bazaar
at once together with their livestock; otherwise he would confiscate their
animals. Thus, terror overcame both bazaars, the one on 30 October 1884 as
well as the one on 15 May 1885. There was weeping and grumbling, because
these people had come to sell their livestock precisely in order to pay the taxes
they owed to the emperor and, in some cases, in order to pay a debt to the Jew
200
The A wakening Peasantry
and meet various domestic expenses. And here Rejowski deprived them of this
one possibility. Through Rejowski's arbitrary conduct our Ruthenian writing
was dishonoured, because after ripping up the licences he cast them under his
feet. But leaving that aside, we ask the excellent imperial-royal viceroyalty to
consider the loss that people endured as a result of this: they lost the day and
their expenses, but gained nothing. We are of the opinion that the gendarmes
should serve the public, not bring it to loss. In this most unpleasant situation of
ours, we ardently ask the excellent imperial-royal viceroyalty to kindly instruct
the subordinate authorities to be alert for similar instances of the gendarmes'
high-handed conduct and to punish the disobedient accordingly (CC 205).
Similar in spirit was an item of correspondence from Strilkiv, Stryi district,
complaining that the district council refused to accept Ukrainian-language
documents. Once again, it was linguistic pride rather than the functional
purpose of language that was at issue:
Our scribe presented papers written in Ruthenian to the district council, but
some new gentleman there did not accept them and, in agitation, refused to sign
them. He said that we do not accept Ruthenian papers and that they will be
returned to the mayor. But the one who brought the papers (?; U torbar) said:
"Excuse me, sir, but our scribe has been writing everywhere in Ruthenian for
two years now and everywhere what he writes is accepted, and here too,
previously, the other gentleman who was secretary accepted it!" To this the
gentleman had no answer (CC 34).
The following item of correspondence is yet more explicit in its equation of
the use of one's native language with the preservation of one's dignity. The
author, from the district capital of Zbarazh, may not have been a peasant
himself; he took the village governments to task for their lack of concern with
the language question:
Many of our Ruthenian communes, by the very fact that they conduct their
correspondence in Polish, bring shame upon themselves before the whole world.
Because why not write in their own Ruthenian script and in their own native
language, when the community officers and the whole commune are all
Ruthenians and when the emperor also gives us Ruthenians the right to write
everywhere in our Ruthenian script and in our language? And how a commune
that writes like this dishonours itself:
[There follows an official letter from the Ukrainian commune of Klymkivtsi,
Zbarazh district. The letter is written in Polish so overladen with
Ukrainianisms, so ungrammatical and so misspelled that it is difficult to make
sense of it.]
Now really, honourable readers, this is a dandy letter, isn't it? Do you understand what the letter is about? Because I, to tell the truth, do not understand
what the communal government in Klymkivtsi tried to express by its strange
and stupid letter. If, then, some authority or anybody at all reads this
monstrosity from a Ruthenian commune, what will he think about such a
commune?
Is it any wonder than anyone in gabardine [i.e., a Jew], any tramp has
contempt for our peasant, calls him a goy or a boor (U kham), has no good
word for him? Our peasant at the very entrance to some government building
doffs his cap; during the winter he stands for hours in the vestibule with a bared
The Transformation of Peasant Culture
201
head; he licks the hand of any scrivener or clerk. [s this the sort of behaviour
proper for the free citizen of a constitutional state? [t is right to give honour to
whom honour is due, but to debase oneself in this way is unworthy of a free
man; it is shameful and disgusting. Only slaves act like that, but in our
land-praise the Lord!-slavery has already perished forever. Let us, then,
respect ourselves, our human dignity, our very own ancestral Ruthenian language, our Ruthenian script, our Ruthenian faith; then others too will respect
us. Why should we, so to say, yearn after foreign gods, use the Polish script and
the Polish language, when we have our own, native, beautiful, Ruthenian language, which the emperor allows us to use everywhere? We should not disdain
this favour of the emperor, because by doing so we offend the emperor himself.
On the contrary, we should everywhere take grateful advantage of this favour,
by which we will earn for ourselves honour and glory among people and the
emperor's love, and we will become worthy of further favour from the emperor.
Because the emperor sees that we Ruthenians do not want to take advantage of
his favour, do not want to use our language and our script everywhere, and so
he thinks us unworthy of any further favours. That is why things are so bad for
us and everywhere we are on the bottom. Now we see where our carelessness
has led us and will lead us (CC 147).
In a similar vein, a correspondent from Tsvitova, Buchach district, asked:
"Why is the sign near the communal chancery written in Polish and not in
Ruthenian?" (CC 16).
A peasant correspondent discussing the newly established Crown land Bank
also linked language with pride. He noted that the new bank would start
making mortgage loans, but the lowest amount that could be borrowed was
500 gulden. This was too high for peasants, so the author decided that the
bank had been established in the interests of the large estate owners. He went
on to make a telling point about language:
And something else goes to show that this bank is only supposed to be for lords.
The bank issues mortgage certificates just as the Rustical Bank used to issue.
The certificates of the Rustical Bank were written also in the Ruthenian language, but the certificates of the Crownland Bank are only in Polish, German
and French without a word of Ruthenian, although there are Ruthenians too in
the crownland and the bank was established also with Ruthenian money. [s this
just? [s this proper, gentlemen? [s it that our peasant Ruthenian money is good,
but our Ruthenian language bad? When it is election time they speak to us so
enchantingly and sweetly in Ruthenian, but after the elections Ruthenian is a
"vulgar, peasant" language-and the peasants are shown the door (CC 51).
Here the symbolic import of language-as an extension of identity-finds
full expression in an injured pride. What is noteworthy about this piece of
correspondence, in addition to the explicitness of expression, is the nature of
the pride, the identity, that is injured. It was not just the Ukrainian language
that the Crownland Bank held in contempt: it was the peasant language. And
the disdain the bank showed for the peasants' language was the same as the
disdain in which the bank and all "gentlemen" ("lords") held the Ukrainians
202
The Awakening Peasantry
as peasants. The content of the language-symbol is here revealed to be social
as well as national.'"
Peasant attitudes toward religion were also transformed during the rural
awakening. It has already been noted that the progress of the national
movement in the village could sometimes lead peasants to a criticism of the
clergy and even of religious traditions. 220 It would have been surprising had
this not happened, given the tremendous impact the new cultural movement
must have had on the way the peasantry related to religion. In traditional
peasant culture, magical beliefs and practices played a great role,22! but this
magic was anathema to the new culture associated with the national
movement. 222 It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that the peasantry was
evolving from a superstitious form of religion to a more rational form of
religion during this period. One might even say that there was a small-scale
Reformation underway in the Ukrainian village in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries which was to produce radicalism in Galicia 22l and
Protestantism and a Protestant-like Orthodoxy among Galician emigrants to
Canada.'24
Although the tendencies imputed above find little direct confirmation in
the correspondence Uust what has already been noted), they find fairly strong
confirmation in the complete absence in the correspondence of religious expression that has neither a formulaic nor a symbolic character. There are,
that is, no reflections on divine providence, God's mercy, the effective
intercession of the saints or other topics that one might expect to be discussed
by people steeped in a religious world-view. Perhaps, one might argue, the
absence of religious writing in the correspondence says nothing against the
heartfelt religiosity of the Ukrainian peasant, but only indicates that
Batkivshchyna was not the place for religious discussion as such. But this is
much my point: Religion as such and the national movement were very
219 Cf. this reaction to the performance of the Denysiv choir at the Ternopil Shevchenko
commemoration: The choir was composed of "'serdaky' and 'kozhukhy' just like us .... With
their wonderful singing they enchanted everyone; they proved to everyone that our Ruthenian
people, which some call a nation of 'peons,' has a heart and a sensitivity to the exalted and
beautiful, that it has healthy buds of humanity, that it has the full right to be respected as a
nation equally with other nations . ... No pen can describe, no tongue can express the impression
that each individually and all together experienced" (CC 19). A (U) serdak was a peasant coat
of coarse cloth and a (U) kozhukh the characteristic sheep-skin coat of West Ukrainian
peasants.
220 See above, 137-9.
221
Dobrowolski, "Peasant Traditional Culture," 289.
m See above, note 198.
22l The overt links between radicalism and Protestantism were manifold. For example, the main
theoreticians of radicalism, Drahomanov and Pavlyk, popularized the Stundist movement in
publications for the Galician peasantry, Drahomanov wrote a number of popular works on
Protestantism and Drahomanov asked to be buried by Protestant ministers.
224 Martynowych, The Ukrainian Bloc Settlement, 170-88. Pavlyk hoped that tensions between
Latin- and Greek-rite Catholics in America in the late 1880s would lead to a schism and the
formation of an independent Ukrainian church with Protestant characteristics. Pavlyk,
Perepyska, 5:289, 292.
The Transformation of Peasant Culture
203
distinct modes, and the peasantry was learning to make all manner of
judgments-on behaviour, on ideas, on people (including people in authority
in the communal government or parish)-on the basis of a secular
world-view. '"
Two "religious" themes do crop up in the correspondence, but in both
themes religion already figures as a symbol, much as language figured as a
symbol. The first theme is the renovation of village church structures.
Numerous communes renovated their churches or built new churches in the
1880s and then reported on this to Batkivshchyna. 226 Here the renovation of
the church building figured as a sign that a particular commune was on the
move, the church project being conceived of as one more aspect of the (U)
novi poriadky, new order, which included temperance brotherhoods, reading
clubs and cooperatives.'"
In the second theme religion figures much more unequivocally as a symbol
and moreover as a self-differentiating symbol; this was the issue of the
so-called "three-armed cross" (U tryramennyi krest), popularly known in
English as the three-barred or Orthodox cross. In the late nineteenth century
many Ukrainian Greek Catholics began to emphasize their distinctiveness
from the Polish Roman Catholics by the increasing and prominent display of
three-armed crosses. Polish civil and ecclesiastical authorities opposed the
display of crosses of this type, arguing that they were schismatic (i.e.,
Orthodox) and Russian. The civil authorities frequently removed or
performed "amputations" on these crosses and in doing so provoked the
indignant resentment of the Ukrainian peasantry.'28 The theme figures three
times in the corpus of correspondence (twice in relation to newly renovated
churches). In Tysmenytsia, Tovmach district, the commune intended to put
three-armed crosses on its newly renovated church, but the district authorities
prohibited this on the grounds that "the erection of three-armed crosses
spreads alarm ... and ... can ... even disturb the peace and public order"
(CC \\3). In Kniahynychi, Bibrka district, a three-armed cross was erected
on the cupola of the newly renovated church. Gendarmes and a commission
were sent from the district capital to discover who was responsible for this.
" ... The frightened Father Administrator denied everything even before the
cock crowed" (CC 117). The officers of the reading club in Dobrostany,
Horodok district, wrote: " ... Now it's come to this, that when they see a
three-armed cross in the village, they immediately cry out: There's schism
here! And it may in the end come to such a pass that when they see you,
brother, cross yourself three times [as is the custom among Ukrainian Greek
'" On the wider ramifications of this. see Himka, "The Greek Catholic Church," 442-52.
'" See, for example, CC 23, 67 and 279; this is not a complete list.
'" Thus I disagree with Stella Hryniuk, who interprets the building and renovation of churches
in this period as an expression of the peasantry's "deep-rooted attachment to religion." "A
Peasant Society," 413.
'" This partly lay behind an upsurge of naive tsarism in Galicia in the mid-I 880s. Himka, "Hope
in the Tsar," 134.
204
The A wakening Peasantry
Catholics and other Eastern Christians], they'll say: You're a schismatic,
you're a Russian (U moskal), you accept rubles!"229 (CC 122). Both when the
communes erected them and when the district authorities removed them, the
three-armed crosses had already lost all religious significance; they were
political, national symbols.
Class and Nation
An important question to consider in a study of the national movement
among the peasant class is to what extent the movement was national and to
what extent sociaL"o This is a very difficult question to answer in any case,
but particularly in a study that concentrates its focus on a specific historical
moment (1884-5). Yet it is possible to put forward some propositions and
provide information that points toward answers.
From what has already been said, several relevant points should be clear.
In the pre-emancipation period, which was also prior to the period when the
national movement began to seek a mass base in the peasantry, the movement
of the peasantry was entirely social, i.e., class-based, without a national
dimension. During the revolution of 1848-9 the still pre-eminently social
movement of the! peasantry acquired temporarily a thin national veneer, a
very primitive national dimension, in which the abstract national goals were
conflated with concrete socio-economic objectives such as access to a particular pasture. The primary cause of the emergence of this national aspect was
the establishment of a national leadership (the Supreme Ruthenian Council)
that championed the peasantry's class interests. During the following decade
or so, i.e., during the most intense period of struggle over servitudes and before the constitutional reforms again permitted a linkage between a national
leadership and the peasantry, the social aspect of the peasant movement
overshadowed the national aspect even more than it had during the
revolution. In the whole period prior to the 1860s, then, the peasantry was
engaged in a socio-economic struggle that only briefly and tenuously acquired
a national character.
Beginning with the last third of the nineteenth century, however, the
national aspect grew in prominence, as evidenced, of course, by the
penetration of the national movement into the countryside. One might
identify two broad reasons behind this change: I) the strengthening of the
national aspect, owing to the re-establishment of a linkage between the
leadership of the national movement and the peasantry; this linkage,
moreover, was stronger than it had been in 1848-9 owing to both the
duration of the Austrian reforms permitting it (1867-1914) and the cultural
revolution in the countryside which facilitated the diffusion of the national
idea; and 2) the weakening of the social aspect, owing to the abatement of
A reference to tsarist Russian subsidies for Russophiles in Galicia.
To use the more precise terminology developed by J6zef Chlebowczyk: To what extent was the
movement reflective of "horizontal integration" and to what extent of "vertical integration"? On
Small and Young Nations, esp. II, 15.
229
230
Class and Nation
205
the acute manor-commune antagonism that had forged the highly developed
class consciousness of the Galician peasantry and to the transformation of
serfs into independent petty producers.lJI
Granted the emergence of the national aspect to the foreground in the late
nineteenth century, it is nonetheless not entirely clear to what extent the
national movement of the peasantry did not remain merely a phenomenal
form of a socio-economic, i.e., class-based, movement. It must be
remembered that post-feudal Eastern Galicia was characterized by a general
congruence of social and national groups. The nobility was largely Polish, the
representatives of the money economy largely Jewish and the peasantry largely Ukrainian. This is a fact so fundamental that it might easily be overlooked.
However, the effect of this circumstance is to make it very difficult, perhaps
impossible, to gauge the proportions of "national" and "social" in the
peasants' national movement. For indeed the national ideology, with its
opposition to everything Polish and Jewish, could have appealed to the
peasantry primarily because this was also opposition to landlords, usurers,
merchants and tavern keepers; yet the original motivation of the
peasantry-national or social-need not have been expressed, since the
sophisticated distinction was not one the peasantry necessarily understood.232
The ideology of the Ukrainian national movement was simultaneously the
most radical social ideology to which the peasantry had access (at least prior
to the diffusion of radicalism proper in the 1890s).
The importance of the socio-economic dimension of the national movement,
at least into the mid-1880s, is evident from items of correspondence linking
participation in the national movement to an improvement of the peasantry's
socio-economic condition. In fact this linkage is implicit in every item of
correspondence boasting of or agitating for communal granaries, cooperative
stores or loan funds, but explicit "theoretical" statements to this effect can
also be found. 211
Typical were the words of a correspondent from Mshanets, Staryi Sambir
district, who said that the impoverishment of the Ukrainian peasantry was
"the result of our ignorance, the lack of enlightenment." The correspondent
also alluded to historical factors: "Those who started our people's misery have
231 One should not make too much of it, but Marx certainly had a point when he wrote: "The
small peasant proprietors form an immense mass, the members of which live in the same
situation but do not enter into manifold relationships with each other. Their mode of operation
isolates them instead of bringing them into mutual intercourse .... Each individual peasant
family is almost self-sufficient; it directly produces the greater part of its own consumption and
therefore obtains its means of life more through exchange with nature than through intercourse
with society. The small holding, the peasant, and the family; next door, another small holding, another peasant, and another family. A bunch of these makes up a village, and a bunch of villages
makes up a department. Thus the great mass of the French nation is formed by the simple addition of isomorphous magnitudes, much as potatoes in a sack form a sack of potatoes." Marx,
"The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte," Surveys from Exile, 238-9. Marx went on to
argue that in some respects peasants do not even form a class. See above, 20 note 133.
212 See my remarks in "Hope in the Tsar," 138.
m CC 25,32,72,77,123,161,164.
206
The Awakening Peasantry
long been rotting in the damp grave ... " (CC 72). A peasant correspondent
from Korchyn, Stryi district, told a similar story: "In ancient times, our Rus'
was distinguished by prosperity, wealth and courage. [But] terrible hordes of
Tatars and Turks descended on our land, wreaking devastation, burning and
butchering .... " He went on to recommend "enlightenment" as the antidote
to poverty and the curse of history: "Let us all go to the reading club, let us
learn, let us become enlightened, and a new era of wellbeing will arise and
the new glory of Rus' will shine forth" (CC 32). What is interesting about
these items of correspondence is that they overtly connected the whole
national "enlightenment" movement and the national historical myth with the
concrete economic struggle against what they perceived as pervasive
poverty.234
Very similar points, without the same historical emphasis, were made by
other correspondents. A peasant writing from Ivachiv Dolishnii, Ivachiv
Horishnii and Plotycha, Ternopil district, also linked enlightenment (and
national politics) with the improvement of the peasantry's economic situation:
" ... As long as we peasants remain ignorant, know nothing and read nothing,
the landlords and Jews will have it good, because an ignorant peasant ... will
not eat, but will drink, and will even elect a landlord as deputy" (CC 77). A
correspondent from Mshana, Zolochiv district, asked: "Why are Czech and
German peasants much better off than ours?" His answer: "Because they are
all literate and enlightened ... " (CC 123). The correspondent from Mshanets,
Staryi Sambir district, charged the Ukrainian intelligentsia to rescue the
peasantry economically through enlightenment: "Educated Ruthenian people
should help [the Ukrainian poor] in everything, draw them to themselves,
teach them and show them the way to a better life, help them achieve a
better lot" (CC 25).
In sum, peasants saw the "enlightenment" aspect of the national movement
(reading clubs, newspapers) to be related to the pursuit of economic
improvement.
Further confirmation of the deep social roots of the peasantry's national
movement emerges from an exploration of the borders between the social and
the national in the movement. Specifically, we will look here at three
"borderline" cases: I) relations between peasants and nonpeasants in the
Ukrainian movement, 2) relations between (U) latynnyky, i.e.,
Ukrainian-speaking peasants of the Latin rite, and the Ukrainian movement,
and 3) relations between the Ukrainian petty gentry (U shliakhta
khodachkova) and the national movement.
To some extent, the first of these topics has already been explored in the
section on tensions between priest and peasant. 2J5 To summarize and rephrase
2J' Stella Hryniuk has written of the Galician peasants that "they were not in general the cruelly
impoverished population of the literature that purports to deal with them." Hryniuk, "Peasant
Agriculture in East Galicia." 243. However. the peasants' own perception would seem to deny
this claim.
234 See above. 133-42.
Class and Nation
207
the findings of that section: tensions between the peasantry and the three
strata of the notability increased with the social distance of each notable
stratum from the peasantry (thus the cantors and peasants came into conflict
the least, the priests and peasants the most). There was also some distrust between peasants and Ukrainian burghers, as evidenced by the following letter
to Batkivshchyna from a peasant who served on the district council of
Kaminka Strumylova:
In our district council of Kaminka [Strumyloval we Ruthenians have a
majority, because in addition to twelve councilmen from the villages three
Ruthenians from the city were elected (from Busk, Father Petrushevych and
burgomaster Vano were elected). But what good is this if we don't hold together
and don't make use of our majority. It's a pity that we peasants have no one to
depend on; in particular, some of our burghers pretend that they are really
friends of the people, but when something actually comes up, they mostly look
the other way. The peasant councilmen in the district council wanted to have
Father Krasitsky elected marshall, but our other councilmen were frightened
that the choice would not be confirmed. So Count Badeni was elected
marshal. ... 236
Trust between the urban secular intelligentsia, i.e., the leadership of the
Ukrainian national movement, and the peasantry was, of course, a
precondition for the spread of the movement in the countryside, and this trust
was implied in every item of correspondence submitted by a peasant to
Batkivshchyna's editors in Lviv. The importance of this trust (and the
absence of it in the traditionalist peasantry) is well brought out by a peasant
correspondent from Verbiv, Pidhaitsi district:
I, as a simple peasant, appeal to you, brother peasants: Let us cast off once and
for all the dishonesty that became rooted in us while we yet lived under
serfdom; let us listen to the voice of our learned patriots who work through the
night to enlighten us. Don't say that they write the newspapers only to make
money, because the money they make is barely enough for paper and printing.
For them the only reward is to see that their teaching has warmed our stony
hearts, to wait for the moment when we will take the road that our learned
friends tell us to take. Then the officials, the priests and the teachers will no
longer be ashamed of us; they will no longer call us dissimulators who more
than once repaid their good advice with ingratitude (CC 151).
Yet in spite of the presence and necessity of such trust among all peasant
activists of the national movement, it is still possible to detect a point of
difference between the peasants and the intelligentsia. The cantor Luka
Tomashevsky (LA 328) of Novosilky Kardynalski, Rava Ruska district, gave
expression to a resentment on the part of the peasantry that only members of
the intelligentsia and clergy were put forward as candidates in elections to the
diet and parliament:
Radnyi, " ... vid Buska," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 23 (6 June [30 (sic); should be 25 May]
1884): 139.
236
208
The Awakening Peasantry
would think and advise (because I hear this from the people) that the
Supreme Ruthenian Committee in Lviv should-where it is most difficult to
bring about the election of a member of the Ruthenian intelligentsia, a priest,
professor, lawyer or official-put forward the candidacy of a good, honest
peasant. Certainly a peasant would more eagerly elect another peasant, and
perhaps he would be less greedy for sausages, jellied meats and cigars. Because
during the elections one can hear the voices of peasants: "Hey, if only we could
elect a peasant!" I know that perhaps the educated Editorial Board or someone
else will laugh at this idea and say: "What can a peasant do in parliament when
he doesn't know German? He will sit or stand, blink his eyes and gape and will
be an object of laughter for the Germans, Czechs, lawyers and professors."231 I
myself admit this, but I say that at least a peasant will occupy the place our
enemy would otherwise have taken, and [the peasant elector] would still be
voting for a Ruthenian candidate (CC 191).
Shades of 1848! Indeed, the idea Tomashevsky put forward so hesitantly in
1885 became a reality in 1889 when two peasant deputies, Oleksa Barabash
and Iosyf Huryk, were elected to the diet.'" The peasantry thus had an
interest in self-emancipation,23' and some chafed under the paternalism of the
intelligentsia. 240
It is impossible to formulate anything more than a tentative generalization
on the relations between peasants and non peasants in the Ukrainian
movement on the basis of the fragmentary evidence available. However, it
does seem fair to say that the peasants in the national movement, in addition
to acquiring a sense of vertical integration into a nation that included
notables, burghers and urban intelligentsia, retained a sense of horizontal,
class separateness characteristic of the traditional peasantry.
We are on surer ground in examining the second of our "borderline" cases,
the more discrete one of the latynnyky. Here the evidence is relatively more
plentiful, if still not free of contradictions. Latynnyky were peasants who
belonged to the Latin rite rather than to the Greek rite, but who spoke the
Ukrainian language. With whom would their sympathies lie, with the Polish
"gentlemen," whose religion they shared, or with the Ukrainians, whose language and social position they shared? And if they sided with the Ukrainians,
on what grounds did they do so-linguistic or social, or both? In our corpus
of correspondence, only one item was submitted by a latynnyk, but it is a
very interesting one:
In our village I heard more than enough from our priests (may they be healthy!)
about the Ruthenians, that they are like this and like that; I heard so much that
It sounds as if for Tomashevsky lawyers and professors were as alien to the Ukrainian
peasantry as Germans and Czechs.
238 "Posly seliane," Batkivshchyna II, no. 26 (30 June [12 July] 1889): 325-6.
237
239 An item of correspondence from Brovary, Buchach district: " ... Although a few members of
our intelligentsia went hand in hand with the people, nonetheless the actual idea [to establish a
reading club] came from the peasants themselves, who felt the need for enlightenment and
solidarity" (CC 75). On the striving for self-emancipation on the part of the peasantry, see also
the excellent observations in Hryniuk, "A Peasant Society," 424--5, 428-9.
240 For a good example of this paternalism, see Kyrylo Kakhnykevych's remark above, 102.
Class and Nation
209
I was bewildered. Because you see, Mr. Editor, I am of the Latin rite. The
Latin-rite priests speak about the celebration of the third of May [O.S.; i.e .. the
commemoration of the abolition of serfdom). and they say that the Ruthenians
are introducing a schismatic holiday (P szyzmatyckie !;wirto zaprowadzajq).
Well, I by chance attended just such a celebration in the neighbouring village of
Roznoshyntsi [Zbarazh district]; and I so feasted my eyes on that Ruthenian
ritual and on the Ruthenian people that I will never forget it and will tell
everyone about it.
[Here the latynnyk author describes the festivities connected with the
commemoration of the abolition of serfdom; his account has already been quoted in extenso.)'"
Later I also went to the church for a service and then to a grave-side
commemorative service (U parastas) for the souls of the departed who with
such difficulty bore the yoke of serfdom's slavery. Finally. I attended a dinner
at the cemetery, where the whole village sat together on the lawn. There was
everything there-bread, meat, sausages, eggs, all sorts of things, only instead of
liquor they drank beer (each had contributed 12 kreuzer for a whole barrel).
During the dinner they conversed soberly, intelligently and sincerely; they sang
all sorts of Ruthenian songs, and then once again the bells were rung and the
mortars set off. Thus they enjoyed themselves late into the night.
I stayed overnight there, and the next day I went to my own village and was
telling our latynnyky about the Ruthenian celebration and the Ruthenian
people. I even composed this verse:
o you
peasants, you Poles, stick with the Ruthenians;
When you're voting at elections, don't side with the lords!
Because if you send those liashenky to the diets,
You will live in even worse poverty;
Because the liashenky never have and never will do you any good,
They will just laugh at us poor and ignorant peasants! (CC 94)."2
The (U) liashenky that the peasant refers to are Polish lords. ([Uj Liakh
was a derogatory name for Poles, liashenky a diminutive form of liakh.) The
author distinguishes between these liashenky and himself and his fellow
villagers, to whom he refers as latynnyky or (U) poliaky (Poles). Because of
the religious difference, he also distinguishes between his own people, the
latynnyky-poliaky, and the Ukrainians (Ruthenians, [Uj rusyny). The
distinctions he makes, then, are based on social position and religion, and he
takes no account of the linguistic connection. His unequivocal solidarity with
the Ukrainians derives not from a shared language, but from a shared
241
See above, 58.
242
The text of the verse in transliteration:
Oi vy khlopy. vy poliaky. trymaitesia rusyniv!
Pry holosakh. pry vyborakh ne khapaitesia paniv!
Bo iak budete liashenkiv do soimiv posylaty.
To budete ieshche tiazhche v sviti biduvaty;
Bo liashenky dlia vas dobra ne robyly i ne budut.
A z nas bidnykh. temnykh khlopiv posmikhatysia budut!
210
The Awakening Peasantry
experience of suffering at the hands of the lords. It is the social bond, including the historical social bond, that determines his attitude.
Aside from this item of correspondence contributed by a latynnyk, other
items of correspondence also document solidarity between Ukrainian and
latynnyk peasants and the participation of the latter in the Ukrainian
national movement. Two items of correspondence mention that latynnyky
voted for the Ukrainian candidate in the 1885 parliamentary election, in spite
of special pressures to show solidarity with the Poles. According to a peasant
correspondent, at the polling place in the district capital of Terebovlia,
there was also one latynnyk elector, Vavryk Mazur [LA 211), and they called
him aside for a confidential discussion, but this honest soul did not allow himself
to be confused and gave his vote to the Ruthenian candidate. Because, indeed,
both in Strusiv and in Darakhiv there are reading clubs, and our people there
know that just because someone is of the Latin rite he need not be a Pole, but
can be a Ruthenian of the Latin rite (CC 220).
Another peasant reported:
During the elections to parliament, all three electors from Kryve [Berezhany
district), including the Pole loan Liagotsky, voted solidly for the Ruthenian
candidate, which made the Latin-rite priest from Kozova very angry (CC 281).
A third item of correspondence (CC 279) stated that the latynnyky in Ostriv,
Sokal district, helped the Ukrainians build a new stone church of the Greek
rite.
The solidarity between latynnyk and Ukrainian peasants in the national
movement also finds abundant confirmation in the list of activists. It seems
that the officers of the Ukrainian reading club in Kutkivtsi, Ternopil district,
were largely latynnyky,243 while individual latynnyky held posts in reading
clubs in widely scattered districts of Eastern Galicia.244
Thus, overall, in spite of the religious difference between latynnyk and
Ukrainian peasants (and in spite of the great importance in Galicia of rite as
an ethnic marker),'45 both united, as peasants, in the Ukrainian national
movement in the mid-1880s. The recognition of this fact probably led the
cantor Luka Tomashevsky to offer this advice to the national populists at the
same time that he suggested running Ukrainian peasant candidates for
elections: "It would also be good to write an appeal to Western Galicia, to the
Mazurs [i.e., ethnically Polish peasants], so that they would not elect lords
but peasant-Mazurs, because these latter would surely be in solidarity with
the Ruthenian deputies" (CC 191). In other words, Tomashevsky thought it
was still possible in the mid-1880s to resurrect the alliance of West Galician
243 LA 16, 186,212,356.
244 LA 80, 211, 261, 289.
245
See Himka, "Greek Catholic Church," 434--5.
Class and Nation
211
Polish peasants with the Ukrainian national movement as it had existed
during the revolution of 1848_9. 246
The general picture of latynnyk- Ukrainian peasant solidarity is not
invalidated by two items of correspondence that do present a contradictory
view. The first of these was submitted by a priest:
There [in Tsebriv, Ternopil district] ... a third [of the population] is comprised
of latynnyky,247 for whom sobriety and learning are some sort of marvel, and
who look unfavourably on all endeavours in this sphere (CC 44).
There are problems with accepting this item as a genuine description of the
attitudes of the latynnyky in Tsebriv. First of all, it was written by a priest.
For a priest, much more than for any other stratum, the religious difference
was paramount. Previously cited items of correspondence have already shown
Latin-rite priests opposing the Ukrainian movement with which their
parishioners sympathized. Secondly, this particular priest was religiously
narrow-minded. It is characteristic that he first mentioned "sobriety," the
clerical specialty in the national movement, as something to which the
latynnyky of Tsebriv were allegedly indifferent. Moreover, this same priest
was one of no more than three authors in the entire corpus of correspondence
to refer to Jews by the religious epithet "the unbaptized ones."248 Thus it
seems reasonable to assume that this priest was merely blaming the slow development of the national movement in Tsebriv on the strong presence of a
religiously alien element, the latynnyky. His testimony may therefore be
discounted.
The second item (CC 90), from Husiatyn district, mentioned how Polish
landlords tried to Polonize the latynnyky and use them politically; according
to the correspondent, the landlords were enjoying some success. This cannot
be discounted, because this in fact is what happened on a large scale by the
turn of the century. In reaction to the rise of the Ukrainian movement in the
countryside and under the impact of Polish integral nationalist ("national
democratic") ideology, the Polish nobility exerted influence to Polonize the
latynnyky. Individual landlords would offer special privileges to latynnyky
(e.g., the right to manage the tavern in place of a Jew or employment in the
forestry service), the Galician government would offer other advantages (e.g.,
Polish schools or subsidies for Polish agricultural societies) and Polish
nationalist organizations would collect money to further the establishment of
Polish institutions (e.g., Roman Catholic churches or Polish reading clubs) in
Eastern Galicia. 249 The Polish nobility and the Polish national movement were
able to weaken the solidarity of the latynnyk peasantry with the Ukrainian
246 See above, 27, 31 note 185.
247 In 1880 the commune had 1,085 inhabitants. There were 386 Roman Catholics, 671 Greek
Catholics and 28 Jews; there were 91 Polish-speakers and 991 Ukrainian-speakers. Spec.
Orts-Rep. 1880.
248 See Himka, "Ukrainian-Jewish Antagonism."
249 For a programme aimed at the maintenance and expansion of the Polish element in Eastern
Galicia, see Gl~biflski, Ludnosc polska, 58-9.
212
The A wakening Peasantry
peasantry only to the extent that they were successful in creating a privileged
position for latynnyky. This was not yet generally the case in the mid-1880s.
The third "borderline" case worth examining is that of the Ukrainian petty
gentry.~50 There were a few ten thousand of this stratum in Galicia, with a
large concentration in the region of Sambir.'" The Ukrainian petty gentry
was Ukrainian by language and by religion,252 although it did have some of its
own ethnographic peculiarities, particularly in manner of dress. There was
some intermarriage between the Ukrainian petty gentry and peasantry; particularly. peasant grooms would take petty noble brides. Although Ukrainian
petty nobles and peasants would socialize together in the villages, the
peasants thought that the titles and noble posturings of the petty gentry were
ridiculous, especially since the petty nobles had the reputation of being
poorer, through sheer laziness, than the peasantry.
The socio-economic difference between the Ukrainian petty gentry and
peasantry was quite great prior to 1848, because the gentry was not enserfed.
It did not own estates, so it never became the object of the peasantry's intense
class hatred in the way that the landed nobility did. Yet, since it did not
experience serfdom. it also did not share the peasantry's feelings toward the
landed nobility. With the abolition of serfdom in 1848, the socio-economic
difference between the petty gentry and the peasantry disappeared.
A political difference between the petty gentry and the peasantry was in
evidence even before the advent of the national movement in the countryside.
During the Polish insurrections of the nineteenth century, the petty gentry
sympathized with the insurgents, while the peasantry only wished them evil.
In 1848 the petty gentry volunteered for the Polish national guard, and in
1863 the petty gentry took up collections for the insurgents in the Russian
partition.~5J
Behind this political difference ultimately lay the difference between the
traditionally free and the former serfs. The Austrian reforms were
experienced quite differently by the petty gentry and the peasantry. For the
peasantry, the abolition of serfdom, for all its half-measures, was a giant step
forward. For the petty gentry, however, the abolition of serfdom meant
equalization with the peasantry. This was a step backward, even if there were
no concrete economic losses resulting from the reform (such as the landed
nobility suffered). The reforms, moreover, did involve at least one concrete
disadvantage. Under serfdom. the petty gentry in a village was not under the
jurisdiction of the manor-dominated mayor and aldermen; instead, it elected
'50 U khodachkova shliakhta (derogatory), zahonova shliakhta; P szlachta chodaczkowa
(derogatory), szlachta zasciankowa, szlachta zagrodowa; G Rustikaledelleute, Kleinedelleute.
~;l In 1849 Hipolit Stupnicki estimated that there were 32,200 nobles in Galicia, of whom 8.468
inhabited twenty-one villages in the Sambir region. Kozik, Ukraihski ruch narodowy, 69 note 10.
,,~ Soter Ortynsky, the first Ukrainian Greek Catholic bishop in America (1907-16), was a
member of the Sambir region petty gentry.
~5J Franko, .. Znadoby .... I. Deshcho pro shliakhtu khodachkovu," Zibrannia tvoriv, 26: 180-5.
Class and Nation
213
its own prefect and governed itself autonomously.'" The petty gentry was not
obliged to perform road work and other communal duties imposed on the
serfs. All this changed between 1848 and 1867. Not only was the petty gentry
now socio-economically the equal of the peasantry, but it also had exactly the
same legal rights and obligations, with no special privileges. It had to join the
same administrative commune as the peasantry and be liable for the same
obligations. Not surprisingly, the petty gentry in the late 1860s made a number of unsuccessful appeals to the crownland government for the erection of
separate communes for the gentry,'" and, as our corpus of correspondence
mentions, sometimes the petty gentry managed to evade such onerous
communal obligations as road work (CC 110).
In sum, then, the Ukrainian petty gentry occupied a very peculiar place on
the socio-national borderline. Ethnically, this stratum was Ukrainian, much
more unequivocably so than the latynnyky. Socially, in the late nineteenth
century, the petty gentry consisted of petty independent producers, the same
as the peasantry, yet it had a highly developed sense of distinctiveness from
the peasantry owing to historical social differences. The sense of separateness
from the peasantry went hand in hand with an ideology, also rooted in the
feudal era, of solidarity with the Polish nobility. With whom would these
amphibians side in the national rivalry in late-nineteenth-century Galicia'?
For the mid-1880s, the answer, in general, was: with the Polish nobility
and against the Ukrainian national movement. This circumstance
demonstrates how crucial the feudal era was in determining the political
alignments of the post-emancipation period.
The correspondence depicted the petty gentry as being, on the whole,
opposed to the reading club movement. Ivan Mikhas (LA 220), the
radicalized peasant from Morozovychi, Sambir district, wrote:
... In our region of Sambir there are many gentry villages which don't consider
peasants creatures of God and which fraternize with the Poles, because, as they
say, "Rus' has no significance." Of these gentry villages there is a reading club
only in Stupnytsia, ... but even that reading club has its local enemies
(CCI30).
Among the signatories of a petition against the radical reading club in Volia
lakubova, Drohobych district, were two members of the petty gentry
(CC 92).'56
The correspondence has more to say about how the petty gentry behaved
during elections. The above-cited Ivan Mikhas, in reporting on elections to
the district council, wrote that "of all the gentry villages only the commune of
Siltse stood on the side of the Ruthenians" (CC 130). Two items of
'54 Ibid.
2>, In 1870 the crownland administration ruled definitively that there could be no separate gentry
communes. Grzybowski, Galicja, 276.
'56 Although radicals were involved in both cases, I have the impression that this is merely
accidental.
214
The Awakening Peasantry
correspondence mentioned members of the petty gentry agitating for the
Polish candidate during the 1885 parliamentary elections; one, called Mykyta
Khodakovsk y257 by the correspondent, allegedly purchased votes for the Polish
candidate at 30 gulden apiece, while the other was a priest of petty gentry
origin (CC 220). A correspondent from the Bovshivets region of Rohatyn
district had this to say:
... Here in the villages the village gentry, the so-called shliakhta khodachkova,
has a considerable majority. This gentry is cunning, vociferous, arrogant and is
constantly repeating [the saying]: A noble with a garden is the equal of a
palatine (P szlachcic na zagrodzie rbwny wOjewodzie).218 And it is all the more
arrogant, since at all elections (but only at elections) it is reminded with
sausages of this equality. On other occasions all sorts of lordlings (U panky) are
always inciting in it a consciousness of superiority to the peasant, and because
of this it is much quicker to trust the first lord's lackey (U pidpanok) or Jew
that comes along rather than the best-disposed friend of the people (CC 264).
Some activists of the rural national movement did not even consider the
petty gentry to be of Ukrainian nationality (CC 133).259 Conflict between the
Ukrainian petty gentry and peasantry is also documented in Batkivshchyna in
the mid-1880s outside the corpus of correspondence. lOG
The evidence of the corpus of correspondence is thus quite unanimous in
depicting the Ukrainian petty gentry, in contrast to the latynnyky, as being
outside and opposed to the national movement. The evidence of the list of
activists corroborates this. Only two of the activists (LA 83, 84) have been
identified as belonging to the petty gentry. These were the brothers Kyrylo
and Stefan Genyk-Berezovsky. Kyrylo, the more active of the two, was a
teacher by profession and had been influenced by Ukrainian radicals,
especially Ivan Franko, whom he met during the course of his studies in Lviv.
Although the petty gentry was not drawn to the Ukrainian national
movement in the mid-1880s, it seems that with the passage of time, as one
moved away from the feudal era and as the Ukrainian movement grew more
differentiated, the petty gentry also found a place in the movement. By the
early twentieth century there was an Association of the Ruthenian Gentry in
Galicia (U Tovarystvo ruskoi shliakhty v Halychyni) which was allied with
the national movement, especially its conservative and clerical-conservative
tendencies: in 1908 its executive invited Bishop Soter Ortynsky to be its
patron and in 1909 it sent a special note of thanks to Viacheslav Lypynsky,
the future ideologue of Ukrainian conservatism, for writing on the history of
257
See above, 152-3.
A reference to the entirely theoretical equality of all nobles, from petty gentry to magnates, in
the old Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth.
25R
See also losyf z Khmelivky, ..... vid Burshtyna," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 26 (27 [15] June
1884): 159.
259
Prytomnyi, ..... vid Kalusha," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 24 (13 [I] June 1884): 144. Ivan Mikhas
[Ivan z-nad Dnistra], "Pysmo z Sambirshchyny," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 3 (22 [10] January
1886): 17.
26"
Class and Nation
215
the Ukrainian gentry. The association survived into the interwar era."1 In the
1920s there was at least one distinctly gentry reading club associated with
Prosvita (U Shliakhotska chytalnia Prosvity). In the 1930s the Polish
government, in its efforts to divide the Ukrainian population and polonize
whom it could, founded its own Ukrainian petty gentry movement with
polonophile tendencies (the so-called [P] Kola szlacheckie). A representative
of the former Polish administration admitted during World War II, in a
confidential memorandum to the London government, that the movement was
farcical (P nasz operetkowy ruch szlachty zagrodowej).262
From all that has been said in this section, it is clear that the social,
"horizontal" aspect of the national movement was still dominant in the
mid-ISSOs. Whether it continued to be as dominant thereafter is, of course, a
question for further research to decide. Key moments to investigate would include the interrelation of the social and national during the West Ukrainian
revolution of 19I5-19, as well as the social aspects of the popularity of the
radical-right Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists in the Galician village in
the 1930s and early 1940s. One is tempted to proffer some speculations and
perspectives, but this would carry us much too far afield.
Fylypchak, "Tovarystvo 'Ruskoi shliakhty.'" Unfortunately, I only had access to a single
installment (the fourth) of a series of articles on the history of the association.
'hi
'" "Kwestia ukrainska," 4, 10. I am grateful to Dr. Pawel Korzec for providing me with a copy
of this interesting document.
Conclusions
On the eve of the First World War, the Austrian social democrat Otto
Bauer penned some lines that summarize the main theme of the foregoing
study. He wrote of "a portentous advancement, the awakening of millions
who until now had been poor, powerless and meek, but who at present are
climbing onto the stage of history.'"
The Galician peasant is awakening. In the east of the crownland the peasant is
a Ruthenian, while the landlord, the official and the city-dweller are Poles. As
long as the peasant was poor, uncultured and powerless, the small Polish
minority ruled the great Ruthenian peasant mass. Now, as the peasant economy
is strengthened' and the peasants' self-consciousness awakened, the peasant
carries his nationality forward with him .... This is ... something great-to see a
people of three and a half million all at once awaken from centuries-long
numbness, awaken to its own powerful will.'
The revolution of 1848 had liberated the peasantry from an extremely
oppressive variety of serfdom; it had turned what nonpeasants had regarded
as beasts into people, a precondition for them to be turned into Ukrainians.
The great reforms of the 1860s, which continued the work of 1848, afforded
the civil freedoms, particularly the freedom of the press and of association,
that allowed the peasantry to be drawn into national politics. With the aid of
village priests, teachers and cantors-these midwives of national-cultural
rebirth-nationally oriented institutions, especially the popular press and
reading clubs, penetrated the countryside and carried the national message to
the peasants. The national idea found a strong resonance in the East Galician
village because of the virtual identity of national and social conflict. The result, by the turn of the century, was that the peasantry was integrated into
the Ukrainian nation in Galicia and furnished it with a strong backbone.
, Otto Bauer, "Erwachende VOlker," Der Kampf 7, no. 4 (I January 1914): 146.
'The Galician peasantry's economic circumstances improved considerably in the period 1900-14,
primarily owing to mass emigration, which both alleviated population pressure on the land and
provided the countryside with an important new source of income. Stella Hryniuk ("A Peasant
Society," "Peasant Agriculture") argues, unconvincingly in my opinion, that the improvement
was already well under way in the period 1880-1900.
J Bauer, "Erwachende VOlker," 147.
218
Conclusions
Thus summarized, our story was, after all, a simple one and perhaps even
well known. However, the purpose of this study has not been to demonstrate
that the process outlined above took place, but how it took place. This has
been a study of the mechanics of rural nation-building with close attention to
the social intricacies of the process. There is no need here to march past for
review the general conclusions arrived at in the text concerning generational
conflict, the ambiguous positions of certain social strata or the impact of certain institutions. Indeed, a capsule summary of these points would run counter to the purpose of a study aimed at presenting a particular social process
with as much precision and complexity as the sources allow.
The results of our investigation would be enriched by similar analyses,
using a related or improved methodology, of other East European peasantries
during the era of the development of rural national movements. The Polish
peasantry of Western Galicia would make a particularly fruitful study.' Here
much of the social and political background would be identical to that of the
present study, with the crucial and intriguing difference that both the
peasantry and the landed nobility were of the same nationality. This
circumstance certainly delayed the formation of a Polish national
consciousness among the West Galician peasantry, but it did not in the end
prevent it. Another useful study would be a comparison of the Ukrainian and
Romanian national movements in rural Bukovyna. This would allow
investigation of much the same theme as in the case of the Polish peasantry
of Galicia, since the landlord class in Bukovyna was in great part Romanian.
Further afield, it would be enlightening to study the national integration of
the peasantry in the independent Balkan states. Would it follow patterns
more akin to those of France, where the state purposely and crucially
intervened to accomplish rural nation-building,' or more akin to the
grass-roots movement as described for Galicia; or would it be a hybrid of
these two? Would it even be possible to perform a similar investigation
concerning East European peasantries such as the Slovak or
Dnieper-Ukrainian peasantries, which had the full force of the state turned
against the formation and development of a rural national movement?
In addition to methodologically related comparative studies, it would be
instructive to return to Eastern Galicia in later periods. Even the late 1880s
and 1890s as a point of focus could provide significant differences in
perspective. The national movement continued to expand after the mid-1880s.
Not only were more villages, and presumably more strata of the peasantry,
drawn into the movement, but the institutional infrastructure grew ever more
sophisticated, moving beyond the basic reading clubs and cooperatives to include everything from insurance agencies to paramilitary gymnastic societies.
The modus operandi of the national movement also grew more refined.
, Archival sources for the West Galician peasantry are much more accessible than for the East
Galician peasantry.
5 See Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen.
Conclusions
219
Beginning in 1886, thus immediately after the narrowest period on which this
study is focussed, the national movement made ever more frequent and expert
use of mass peasant assemblies (U vicha) held in district capitals. The
assemblies, even more concretely than the newspapers, broke down the
isolation of individual communes, brought Ukrainian rural activists from various villages into contact with one another and encouraged a free flow in the
exchange of ideas and information.' Closely connected to the burgeoning of
mass assemblies was the growth in importance after the mid-1880s of the
Ukrainian intelligentsia, particularly lawyers, in cities outside Lviv. The
small-town intelligentsia organized the mass assemblies and also aided local
reading clubs intellectually and even materially. This intelligentsia was an
important intermediary step between the village notables and the national
leadership in Lviv.' Thus the national movement not only expanded after
1885, but it developed certain refinements and additional complexities. It also
grew more politically differentiated with the emergence of the radical party
in 1890. It would be useful to undertake a comparative study of the national
populist and radical movements in the countryside in the 1890s, just as it
would be interesting to compare the Russophile movement in the countryside
with its rivals. The era of the agrarian strikes, 1900~6, could also be explored
with profit using the methodology developed in this study; so could the
Galician village on the eve of World War I, in the 1920s and in the 1930s.
The list of what could be done to deepen our understanding of rural
nationalism in Eastern Europe in general or Eastern Galicia in particular is,
as can be seen, quite long.
But is our ultimate conclusion only to be that further research is necessary? I would hope not. I would hope that certain things have been
demonstrated clearly by this study, at least within the geographical and
chronological limitations stated at the outset.
For one thing, the study confirms the general perspective advanced by
Bauer, that is, that it was the peasantry, a social class, which awoke and
which carried its nationality forward with it. The strong social component in
the rural national movement had two aspects, one connected with the
peasantry's immediate past (the era of serfdom and servitudes), the other
with its present (the penetration of the money economy). The era of serfdom,
together with its epilogue in the period of struggle over servitudes, had a
profound impact on the shaping of the Ukrainian peasantry's consciousness.
The memory of serfdom was kept alive throughout the late nineteenth
century; the national movement consciously sought to overcome the
deleterious results of serfdom, particularly ignorance, but also alcohol
, On the mass peasant assemblies, see Kravets, "Masovi selianski vystupy"; Hryniuk, "A Pea,ant
Society," 424-5; Himka, Socialism, 149-52, 172.
, In our list of activists, there was only one example of this intermediary group (LA 67). For
accounts of the role of the small-town intelligentsia, see Himka, Socialism, 148-52; Hryniuk, "A
Peasant Society," 417-18; Olesnytsky, Storinky; Franko, "Perekhresni stezhky" (fiction),
Zibrannia tvoriv, 20.
220
Conclusions
addiction; and the experience or lack of experience of serfdom was a critical
element in determining whether a particular group participated in the
national movement or not (the latynnyky and the Ukrainian petty gentry). In
the late nineteenth century, after the abolition of serfdom and the general
settlement of the servitude disputes, manor-commune conflict abated, even if
it did not disappear. In that period, the new money economy was the chief
concern of the peasantry and the pressing social conflict was that between the
representatives of the money economy in the villages and small towns, on the
one hand, and the peasants as independent petty producers, on the other. This
took the national form of a Ukrainian-Jewish conflict. Owing, furthermore, to
the increasing role of Jews in manorial management and ownership, the
lingering class conflict between landlords and peasants in the
post-emancipation era was often transformed in the peasants' consciousness
from a Polish-Ukrainian to a Jewish-Ukrainian conflict.' (In the cities, particularly Lviv, the Ukrainian national movement remained primarily directed
against the Poles rather than the Jews.)
As intense as were the feelings of Ukrainian peasants against those whom
they perceived to be their socio-national enemies, there was no outbreak of
mass violence against Jews or Poles in Eastern Galicia during the entire
period of Austrian constitutional rule. This is in sharp contrast to the
frequent and savage pogroms that occurred at that time in Ukrainian
territory under Russian rule, just across the border from Galicia;' it is also in
sharp contrast to the jacquerie that swept across Romania in 1907 and to the
pogrom that broke out in otherwise so similar Western Galicia in 1897. The
major difference between tranquil Eastern Galicia and these other regions
was that in Eastern Galicia, thanks to the development of a strong national
movement in the countryside, the socio-national conflict was almost completely politicized and channelled into nonviolent venues such as elections, strikes
and boycotts. The national movement provided a lightning rod against
peasant violence, but by no means left the peasantry defenceless; in fact, the
Galician Ukrainian peasant was better armed with a newspaper he could read
than any of his fellows with a straightened-out and sharpened scythe. And
when it would prove necessary, i.e., during the revolutionary years, the
Galician Ukrainian peasantry would not shrink from violence, albeit not the
wild violence of a peasant rebellion, to accomplish its political aims.
These reflections on the politicization of the Galician Ukrainian peasantry
bring us to a consideration of the precondition for such politicization: the
great Austrian reforms of the 1860s, particularly the restoration of a
parliament, the introduction of compulsory education and the guarantee of
Mutatis mutandis this may be the key to understanding how the Polish, Romanian and Magyar
peasantries were integrated into nations that included a nobility: by a shared antagonism to the
Jews. This would help explain the relatively large role played in these nationalisms by
anti-Semitism.
8
9 Similarly, during the revolutionary years following the First World War, Ukrainian peasants in
Galicia (and Bukovyna) abstained from the sort of jacqueries and pogroms in which their
counterparts in Dnieper Ukraine engaged.
Conclusions
221
basic civil liberties such as freedom of the press and freedom of association.
The democratization of political life afforded by the Austrian reforms both
turned the attention of the national leadership to the peasantry, its only
source of the votes required to enter parliament, and allowed the national
movement to penetrate into the villages. Otto Bauer wrote that "in the growth
of democracy on Austrian soil, the most important event today is perhaps the
awakening of the Galician peasant."IO Whether the Galician peasant
awakening was as important to the consolidation of Austrian democracy as
Bauer opined is an open question, but that the converse was true cannot be
doubted. Where would the Ukrainian national movement have been without
peasants who could read, newspapers like Batkivshchyna and institutions like
the reading clubs?
The answer to that question, unfortunately, is not at all abstract, since
Ukrainian peasantries shorn of education and rights existed in Hungary
(Transcarpathia) and in the Russian empire. In both these peasantries
national consciousness was very weak. In the case of the Ukrainian peasantry
in Transcarpathia, its national awakening only began when the region passed
from Hungarian to democratic Czechoslovakian rule in 1918. The delay had
no serious consequences for Ukrainian history, because the Ukrainians of
Transcarpathia were numerically small, geographically peripheral and an
object rather than a subject in the revolutionary years following the First
World War. The same, however, cannot be said of the Ukrainians of the
Russian empire, who constituted the vast majority of the Ukrainian nation,
inhabited large, historically hallowed territories and occupied the centre of
the historical stage during the Ukrainian revolution. The retarded national
consciousness of the Dnieper Ukrainian peasantry-largely illiterate, with
almost no political and institutional experience-proved the greatest obstacle
to the successful establishment of an independent Ukrainian state (Bolshevik
or anti-Bolshevik) in 1917-20. The effects of the enforced slumber of the
Ukrainian village in the former Russia are still felt today in the weaker sense
of national identity in Dnieper Ukraine compared to Western Ukraine.
Otto Bauer, like many other contemporary observers, was keenly aware of
the great differences between Austrian- and Russian-ruled Ukraine and noted
that "the awakening of the Galician peasant has an effect beyond Austria's
boundaries; it creates new points of friction between Austria and
Russia .... "II The tsarist government was indeed extremely disturbed by the
flourishing of a Ukrainian national movement on its borders; the movement,
thanks to its mass base in the peasantry, was very strong and helped to keep
alive the persecuted and small, but surviving and potentially dangerous,
Ukrainian movement in Russia itself. The desire of the Russian government
to crush the Ukrainian movement in Galicia was one of the manifold causes
of World War I. Within the same year that Bauer published his article, the
Russian army invaded Galicia and the tsarist administration began a
10
Bauer, "Erwachende Viilker," 146.
II/bid., 151.
222
Conclusions
systematic and draconian programme to eradicate the Ukrainian movement.
Russia lost the First World War and had to withdraw from Galicia. But
almost exactly twenty-five years after the first Russian invasion of Galicia, a
new Russia-not tsarist but Stalinist, yet still disturbed by the power of the
Ukrainian movement in Galicia-invaded the region again. Once again,
Russia's desire to crush the national movement in Galicia was one of the
manifold causes of a world war. Thus the modest actions of modest
people-the reading of newspapers and the formation of associations by
peasants and rural notables-had, in the end, very grave implications. Once
the rural masses of Eastern Europe took up national politics, these politics
became much more serious and explosive than they had ever been in the past.
Appendices
I. Archival Sources
Archival research for this monograph was conducted in Lviv, the former capital of
Galicia, in 1983. To orient myself in the rich archival holdings of this city, I
benefitted from the unpublished manuscript of Patricia K. Grimsted's forthcoming
guide to Soviet Ukrainian archives and manuscript repositories! as well as from a
number of published works.' Plans to use archives in Ternopil and Ivano-Frankivsk
were frustrated, as was the plan to use the manuscript collection of the Institute of
Literature of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR (in Kiev). Work in the
Austrian archives in 1982 did not uncover sources of direct relevance to the subject of
this monograph, but the Viennese archives remain an important and little-explored
repository of historical documentation on Galician history.
The richest collection of unpublished sources on the history of Galicia during the
Austrian period is located in the Central State Historical Archives of the Ukrainian
SSR in Lviv (U Tsentralnyi derzhavnyi istorychnyi arkhiv URSR u m. Lvovi; abbreviated as TsDIAL). The Central Archives have inherited the papers of various
Galician government institutions and major civic organizations. Unfortunately, there is
no published guide to these archives, although a number of articles describe aspects of
their holdings.'
The papers of the Presidium of the Galician Viceroy's Office (U Halytske
namisnytstvo, m. Lviv. Prezydiia) are contained in TsDIAL, fond 146, opysy 4-8 (and
presumably others). Particularly valuable for this study were documents dealing with
the publication and confiscation of political brochures and periodicals, including
! Patricia K. Grimsted, Archives and Manuscript Repositories in the USSR: Ukraine and
Moldavia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, forthcoming).
2
V. Borys, "Dokumentalni materialy pro stavlennia selian Halychyny do ahrarnoi reformy 1848
r.," Arkhivy Ukrainy, no. I (1966): 56-63. Derzhavni arkhivy Ukrainskoi RSR. Korotkyi
dovidnyk (Kiev: Naukova dumka, 1972). Stanislaw Franciszek Gajerski, "Zr6dla do dziej6w
poludniowo-wschodniej Polski w bibliotekach i archiwach Lwowa," Studia Historyczne 20, no. 2
(77) (1977): 295-302. Patricia Kennedy Grimsted, "Lviv Manuscript Collections and Their
Fate," Harvard Ukrainian Studies 3-4 (1979-80): 348-75. N.F. Vradii, "Arkhivni dokumenty
pro pidnesennia revoliutsiinoho rukhu v Halychyni na pochatku XX st.," Arkhivy Ukrainy, no. 5
(1973): 56-60. S. Zlupko, "Materialy Ivivskykh arkhivoskhovyshch z istorii ukrainskoi
ekonomichnoi dumky epokhy kapitalizmu," Naukovo-informatsiinyi biuleten Arkhivnoho
upravlinnia URSR, no. 5 (55) (1962): 65-9.
) See especially: Kravets, "Dzherela." N.F. Vradii, "Tsentralnyi derzhavnyi istorychnyi arkhiv
URSR u m. Lvovi," Arkhivy Ukrainy, no. 4 (132) (July-August 1975): 41-7.
226
Appendix I
Batkivshchyna, 1877-85 (opys 7, odynytsi zberezhennia [od. zb.), 4149, 4220, 4240,
4276, 4278, 4320, 4352). These included correspondence with the Austrian ministry of
the interior and quarterly reports prepared by the Lviv police on the press run of
political periodicals. The materials were in Polish and German.
Also among the materials of the Galician Viceroy's Office, fond 146, opysy 64, 64a
and 64b, were the documents of the so-called servitudes commission, officially known
as the Crownland Commission on the Redemption and Regulation of Land
Obligations (U Halytske namisnytstvo, m. Lviv. Kraiova komisiia u spravakh vykupu
i vrehuliuvannia pozemelnykh povynnostei; G Grundlasten-AblOsungs- und
Regulierungs Landes Kommission). These acts deal with disputes between the manor
and peasant commune over rights to forests and pastures. The acts form an
exceedingly large corpus of documentation. Generally, a single servitudes case,
encompassing one or more villages, takes up about five folders of over a hundred
leaves each. Each individual act (od. zb.) is labelled, with some variations, The Case
of Servitude Disputes over the Right to Use Forests and Pastures of the Inhabitants
of the Village of ... , ... Circle (U Sprava pro servitutni superechky za pravo
korystuvannia Iisamy i pasovyskamy zhyteliv s. . .. . .. okruhu). The arrangement of
the individual cases within opysy 64 and 64b (the status of 64a is not clear to me) is
by a combination of geographical, alphabetical, chronological and thematic criteria.
After an initial section in opys 64 containing the general papers of the servitudes
commission, the individual cases are segregated by district, although this is not indicated on the covers of the folders, which provide only the name of the village and its
circle. The districts follow one another in Ukrainian alphabetical order. Within each
district, cases are again ordered alphabetically according to the name of the principal
village involved. The folders (od. zb.) within each case appear in roughly chronological
order, but with some thematic divisions as well. Chronologically, the documentation
focuses on the period from the mid-1850s to the early 1870s, although many
documents from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries are included in the
folders as well as a few copies of documents of even earlier provenance; later
documents can also be found, some even from the 1920s. The languages of the
servitude documents are primarily German and Polish, but some older documents are
in Latin and there is some use of Ukrainian; more rarely, only in signatures, Yiddish
appears.
The main thematic focus of the servitude documents is, of course, the servitude
disputes proper. But in addition to illuminating the struggle for forests and pastures
between landlords and peasants, the servitude acts contain an untapped treasury of information on other topics, ranging from the occupation of village Jews under serfdom
to the history of vernacular architecture and construction in late-nineteenth-century
Galicia. For the purposes of this monograph, however, these sources have been used to
learn about serfdom and the servitudes struggle as well as to acquire information on
the family background, mobility, age and civic involvement of the peasant-activists of
the mid-I 880s.
Related to the servitude documents are the Materials concerning Property Disputes
of Peasants with Landowners in Galicia (R Materialy ob imushchestvennykh sporakh
krestian s zemlevladeltsami v Galitsii). They were originally the papers of the Tenth
Department of the Galician Gubernium, which dealt with the so-called "matters
concerning subjects [i.e., serfs)" (G Unterthanssache) or "public-political matters"
(L Publico-Politica). Now they are housed in TsDIAL, fond 146 (Galician Viceroy's
Office), opys 87. I was able to consult fifteen of these folders (od. zb. 1116-30), each
of which consisted of about 180 leaves. The acts emanated from 1847 and early 1848
(before the revolution); the primary language of the documents was German, and
Opys
64
64
64
64
64
64
64
64
64
64
64
64
64
64a
64a
64a
64b
64b
64b
64b
64b
Fond
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
General papers of the
commission, 1855-64
Baznykivka, Saranchuky
Mechyshchiv
Hrabivets, Pakhivka, Sadzhava
Solotvyna
Solotvyna, Maniava, Markiv
Solotvyna, Khmelivka
Hlubichok, Lanivtsi, Tsyhany
Hai Smolenski
Mykolaiv
Nakvasha
Rudenko Liatske
Smorzhiv, Stremilche
Hanusivtsi
Lanchyn
Nahuievychi
Zhydiatychi
Fytkiv
Dobrianychi, Korelychi
Verkhrata
Novosilky Kardynalski
1-6
37-42
197-200
605, 609
637
656-61
676
735-43
1031
1123-5
1153-5
1189
1190-2
1-12
467-9
972-3
578-9
1119-22
2285-96
2800
2936
Village(s)
Od. zb.
TABLE IS TsDIAL, 146J64-64b (Servitudes Commission): Holdings Consulted
Berezhany
Berezhany
Stanyslaviv
Stanyslaviv
Stanyslaviv
Stanyslaviv
Chortkiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Stanyslaviv
Stanyslaviv
Sambir
Lviv
Stanyslaviv
Berezhany
Zhovkva
Zhovkva
Circle
Berezhany
Berezhany
Bohorodchany
Bohorodchany
Bohorodchany
Bohorodchany
Borshchiv
Brody
Brody
Brody
Brody
Brody
Stanyslaviv
Nadvirna
Drohobych
Lviv
Nadvirna
Peremyshliany
Rava Ruska
Rava Ruska
District
0
N
N
-.J
OIl
C1>
.,=
0
0
r;n
2:-
::r
:;:.
.,>
Opys
64b
64b
64b
64b
64b
64b
64b
64b
64b
Fond
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
146
4843-50
4940-4
2974-5
3212-19
4244
4247-8
4249
4359-73
4437-46
Od. zb.
Uhniv
Kunashiv
Vydyniv
Demyche
Dzhuriv
Korchyn, Rozhdzhaliv
Pozdymyr, Radvantsi,
Skomorokhy
Volytsia, Vivnia, Dobriany
Lysiatychi
Village(s)
Stryi
Stryi
Zhovkva
Berezhany
Kolomyia
Kolomyia
Kolomyia
Zhovkva
Zhovkva
Circle
Stryi
Stryi
Rava Ruska
Rohatyn
Sniatyn
Sniatyn
Sniatyn
Sokal
Sokal
District
><
0..
::>
0
"0
"0
;I>
00
N
N
Archival Sources
229
Polish figured only secondarily. These materials are difficult to use because the
arrangement of the acts is chronological, as the viceroy's office took up each case,
with no provision for geographic and thematic organization. In addition to providing
information on property disputes between lord and peasant, the acts also document
excessive physical abuse of serfs by the manor (G Misshandlungen). The coverage of
incidents is far from exhaustive, since these documents only register abuse that a
peasant reported, the circle authorities confirmed and the manor then appealed. Still,
the documents record a great number of cases and afford an important insight into the
workings of the feudal system on the eve of the abolition of serfdom. On the whole,
however, the Materials concerning Property Disputes did not prove very useful for this
monograph.
Of more relevance were the papers of the Criminal Division of the Crownland
Court in Lviv (U Kraiovyi sud. m. Lviv. Kryminalnyi viddil), which are in TsDIAL,
fond 152, opys 2. I used documents relating to the confiscation of the newspaper
Batkivshchyna, 1879-81 (od. zb. 14789-90, 14898-903, 15007-13). The documents,
which are largely in Polish, include the often interesting justification for confiscation
as well as copies of the confiscated issues.
Confiscations of Batkivshchyna, 1879-80, are also documented in the papers of the
Supreme State Prosecutor's Office in Lviv (U Vyshcha derzhavna prokuratoriia.
m. Lviv; P C.k. Nadprokuratoria Pafzstwa we Lwowie; G Die k.k. Oberstaatsanwaltschaft in Lemberg) in TsDlAL, fond 156, opys 1 (od. zb. 545). Also among
these papers are reports of local prosecutors concerning illegal actions undertaken by
peasants to regain forests and pastures that the servitudes commission had decided
belonged to the manor. These colourful documents are mainly in Polish and German,
but quotes from the peasantry are often given in Ukrainian, in Polish transcription.
Each individual case is labelled, with some variations, Reports of the Prosecutor of the
City of ... concerning Anti-Landlord Actions by the Inhabitants of the Village ... (U
Donesennia prokurora m .... pro antypomishchytski vystupy meshkantsiv s .... ). I
had access to a dozen of these cases.
A source consulted, but abandoned as insufficiently productive, was the so-called
Crown land Tabula (U Kraiova tabulia) or Books for the Registration of Property
Acts (U Knyhy zapysu mainovykh dokumentiv), known in Latin as Libri
Instrumentorum. They are housed in TsDIAL, fond 166, opys I. I surveyed books
from
Zymna Voda and Rudno, Lviv circle, I 860s-80 (od. zb. 1168-71);
Hai Starobridski, Zolochiv circle, 1799-1879 (od. zb. 1383);
Liubycha Korolivska, Zhovkva circle, 1831-61 (od. zb. 1778);
Potelych, Zhovkva circle, 1821-70 (od. zb. 1898-9);
Uhniv, Zhovkva circle, 1820-83 (od. zb. 2234);
Khrystynopil, Zhovkva circle, 1841-83 (od. zb. 2555-7);
Berezhany circle, 1834-89 (od. zb. 3028, 3042, 3053, 3055-6, 3059-62, 3064, 3066,
3068-9,4094-7,4099-111);
and Zhovkva circle, 1834-63 (od. zb. 4158).
The acts recorded in the books are (chronologically) in Latin, German and Polish.
Although occasionally one can find in them information on peasants, if their
inheritance affairs became unduly entangled or if they played a role in local
government, generally these books deal with demesnal property. They would be an
excellent source for studying the mounting debts of the nobility in the nineteenth
century.
142
156
Od. zb.
28
29
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
99
100
Opys
156
156
156
156
156
156
156
156
156
156
156
Fond
Nyzhni Hai
Chekhy
Dobrotvir
Knihynychi
Kniahynychi
Dobrotvir
Biliavtsi
Cholhany
Holhoche
Verbytsia
Zaszkowce
(Zashkivtsi)
Borky Dominikanski
Village
Lviv
Lviv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Ternopil
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Sambir
Zolochiv
Lviv
Przemysl
Local Prosecutor
1874-5
1870
1870
1872-3
1872-3
1872
1872-3
1872
1872
1872-3
1873
1873-5
Year(s)
TABLE 16 TsDIAL, 156/1 (Supreme State Prosecutor's Office in Lviv, Illegal Servitude Actions): Holdings Consulted
>0;;<.
::I
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"0
"0
o
N
t..J
Archival Sources
231
An outstanding source on the nature of feudal obligations in Galicia, on
differentiation in the peasant community in the mid-nineteenth century and on the
status and wealth of individual peasants in the decade after emancipation are the
papers of the so-called indemnization commission, officially known as the Ministerial
Commission on the Emancipation from the Obligations of Serfdom (U Ministerska
komisiia po zvilnenniu vid panshchynnykh povynnostei, R Ministerskaia kommissiia
po delam osvobozhdeniia ot krepostnykh povinnostei). I used the Lists of Subjects
with an Inventory of Obligations of Serfdom Abolished by Redemption (U Spysky
piddanykh
s . ... z
perelikom
skasovanykh
za
vykup
panshchynnykh
povynnostei . . . okruhu), which are housed in TsDIAL, fond 168, opysy I and 2, and
fond 488, opys I. For each village, the indemnization commission prepared a concise
inventory of all the feudal obligations that were being abolished as well as a list of all
former serfs and their holdings, usually divided into four economic strata. The
provenance of the documents is the 1850s; the languages used are German and Polish,
and only very rarely Ukrainian. The lists are arranged geographically, by circle, and
the circles are placed in Ukrainian alphabetical order. Fond 168, opys I, contains the
circles through Stanyslaviv; fond 488, opys I, from Stryi on. (The status of fond 168,
opys 2, is not clear to me.) Within each circle, the Lists are arranged by village in
Ukrainian alphabetical order.
Similar information, only more relevant to the peasant-activists of the mid-1880s,
should have been provided by the cadastral records of 1865 and 1880. The cadastral
records of 1865 are housed in TsDIAL, fond 186, opys 3, and originate from the
Crownland Land-Tax Commission of the Ministry of Agriculture and Agrarian
Reforms in Lviv (U Kraiova zemelno-podatkova komisiia Ministerstva zemlerobstva
ta ahrarnykh reform, m. Lviv). Most of the materials I had access to were summary
land statistics with the individual village (and not the individual peasant household) as
the smallest unit on which information was provided. I looked at cadastral records
from Sambir circle (od. zb. 1754~65) and Ternopil and Chortkiv circles
(od. zb. 2201~4). The records were in German. In only one instance did I have the
cadastral records of an individual village (G Steuergemeinde) , Khryplyn, Stanyslaviv
circle (od. zb. 1855). Its cover bore the title Summary Inventory of Taxes Collected
from Communities of Stanyslaviv Circle in 1865 (U Pidsumkovyi perelik stiahnenykh
podatkiv z hromad za 1865 rik Stanislavskoho okruhu). Unfortunately, this particular village did not figure as the home of any of the known village activists of the
mid-1880s and so did not prove relevant to this study. From this specimen, however, it
was evident that such village cadastres for 1865, and especially 1880, would have provided detailed information on the economic status and, indirectly, age of the village
activists. The staff of TsDIAL told me that the individual village cadastres for 1865
and 1880 have not been preserved in those archives. (I also looked for landholding
records from 1880 in the Lviv Oblast State Archives; see below.)
The papers of the Prosvita society (U Tovarystvo "Prosvita", m. Lviv) are
preserved in TsDIAL, fond 348. In opys 1 are the reports of individual reading clubs
to the central Prosvita offices in Lviv, 1896~ 1939. Individual folders are labelled
Reports, Minutes, Correspondence and Other Materials on the Activity of the
Reading Club in the Village of ... (U Zvity, protokoly, lystuvannia ta inshi materialy
pro diialnist chytalni v s . ... ). They are arranged in Ukrainian alphabetical order by
the name of the individual village, irrespective of district. This documentation is in
Ukrainian. The reports were used for this study to gain a better understanding of
reading clubs as well as to collect biographical information on the village activists of
the mid-I 880s. For the latter task, the reports to which I had access, selected
geographically, were sufficient; however, more extensive access to the early Prosvita
198, 259
228
302
327
421-5
483-5, 571
612
633
1016
1039
1044
1074
1183
1193
1197-8
1222
1253
1340
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
Od. zb.
126
Opys
168
Fond
Ozeriany [originally spelled
Iezeriany?]
Kryve
Mechyshchiv
Pukiv
Saranchuky
Batiatychi
Vynnyky
Korchyn
Kulykiv
Dmytriv
Zheniv
Zhulychi
Zozulia
Nestanychi (Nestanyshche)
Ohliadiv
Olesko
Polove
Polonychna, Chanyzh
Trudovach
Village
TABLE 17 TsDIAL, 168/1-2 and 488/1 (Indemnization Commission): Holdings Consulted
Berezhany
Berezhany
Berezhany
Berezhany
Zhovkva
Zhovkva
Zhovkva
Zhovkva
Zhovkva
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Zolochiv
Berezhany
Circle
0;;;;.
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>-0
-0
n
tv
w
tv
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
168
488
488
488
488
488
488
488
488
488
Fond
2
2
Opys
Balyntsi
Kiidantsi
Zahorodky
Zapytiv
Nykonkovychi
Pisky
Rudno
Strachocina (Strakhotyna)
Vyktoriv
Drohomyrchany
Nadorozhna
Olesha
Mechyshchiv
Saranchuky
Berezhnytsia
Volytsia
Tovstenke
Korchyn
Mizun
Nyniv Horishnii
Rozhniativ
Strilkiv
Tukholka
1416
1503
1759
1764
1916
1946
1959
3729
3891
3954
4087
4099
100
147
61-2
11
213-19
277
290
347
422
464
11
Village
Od. zb.
Kolomyia
Kolomyia
Lviv
Lviv
Lviv
Lviv
Lviv
Sanok
Stanyslaviv
Stanyslaviv
Stanyslaviv
Stanyslaviv
Berezhany
Berezhany
Stryi
Stryi
Stryi
Stryi
Stryi
Stryi
Stryi
Stryi
Stryi
Circle
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rJJ
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:r
1070-1
1093-4
1123-4
488
488
488
Od. zb.
538
612
613
652-3
673
756
Opys
488
488
488
488
488
488
Fond
Vorobiivka
Ivachiv Horishnii
Ivachiv Dolishnii
Kutkivtsi
Mykulyntsi
Zbarazh Staryi [originally spelled
Staryi Zbarazh?)
Trybukhivtsi
Khorostkiv
Iabluniv
Village
Chortkiv
Chortkiv
Chortkiv
Ternopil
Ternopil
Ternopil
Ternopil
Ternopil
Ternopil
Circle
>:.
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0
-0
-0
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Archival Sources
235
reports, which I was denied, would have provided a surer picture of trends in the development of reading clubs. It should be noted that the documentation from the
interwar period, which I only glanced at, contains more detailed information about
individuals in local reading club administrations than do the prewar reports.
(The holdings of TsDIAL, fond 488, have already been discussed in connection
with TsDlAL, fond 168 [the lists of former serfs prepared by the indemnization
commission in the 1850s].)
Important sources in TsDIAL to which I was altogether denied access, probably
because they are not yet well catalogued, are the metric books (U Metrychni knyhy),
that is, books originating in the parish chancery and registering births and baptisms,
marriages and deaths. Even selectively consulted, these books would have allowed me
to determine the age and family background of peasant-activists with more precision
than I have.
The Lviv Oblast State Archives (U Lvivskyi oblasnyi derzhavnyi arkhiv; abbreviated as LODA) concentrate more on the interwar period of Polish rule in Galicia than
on the Austrian period.' But LODA does have some government records from before
the First World War. I used records of the Zhovkva magistrate (R Magistrat
g. Zholkvy), LODA, fond 10, which included documents relating to the real estate
owned by the city of Zhovkva, 1869-1928 (opys I, od. zb. 13, 18,29,33,48-9,81-3,
99, 114-15, 129, 149). It was possible to find some information here on peasants who
were local activists of the Ukrainian movment in Vynnyky, a suburban village
incorporated into the city of Zhovkva.
There was another Vynnyky, in Lviv district, which was the seat of a district court
(R Povetovyi sud v Vinnikakh). Its papers are housed in LODA, fond 102. They provided no information directly relevant to this study, but they did contain four items
that would have been extremely useful had they concerned the right villages. These
were the Minutes of the Commission [of the district court] on Entering Registration
into the Land (Hypothecary) Books (R Protokoly kommissii 0 vnesenii zapisei v
zemelnye [ipotechnyeJ knigi) of the villages of Vovkiv, Zhyravka, Zahirie and
Pidtemne for 1880 (opys I, od. zb. 1-4). For each village there was a book listing
every parcel of rusticalland, its size, its former owner (in 1865) and its current owner.
The parcels of land were numbered, and the order of the entries follows their
numeration. This source, had it extended to villages for which I had recorded activists,
would have provided exact information on the economic status of peasant-activists and
indirect information on their age. The staff of LODA informed me that only these
four books had somehow been preserved in the archives.
The records of the Directorate of the Lviv Police (R Direktsiia politsii v Lvove)
are in LODA, fond 350. The few papers to which I had access (opys I,
od. zb. 2706-7, 2806, 4916-7, 4920) proved of little relevance to this study.
Valuable unpublished sources were found in the Manuscript Division (U Viddil
rukopysiv) of the V. Stefanyk Lviv Scientific Library of the Academy of Sciences of
the Ukrainian SSR (U Lvivska naukova biblioteka im. V. Ste!anyka Akademii nauk
URSR; abbreviated as LNB AN URSR).' The Ivan Omelianovych Levytstky
, See the published guide to these archives: Lvivskyi oblasnyi derzhavnyi arkhiv. Putivnyk (Lviv:
Kameniar, 1965).
P.H. Babiak. "Avtohrafy ukrainskykh pysmennykiv u viddili rukopysiv." in Skarbnytsia znan.
Tematychnyi zbirnyk naukovykh prats. ed. V.V. Mashotas et. al. (Lviv: Akademiia nauk
Ukrainskoi RSR. Lvivska naukova biblioteka im. V. Stefanyka, 1972). 78-82. 0.0. Dzioban.
Osobysti arkhivni fondy viddilu rukopysiv. Anotovanyi pokazhchyk (Lviv: Akademiia nauk
5
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
348
Fond
Opys
1050
1297
1319
1479
1498
1624
1627
2439
2846
2900
2936
3031
4914
4921
5874
6127
6169
Od. zb.
Bereziv N yzhnii
Brovary
Briukhovychi
Vydyniv
Vysloboky
Volytsia
Volytsia
Zhuzhil
Kiidantsi
Kovalivka
Kolodribka
Korelychi
Saranchuky
Svarychiv
Khorostkiv
Iabloniv
Iazhiv Staryi
Village
Kolomyia/Pechenizhyn
Buchach
Peremyshliany
Sniatyn
Lviv
Zhovkva
Sanok
Sokal
Zbarazh
Kolomyia/Pechenizhyn
Zalishchyky
Peremyshliany
Berezhany
Dolyna
Husiatyn
Kolomyia/Pechenizhyn
Iavoriv
District
TABLE 18 TsDIAL, 348/1 (Prosvita, Reports from Reading Clubs): Holdings Consulted
1902-37
1901-37
1896-1939
1899-1938
1896-1936
1903-38
1903-35
1901-39
1898-1939
1900--37
1897-1938
1896-1938
1902-39
1897-1936
1901-37
1892-1937
1897-1939
Years
w
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""0
0--
Archival Sources
237
collection (U fond 1.0. Levytskoho), sprava 6, papka 2, contained the unpublished
continuation for 1894 of Levytsky's detailed bibliography of Ukrainian publications
appearing in Austria-Hungary (U Materialy do ukrfainskoi} bibliohrafii
Avstro-Uhorshchyny, 1894; abbreviated as Lev3).
Also among his papers, sprava 290, papka I, was a notebook labelled an
Alphabetical List of Ukrainian Authors (U Alfavitnyi spysok ukrainskykh avtoriv,
skladenyi za danymy halytskoi presy za 1863-1895 rr., 'Istorii literatury'
Ohonovskoho ta in. dlia biohrafichnoho slovnyka). The list is not limited to authors
at all, and I suspect that it represents an attempt by Levytsky to establish who should
have been included in his massive, never-completed biographical dictionary.
Levytsky's biographical dictionary (U Materialy do biohraflchnoho slovnyka) is
housed not with his own papers, but with the papers of the Shevchenko Scientific
Society: LNB AN URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond I (NTSh), sprava 493 (abbreviated
as Lev493). The energetic Levytsky had decided to compile a biographical dictionary
of Ukrainians in the Habsburg empire, but, after collecting numerous
autobiographical letters, press clippings, portraits and other materials, he abandoned
his labours.' What he did collect has been preserved and arranged in modern
Ukrainian alphabetical order. Levytsky gathered information on many lesser figures in
the Ukrainian movement, including dozens of the village activists of the 1880s. The
language of the documentation is almost exclusively Ukrainian. I did not have access
to the entire collection, but had to request individual files by name. This is why I had
to rely on the names listed in the Alphabetical List of Ukrainian Authors mentioned
above.
Also in the manuscript division of the LNB AN URSR are the archives of the
Counts Potocki of Lancut (U Arkhiv hraflv Pototskykh z Lantsuta or simply fond
Pototskykh).' I used materials on leaseholding (U orenda), which revealed the close
political links between landlords and tavern keepers (no. 277, 292). The materials are
primarily in Polish with some German.
Very useful were the papers of the Zaklynsky family (U fond Zaklynskykh), also
in the manuscript division of the LNB AN URSR. Especially interesting were the letters of the teacher-activist Maksym Krushelnytsky to Leonid Zaklynsky (no. 192,
papka 31), in which various activists and activities of the reading clubs were discussed
frankly. The Zaklynsky papers also contain a few letters from the seminarian-activist
Bohdar Kyrchiv (no. 193, papka 31). The letters are in Ukrainian.
'(continued)
Ukrainskoi RSR, Lvivska naukova biblioteka im. V. Stefanyka, 1977). Patricia
Kennedy Grimsted, "The Stefanyk Library of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences: A Treasury
of Manuscript Collections in Lviv," Harvard Ukrainian Studies 5, no. 2 (June 1981): 195-229.
6
la.R. Dashkevych, "Materialy 1.0. Levytskoho iak dzherelo dlia biohrafichnoho slovnyka,"
!slorychni dzherela ta ikh vykorystannia, vyp. 2 (Kiev: Naukova dumka, 1966): 35-53. See also
Magocsi, "Nationalism and National Bibliography," 95-100.
, Ie. Humeniuk, "Arkhiv Pototskykh," Naukovo-informatsiinyi biulelen Arkhivnoho upravlinnia
URSR 17, no. 4 (60) (July-August 1963): 57-65.
II. Corpus of Correspondence
Batkivshchyna 6 (1884)
no. 1 (4 January 1884 [23 December 1883])
I. Ilko Sheshor, "Pysmo z Bohorodchanskoho," 4-5.
2. Pryiatel, "Pysmo vid Obertyna," 5.
3. Ivan Iva nets, "Pysmo vid Sokalia," 6.
4. [Mykolaij Basaichuk, "Pysmo vid Nadvirnoi," 6.
no. 2
5.
6.
7.
(11 January 1884 [30 December 1883))
Chien chytalni, "Pysmo vid Zhovkvy," 10.
Chien chytalni, "Pysmo vid Khorostkova," 10.
Tanas, "Pysmo vid Zalozets," II.
no. 3
8.
9.
I O.
(18 (6) January 1884)
Myroliub, "Pysmo z mistochka," 16.
Nykolai, "Pysmo z Komarna," 16-17.
ChIen chytalni, "Pysmo vid larychova," 18.
no. 4 (25 (13) January 1884)
II. Avksentii, "Pysmo z Ternopolia," 22.
12. Z vydilu chytalni, "Pysmo vid Nadvirnoi," 22.
no. 5
13.
14.
15.
16.
(1 February [20 January) 1884)
Radnyi, "Pysmo z-pid Burshtyna," 27.
Luka Tomashevsky, diak i pysar, "Pysmo vid Uhnova," 27-8.
Maksym Krushelnytsky [Andriichuk], "Pysmo z Horodenky," 28.
Svii, "Pysmo vid Buchacha," 28-9.
no. 6 (8 February [27 January) 1884)
17. V.V., starshii brat, "Pysmo vid Zhydacheva," 34.
18. Kamianetskii Bobroid, "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 34-5.
240
Appendix II
no. 7
19.
20.
21.
(15 (3) February 1884)
M. Seliukh, "Pysmo z-pid Zborova," 40~1.
Selianyn, "Pysmo vid Berezhan," 41.
Iurii Kekosh z Khorostkova, "Pysmo z Khorostkova,"
no. 8
22.
23.
24.
(22 (10) February 1884)
Chytalnyk, "Pysmo vid Nadvirnoi," 46.
Radnyi, "Pysmo vid Rohatyna," 46.
Radnyi, "Pysmo vid Zabolotova," 46~7.
no. 9
25.
26.
27.
(29 [J7) February 1884)
0.1., "Pysmo z Staromiskoho povitu," 52~3.
Ilko Sheshor, "Pysmo z Bohorodchanskoho," 53.
[Kost Vykhtorivsky), "Pysmo vid Halycha. I," 53~4.
no. 10 (7 March [24 February) 1884)
28. I.V., "Pysmo vid Rozdolu," 58.
29. Hromadiane Zakomarski, "Pysmo vid Ozhydova,"
41~2.
58~9.
no. 11 (14 (2) March 1884)
30. Kost Vykhtorivsky, "Pysmo vid Halycha. II," 64.
31. Selianyn, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 64~5.
32. Kost Kyrchiv, selianyn, "Pysmo vid Skoleho," 65.
33. Susid, "Pysmo vid Dolyny," 65~6.
no. 12 (21 (9) March 1884)
34. Stryian, "Pysmo z Stryiskoho," 69~70.
35. Radnyi, "Pysmo vid Shchyrtsia," 70.
36. Selianyn, "Pysmo vid Zolocheva," 70.
no. 13 (28 (16) March 1884)
37. Tymkovych, "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 75.
38. "Pysmo z-nad Dnistra. I," 76.
39. lu.M., "Pysmo vid Rohatyna," 76.
40. Iliarion Sichynsky, "Pysmo z Stryiskoho,"
41. Chytalnyk, "Pysmo z-pid Zalozets," 77.
76~7.
no. 14 (4 April [23 March) 1884)
42. Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomir Seliansky), "Pysmo z Zolochivskoho," 82.
43. Andrii Bolekhivsky, "Pysmo vid Zhuravna," 82~3.
no. 15 (11 April [30 March) 1884)
44. Ks[ondz), "Pysmo z Ternopilshchyny," 89~90.
45. "Pysmo z-nad Dnistra. II," 90.
46. K.K.H., chleny chytalni, "Pysmo z Dolynskoho," 90.
Corpus of Correspondence
no. 16 (18 [6) April 1884)
47. Pidhirianyn, "Pysmo z sela," 97-8.
48. Susid, "Pysmo z lazlivtsia," 98.
49. Vasylii Holovka, "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 98.
50. K.V., "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 99.
no. 17 (25 [13) April 1884)
51. Pavlo Pidrichny, z-nad Solokii, "Pysmo vid Ravy-ruskoi," 102-3.
no. 18 (2 May [20 April) 1884)
52. Chien chytalni, "Pysmo vid Radekhova," 106.
no. 19 (9 May [27 April) 1884)
53. Chien chytalni v Vynnykakh, "Pysmo z Zhovkvy," 112.
54. Pysmennyi, "Pysmo vid Burshtyna," 112-13.
55. Seliukh, "Pysmo vid Nadvirnoi," 113-14.
no. 20 (16 [4) May 1884)
56. VI.R., "Pysmo z Zhydachivskoho," 118.
57. "Pysmo vid Peremyshlian," 118-19.
58. Oden, "Pysmo vid Nadvirnoi," 119.
no. 21 (23 [11) May 1884)
59. Ochevydets, "Pysmo vid Belza," 128.
60. Pravdoliub [=Hospodar), "Pysmo vid Tovmacha," 128-9.
61. "Pysmo z Rohatynskoho povitu," 129-30.
no. 22 (30 [18) May 1884)
62. Zar., "Pysmo vid Stanyslavova," 130 [sic; pages repeated).
63. Kis., "Pysmo vid Drohobycha," 130.
64. K.Kh., "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 131.
no. 23 (6 June [30 (sic; should be 25) May) 1884)
65. VI.R., "Pysmo z Zhydachivskoho," 136.
66. "Pysmo vid Staroho-mista. I," 136-7.
67. [Hryhorii Tymchuk), "Pysmo vid Zalishchyk. I," 137-8.
68. Sm., "Pysmo vid Khorostkova," 138.
no. 24 (13 [1) June 1884)
69. Val., "Pysmo vid Ternopolia," 142-3.
70. Bohdan z-nad Okopu, "Pysmo vid Stryia," 143.
71. Susid, "Pysmo z Bridshchyny," 143.
no. 25 (20 [8) June 1884)
72. "Pysmo vid Staroho mista. II," 148.
73. [Hryhorii Tymchuk), "Pysmo vid Zalishchyk. II," 148-9.
74. "Pysmo vid Ravy," 149.
75. Zhychlyvyi, "Pysmo z Buchatskoho," 149-50.
241
242
Appendix II
no. 26 (27 [IS) June 1884)
76. Hryhorii Tymchuk, uchytel i radnyi, "Pysmo vid Zalishchyk. III," 156.
77. Trokhym, hospodar, "Pysmo vid Ternopolia," 156-7.
78. Pravdoliub [= Hospodar), "Pysmo vid Tovmacha," 157-8.
79. aden z chleniv [rady povitovoi), "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 158.
no. 27 (4 July [22 June) 1884)
80. Ivan Tverdyi, "Pysmo vid Zbarazha," 164.
81. lakov Loza, "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 164-5.
82. I.K., "Pysmo vid Strusova," 165.
83. "Pysmo vid larycheva," 165-6.
no. 28 (II July [29 June) 1884)
84. M[ykhailo) S[yvy), chytalnyk, "Pysmo z Peremyshlianskoho," 172.
85. I. Zvarych, dvernyk ruskoi seminarii dukhovnoi, "Pysmo zi Lvova," 172-3.
86. R., "Pysmo vid Stanislavova," 173.
87. Svii, "Pysmo vid Tartakova," 173.
88. Roz., "Pysmo z Bohorodchanskoho," 173-4.
no. 29 (18 [6) July 1884)
89. Pravdoliub, "Pysmo z pid Horodka," 181-2.
no. 30 (25 [13) July 1884)
90. "Pysmo z Husiatynskoho," 186-7.
no. 31 (I August [20 July) 1884)
91. Vyborets, "Pysmo vid Kalusha. I," 192-4.
92. [Atanas Melnyk), "Pysmo z pid Drohobycha," 194.
no. 32 (8 August [27 July) 1884)
93. Vyborets, "Pysmo vid Kalusha. II," 198-9.
no. 33 (IS [3) August 1884)
94. "Pysmo zi Zbarazhskoho," 204.
95. "Pysmo z Kolomyishchyny," 204-5.
96. Druh naroda, "Pysmo z Mykulynets," 205.
97. Ochevydets, "Pysmo vid Borshcheva," 205-6.
no. 34 (22 [10) August 1884)
98. I.I.V., "Pysmo z Zhydachivskoho," 210-11.
no. 35 (29 [17) August 1884)
99. Iosyf Byliv, pi vets z Burkanova, "Pysmo z Zhydachivskoho," 216-17.
100. "Pysmo vid Horodka," 217.
101. Drozdivets, "Pysmo vid Horodka," 217-18.
Corpus of Correspondence
243
no. 36 (24 August [5 September) 1884)
102. LLV., "Pysmo z Zhydachivskoho," 222-3.
(no. 37 contained no items of correspondence)
no. 38 (19 [7) September 1884)
103. Iosyf Byliv, pivets z Burkanova, "Pysmo vid Pidhaiets," 232.
104. K.A. Lisovyk, "Pysmo vid Buchacha," 233.
105. Hryhorii Senyshyn, "Pysmo vid Shchyrtsia," 233.
106. Danylo Saikevych, "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 233-4.
no. 39 (26 [14) September 1884)
107. Selianyn, "Pysmo vid Skoleho. I," 240-1.
108. Chytalnyk, "Pysmo vid Ternopolia," 241-2.
109. Pravdoliub, "Pysmo z-pid Radekhova," 242.
no. 40 (3 October [21 September) 1884)
110. Selianyn, "Pysmo vid Skolioho. II," 245.
no. 41 (10 October [28 September) 1884)
Ill. LI.V., "Pysmo z Zhydachivskoho," 253-4.
112. Ivan Pidhliadaiko, hospodar, "Pysmo z Zborova," 254.
113. M.V., "Pysmo z Tysmenytsi," 255.
no. 42 (17 [4) October 1884)
114. Pravdoliub, "Pysmo vid Radekhova," 261-2.
no. 43 (24 [12) October 1884)
liS. Teofan Hlynsky [aden z prytomnykh), "Pysmo z Husiatynskoho," 267.
no. 44 (31 [19) October 1884)
116. [Mykhailo Pikh), "Pysmo vid Mostysk. I," 274-5.
117. O.T.P., "Pysmo z sela," 275-6.
118. Hospodar [=Pravdoliub), "Pysmo vid Tovmacha," 276.
no. 45 (7 November [26 October) 1884)
119. Mykhailo Pikh, provizor tserkovnyi i zastupnyk korporatsii tserkovnoi do
provadzhenia torhovli, "Pysmo vid Mostysk. II," 282-3.
120. Nadsianenko, "Pysmo vid Peremyshlia," 283.
121. Kalushanyn, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 283-4.
no. 46 (14 [2) November 1884)
122. Vid vydilu chytalni "imeny Shevchenka" v Dobrostanakh; Ivan Khoma,
sekretar, Petro Forlita, zastupnyk holovy, Hryhorii Andriyshyn, zastupnyk
sekretaria, "Pysmo vid Horodka," 291.
123. Pryiatel, "Pysmo vid Zborova," 291-2.
Appendix II
244
124. Prokip Zeleny, "Pysmo z Chortkivskoho," 292.
125. Hospodar, "Pysmo vid Rozdolu," 292-3.
no. 47 (21 [9] November 1884)
126. Teodor Ianishevsky, predsidatel tymchas[ovoho]
Zolocheva," 296.
127. N., "Pysmo vid Krystynopolia," 296.
komitetu,
"Pysmo
no. 48 (28 [16] November 1884)
128. LLV., "Pysmo vid Zhydacheva," 301-2.
129. "Pysmo vid Husiatyna," 302-3.
130. Ivan Mikhas [Ivan z nad Dnistra], "Pysmo z Sambirshchyny," 303.
131. Nykyta, chien chytalni, "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 303-4.
no. 49 (5 December [23 November] 1884)
132. Susid, "Pysmo vid Rohatyna," 308-9.
no. 50 (12 December [30 November] 1884)
133. Ivan Mikhas [Ivan z nad Dnistra], "Pysmo z Sambirshchyny. I," 312-13.
no. 51 (19 [7] December 1884)
134. Ivan Mikhas [Ivan z-nad Dnistra], "Pysmo z Sambirshchyny. II," 317-18.
135. Toi sam, "Pysmo z Zolocheva," 318.
136. N., "Pysmo vid Krystynopolia," 318-19.
137. M[ykolai] L[un] i A[ntin] H[avlytsky], "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 319.
no. 52 (26 [14] December 1884)
138. Osnovateli, "Pysmo vid Kolomyi," 324.
Batkivshchyna 7 (1885)
no. I (2 January 1885 [21 December 1884])
139. Vyborets, "Pysmo z Bobretskoho," 4.
140. Ochevydets, "Pysmo vid Mykulynets," 5.
no. 2
141.
142.
143.
(9 January 1885 [28 December 1884])
Hospodar oden v imeny mnohykh, "Pysmo vid Dobromylia," 11-12.
Chien chytalni, "Pysmo z Iavorova," 12.
Chien chytalni, "Pysmo vid Halycha," 12-13.
no. 3
144.
145.
146.
(16 [4] January 1885)
Toi sam, "Pysmo z-nad Buha. I," 19-20.
Atanas Melnyk [Chytalnyky], "Pysmo vid Drohobycha," 20-21.
Vasyl Fedorovych, "Pysmo vid Horodka," 21.
z
Corpus of Correspondence
no. 4 (23 [ll[ January 1885)
147. Oleksa Zhuk, "Pysmo vid Zbarazha," 28-9.
148. Toi sam, "Pysmo z-nad Buha. II," 29.
149. Oden z prytomnykh, "Pysmo z Stryiskoho," 29-30.
no. 5
150.
151.
152.
(30 [18[ January 1885)
no. 6
153.
154.
155.
(6 February [25 January[ 1885)
Chien chytalni, "Pysmo z-pid Zhovkvy," 44-5.
S[tefan] L[esiuk], "Pysmo vid Zolocheva," 45.
Pryiatel, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 45-6.
no. 7
156.
157.
158.
159.
(13 [1] February 1885)
Ochevydets, "Pysmo z Ternopilshchyny," 52-3.
N.-i, "Pysmo z Dolynskoho," 53.
Narodovets, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 53-4.
Oden z hostei, "Pysmo z Kamenetskoho," 54.
no. 8
160.
161.
162.
(20 [8] February 1885)
no. 9
163.
164.
165.
(27 [IS] February 1885)
Teofan Hlynsky [Sviashchenyk], "Pysmo vid Horodenka," 36.
Hospodar, "Pysmo vid Pidhaiets. I," 36-7.
Diak, "Pysmo vid Buchacha," 37.
Sviashchenyk T[eofan] H[lynsky], "Pysmo vid Horodenky," 60-1.
Pastukh z-nad Limnyts, "Pysma vid Kalusha. I," 61.
Havriyl Posatsky, diak, pysar i holova chytalni, "Pysma vid Kalusha. II," 61.
Matvii [Kamianetsky], "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 68-9.
"Pysma z Kolomyishchyny. I," 69.
[Kr.], "Pysma z Kolomyishchyny. II," 69.
no. 10 (6 March [22 February) 1885)
166. Vasyl, hospodar, "Pysmo z Pidhaiechchyny," 75-6.
167. Druh dobrykh liudei, "Pysmo z-pid Karpat," 76-7.
168. N.lu.S., "Pysmo z-za Kolomyi," 77.
169. [Kr.], "Pysma z Kolomyishchyny. III-IV," 77-78.
no. 11 (13 [1) March 1885)
170. N., "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 83-4.
171. Ochevydets, "Pysmo z Kamianetskoho," 84.
172. [Kr.], "Pysmo z Kolomyishchyny. V-VI," 84-5.
173. Aleksii Maneliuk, chien chytalni, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 85.
174. N.Iu.S., "Pysmo z-za Kolomyi," 85-6.
no. 12 (20 [8) March 1885)
175. [K.S.T.A.Kh.Zh.], "Pysmo z Ternopilshchyny. I," 92-3.
176. Ihnat Polotniuk, diak i uchytel spivu, "Pysmo z Krystynopolia," 92-3.
177. [Kr.], "Pysma z Kolomyishchyny. VII," 93-4.
245
246
Appendix II
no. 13 (27 [IS] March 1885)
17S. Selianyn, "Pysmo z Pidhiria. I," 99-100.
179. Chien Tovarystva rybatskoho, "Pysmo z Podillia," 100.
ISO. [K.S.T.A.Kh.Zh.), "Pysmo z Ternopilshchyny. II," 100.
lSI. [Kr.J, "Pysma z Kolomyishchyny. VIII," 101.
no. 14 (3 April [22 March) 1885)
IS2. Selianyn, "Pysmo z Pidhiria. II," 109.
IS3. [Kr.J, "Pysma z Kolomyishchyny. IX," 109-10.
no. 15 (10 April [29 March) 1885)
IS4. K.S.T.A.Kh.Zh., "Pysmo z Ternopilshchyny. III," 114-15.
no. 16 (17 [5) April 1885)
IS5. [Kr.J, "Pysma z Kolomyishchyny. X," 119-20.
IS6. Ivan Korchemny, "Pysmo vid Brodiv," 120.
IS7. Teodor Ianishevsky, Iliia Menchakevych, Stefan Monchalovsky, "Pysmo vid
Zborova," 120-1.
ISS. Susid, "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 121.
no. 17 (24 [12) April 1885)
IS9. "Pysmo z Ternopilshchyny," 12S.
190. Kr., "Pysma z Kolomyishchyny. XI-XIII," 12S-9.
no. 18 (1 May [19 April) 1885)
191. Luka Tomashevsky vid Uhnova, "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 137-S.
192. Symeon Tsypivko, pysar i diak, "Pysmo z Iavorivskoho," 13S.
no. 19 (8 May [26 April) 1885)
193. Nkch., "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 146.
194. Chytalnyk, "Pysmo z Verkhovyny," 146.
no. 20 (15 [3) May 1885)
195. Iliia Boikevych, pivets z Rohatyna, "Pysmo z Rohatyna," 151.
no. 21 (22 [10) May 1885)
196. V., "Pysmo z Zhovkivskoho," 155.
197. M.S., K.P., R.L., mishchane, "Pysmo z Radekhova," 156.
19S. Susid, "Pysmo z Bridshchyny," 156-7.
no. 22 (29 [17) May 1885)
199. Pravyborets, "Pysmo z Rohatynskoho," 162-3.
no. 23 (5 June [4 May) 1885)
200. "Pysmo z Bridshchyny," 16S-9.
201. Oden z prysutnykh, "Pysmo z pid Brodiv," 169-70.
202. Mishchanyn iazlovetskii, "Pysmo vid Buchacha," 170.
Corpus of Correspondence
247
no. 24 (12 June [31 May) 1885)
203. Pryiatel narodu i buvshii vyborets. "Pysmo z Dolynshchyny," 175-6.
204. Vyborets, "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 177.
205. "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 177-8.
206. Prysutnyi, "Pysmo z kolomyiskoho Pidhiria," 178.
207. Susid, "Pysmo z-nad Zbrucha," 178-9.
no. 25 (19 [7) June 1885)
208. Vyborets, "Pysmo z Bobretskoho," 183.
209. H., "Pysmo vid Horodenky," 183-4.
210. Luka Tomashevsky z Novosilok, "Pysma z Ravskoho. I," 184.
211. Matvii Kamianetsky, "Pysma z Ravskoho. II," 184.
212. Ivan Svii, "Pysmo z Belzkoho," 184-5.
no. 26 (26 [14) June 1885)
213. Vyborets, "Pysmo vid Drohobycha," 191-2.
214. Pravdo1iub, "Pysmo z-pid Radekhova," 192.
215. Teodor Ianishevsky, ispytovanyi pivets tserk[ovnyi) v Zborovi, "Pysmo vid
Zborova," 192.
216. Zemliak, "Pysmo z nad Buha," 192-3.
217. "Pysmovid Iarycheva," 193.
no. 27 (3 July [21 June) 1885)
218. Skalatskii mishchanyn, "Pysmo z Skalatshchyny," 197-8.
219. Atanas Melnyk [Chytalnyk), "Pysmo vid Drohobycha," 198.
no. 28 (10 July [28 June) 1885)
220. Hospodar, "Pysmo z-pid Terebovli," 203.
221. Vyborets, "Pysmo z-pid Hrymalova," 203.
222. Mishchanyn, "Pysmo z Radekhova," 203-4.
223. "Pysmo vid Stanis1avova," 204.
224. Pryiatel prosvity, "Pysmo z Zolochivskoho," 204-5.
no. 29 (17 [5) July 1885)
225. "Pysmo z Zhovkvy," 211-12.
226. Vyborets, "Pysmo z pid Sokalia," 212.
227. Vyborets Sava Spravedlyvyi, "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 212.
228. Staryi znakomyi, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 212-13.
no. 30 (24 [12) July 1885)
229. "Pysmo z Stanyslavova. [I)," 219.
no. 31 (19 [31) July 1885)
230. "Pysmo z Stanyslavova. [II)," 222.
231. P. Shchyryi, "Pysmo z Ravskoho," 222.
248
Appendix II
no. 32 (26 July [7 August) 1885)
232. "Pysmo z Kopechynets," 225-6.
233. Staryi znakomyi, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 226.
234. "Pysmo z Hnizdycheva," 226.
no. 33 (2 (14) August 1885)
235. V[asyl Chernetsky), "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 230-1.
236. Chytalnyk, "Pysmo z Berezhnytsi," 231.
no. 34 (9 (21) August 1885)
237. Andrunyk z Chytalni, "Pysmo z Korelych," 234-5.
238. Roman Iskra, hospodar, "Pysmo z Piznanky," 235.
no. 35 (16 (28) August 1885)
239. Skalatskii mishchanyn, "Pysmo z Skalatshchyny," 238.
240. Petro Pravdoliub, "Pysmo z Rudna," 238-9.
no. 36 (4 September [23 August) 1885)
241. Chytalnyk, "Pysmo z Peremyshlianskoho," 242.
242. Ivan P., "Pysmo z Lvivskoho," 242.
no. 37 (11 September [30 August) 1885)
243. Dmytro Maksymovych, kasiier chytalni, "Pysmo z-pid Lvova," 249.
244. losyf Byliv, pi vets z Burkanova, "Pysmo vid Pidhaiets," 249-50.
no. 38 (18 (6) September 1885)
245. l.Iu. z Voli-dobrostanskoi, "Pysmo vid Horodka," 256-7.
246. Mishchanyn, chIen upavshoi chytalni, "Pysmo z Horodenky," 257.
no. 39 (25 [13) September 1885)
247. Ivan Mikhas [Ivan z-nad Dnistra), "Pysmo z Sambirshchyny," 264-5.
248. Vid vydilu Chytalni ruskoi: I1iia Myroniuk, Vasyl Kovbuz, Petro Kotyk, "Pysmo
z Horodenky," 265.
no. 40 (2 October [20 September) 1885)
249. Mishchanyn Ternopilskii, "Pysmo z Ternopolia," 272.
2~(). Blyzkii, "Pysmo z-pid Stanislavova," 272-3.
no. 41 (9 October [27 September) 1885)
251. Hospodar, "Pysmo z Skalatshchyny," 279-80.
252. Chytalnyky, "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 281.
no. 42 (16 (4) October 1885)
253. Volod[ymyr) Maksymovych, "Pysmo z sela. I," 288.
254. T.P., "Pysmo z Sianitskoho," 288-9.
255. V[asyl Chernetsky), "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 289.
249
Corpus of Correspondence
no. 43 (24 [12] October 1885)
256. Volod[ymyr] Maksymovych, "Pysmo z sela. II," 296-7.
257. [B.T.N.], "Pysmo z Dolynskoho. I," 297.
no. 44 (30 [18] October 1885)
258. B.T. N., "Pysmo z Dolynskoho. II," 304-5.
259. Iliia Boikevych, sekretar zboru, "Pysmo z Rohatyna," 305.
260. Chytalnyk i buvshii hromadianyn Kovalivskii, "Pysmo
Pidhiria," 305-6.
z
Kolomyiskoho
no. 45 (6 November [25 October] 1885)
261. S., "Pysmo z-pid Belza," 310.
262. Danylo Taniachkevych, "Pysmo z sela," 310-11.
no. 46 (13 [I] November 1885)
263. Chytalnyk, "Pysmo z Kolomyiskoho Pidhiria," 317.
264. Kop., "Pysmo z-pid Halycha," 317-18.
265. Maksym Zukh, "Pysmo vid Berezhan," 318.
no. 47 (20 [8] November 1885)
266. "Zi Lvova," 324-5.
267. Ivan S., "Pysmo z Peremyshlianskoho," 325.
268. Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomir Seliansky], "Pysmo z Zolochivskoho," 325-6.
no. 48 (27 [15] November 1885)
269. Dmytrovets, "Pysmo vid Radekhova," 330.
270. --i --i, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 330.
no. 49 (4 December [27 (sic; should be 22) November] 1885)
271. Luka Pavliv, chien chytalni, "Pysmo z-pid Brodiv," 337.
272. Pravdoliub, "Pysmo z Mykulynets," 337-8.
273. Ivan Mikhas [Ivan z-nad Dnistra], "Pysmo z Sambirshchyny," 338.
274. --i --i, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," 338.
no. 50 (11 December [29 November] 1885)
275. Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomir Seliansky], "Pysmo z-nad Buha," 342-3.
276. Hist, "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," 343.
no. 51 (18 [6] December 1885)
277. Holovchuk, sekretar chytalni, "Pysma z Sokalshchyny. I. Z Ordova," 348.
278. "Pysma z Sokalshchyny. II. Z Krystynopolia," 348-9.
279. "Pysma z Sokalshchyny. III. Z Ostrova," 349.
280. Mishchanyn, "Pysmo z Buska," 349.
no. 52 (25 [13] December 1885)
281. L-k-v, selianyn, "Pysmo z Berezhanshchyny," 354-5.
III. Correspondence by Occupation of
Authors
1.
3.
4.
11.
14.
15.
20.
21.
26.
31.
32.
34.
36.
38.
40.
42.
43.
44.
45.
47.
49.
60.
67.
73.
76.
77.
78.
81.
84.
85.
92.
94.
96.
99.
Teacher
Merchant
Teacher
Burgher
Cantor and scribe (one author)
Teacher
Peasant
Peasant and cobbler (one author)
Teacher
Peasant
Peasant
Peasant
Peasant
Peasant
Priest
Teacher
Teacher
Priest
Peasant
Peasant
Peasant
Peasant
Teacher
Teacher
Teacher
Peasant
Peasant
Scribe
Peasant
Cantor
Peasant and cantor (one author)
Peasant
Burgher
Cantor
252
103.
105.
106.
107.
1 10.
1 12.
115.
116.
1 18.
119.
122.
125.
126.
130.
133.
134.
137.
141.
146.
150.
151.
152.
154.
160.
161.
162.
166.
167.
173.
176.
178.
182.
186.
187.
191.
192.
195.
197.
199.
202.
210.
215.
218.
220.
222.
235.
237.
238.
239.
240.
243.
Appendix III
Cantor
Peasant
Cantor
Peasant
Peasant
Peasant
Priest
Merchant
Peasant
Merchant
Cantor and two peasants (three authors)
Peasant
Cantor
Peasant
Peasant
Peasant
Peasant and teacher (two authors)
Peasant
Cantor and peasant (one author)
Priest
Peasant
Cantor
Priest
Priest
Priest
Cantor and scribe (one author)
Peasant
Peasant
Peasant
Cantor
Peasant
Peasant
Cantor
Cantor
Cantor and scribe (one author)
Cantor, scribe and peasant (one author)
Cantor
Burgher
Peasant
Burgher
Cantor and scribe (one author)
Cantor
Burgher
Peasant
Burgher
Priest
Peasant
Peasant
Burgher
Peasant
Peasant
Correspondence by Occupation
244.
246.
247.
248.
249.
251.
255.
259.
262.
268.
271.
273.
275.
280.
281.
253
Cantor
Burgher
Peasant
Peasant
Burgher
Peasant
Priest
Cantor
Priest
Teacher
Peasant
Peasant
Teacher
Burgher
Peasant
Peasants
20,31,32,34,36,38,45,47,49,60,77,78,84,94, 105, 107, 110, 112, 118,
125,130,133,134,141,151,166,167,173,178,182,199, 220, 237, 238, 240,
243,247,248,251,271,273,281
(More than one occupation or more than one author)
21.
92.
122.
137.
146.
192.
(and
(and
(two
(and
(and
(and
cobbler, one author)
cantor, one author)
peasants and cantor, three authors)
teacher, two authors)
cantor, one author)
cantor and scribe, one author)
Cantors
85,99,103,106,126,152,176,186,187,195,215,244,259
(More than one occupation or more than one author)
14.
92.
122.
146.
162.
191.
192.
210.
(and
(and
(and
(and
(and
(and
(and
(and
scribe, one author)
peasant, one author)
two peasants, three authors)
peasant, one author)
scribe, one author)
scribe, one author)
scribe and peasant, one author)
scribe, one author)
Teachers
1, 4, 15, 26, 42, 43, 67, 73, 76, 268, 275
(More than one author)
137. (and peasant, two authors)
254
Appendix III
Burghers and Artisans
II,
9~
197,
20~
218,
22~
239, 246, 249, 280
(More than one occupation)
2 \.
(and peasant)
Priests
40, 44, 115, 150, 154, 160, 161, 235, 255, 262
Scribes
8\.
14.
162.
19 \.
192.
210.
(More than one occupation)
(and cantor)
(and cantor)
(and cantor)
(and cantor and peasant)
(and cantor)
Merchants
3, 116, 119
IV. List of Activists
The main centre of the individual's activities, 1884-5.
This refers to occupations in 1884-5. Occupations appearing in parentheses signify that the given occupation is presumed rather than determined with certainty.
POSITION IN RC Position in the reading club, 1884-5.
AUTHOR: Refers only to contribution of items of correspondence included in the
corpus of correspondence.
POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT Position in the communal (municipal) government.
DISTINGUISHING
FEATURES Such
as latynnyk, shliakhta khodachkova or
non-Ukrainian nationality.
FAMIL v BACKGROUND.
FAMILY CONNECTIONS: With other activists.
LOCATION
OCCUPATION
ECONOMIC STATUS.
EDUCATION.
In the case of teachers, twenty-two is taken to be the most common age
to begin teaching (see below LA 14, 29, 83, 178, 256, 340). In the case of
peasants, twenty is taken to be the minimum age to come into land and
twenty-five the most common age to marry and come into land.
AGE
DEATH.
MARITAL STATUS:
Only for priests.
MOBILlTV.
PUBLICATIONS:
Refers only to items outside the corpus of correspondence.
Refers to activities not included under other rubrics.
OTHER ACTIVITIES
Antin Rybachek
Sylvester L. Drymalyk
Kyrylo Genyk
Danylo Taniachkevych (younger)
Amvrosii de Krushelnytsky
<
>:
9:
::s
(1)
"0
"0
;p.
~
V.
N
257
List of Activists
I.
Andriishyn, Hryhorii
Dobrostany,
Horodok district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION
IN
Deputy administration (CC 100, 122). AUTHOR: ec 100 (coauthor). OTHER
ACTIVITIES: Presented lecture in the reading club on Volodymyr Barvinsky, 1885 (ee
245).
LOCATION:
RC:
2.
Andrukhovych
LOCATION: Tsvitova, Buchach district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). AGE: Referred to as
"young Andrukhovych" (CC 16). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Singled out as the main reformer in
the village and backbone of the reading club.
3.
Andrunyk, Hrynko
Korelychi, Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant, perhaps cantor).
CC 37 (signed only "Andrunyk z Chytalni"; the author may have been
Andrunyk. Ivan). ECONOMIC STATUS: In 1864 he paid taxes of 4.9 gulden, which differed
little from the average tax paid by the Greek Catholic parishioners of Korelychi, 4.7
gulden. I AGE: In 1864 he was already listed among the tax-paying Greek Catholic
parishioners of Korelychi. Thus he had already come of age, which suggests that he was
born in 1839 or earlier 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: Directed the reading club's choir in 1884 3
LOCATION:
AUTHOR:
I) TsDIAL, I 46/64b/2294, pp. 54-61. 2) Ibid., p. 56v. 3) Chytalnyk,
Peremyshlian," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 46 (14 [2J November 1884): 294.
4.
" ... vid
Andrunyk, han
Korelychi, Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
Librarian (CC 84). AUTHOR: CC 237 (possibly; see Andrunyk, Hrynko). ECONOMIC
STATUS: Proprietor (CC 84). AGE: Probably born after 1839, since he had not come of
age in 1864 (see Andrunyk, Hrynko).
LOCATION:
RC:
5.
Antoniv, Martyn
Pochapy,
Zolochiv
Secretary (CC 268).
LOCATION:
RC:
6.
district.
Kolodribka, Zalishchyky
Deputy administration (eC 76).
LOCATION:
POSITION
IN
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
Babynets, han
Fytkiv, Nadvirna district.
Treasurer (CC 58).
LOCATION:
RC:
8.
(Peasant).
Babiak, Andrii
RC:
7.
OCCUPATION:
OCCUPATION:
Nonpeasant (ee 58).
POSITION
IN
Bakuska, Vasyl
Mykolaiv, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. ECONOMIC STATUS: A
wealthy I proprietor (CC 198). AGE: Mentioned as a relatively new property-owner in a
document from 1859, thus probably born c. 1834 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: Vice-president of
Pravda society, 1884-5 (ee 71, 198).
LOCATION:
I) Tarnavsky, Spohady, 32. 2) TsDIAL, 146/64/1124, p. 139v.
9.
Balaban, I.
Shliakhtyntsi,
Librarian (Ce 108).
LOCATION:
RC:
Ternopil
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
Ternopil
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
10. Balaban, R.
Shliakhtyntsi,
Treasurer (ee 108).
LOCATION:
RC:
Appendix IV
258
I I. Balandiuk, PavIo
LOCATION: Utishkiv, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Teacher, retired. POSITION IN
RC: President (CC 216). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Scribe. AGE: He had been teaching
since at least the early 1870s and he retired by the 1880s. 1 He was therefore probably born
sometime before 1850. MOBILITY: He was a teacher in the parish school in Kupche,
Kaminka Strumylova district, in the early 1870s,2 then moved to Obelnytsia, Rohatyn
district,3 and finished the 1870s teaching in Kozara, Rohatyn district 4 He came to Utiskiv
in March 1885 (CC 216). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Within three months of his arrival in
Utishkiv he founded the reading club there (CC 216).
II Szem. kr. Gal. 1871,405; he is not listed in ibid. 1881, 1884 or 1885. 21 Ibid. 1871,
405; ibid. 1872,392; ibid. 1873,396; ibid. 1874,427. 31 Ibid. 1874,443 (he is listed twice
in the 1874 schematism). 41 Ibid. 1877,435; ibid. 1878,424; ibid. 1879,417.
12. BaIias, HanyIo (Hanykh)
LOCATION: Dobrostany,
Horodok
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
RC: Treasurer (CC 100, 245). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He
hosted the reading club in his home for at least a year (CC 100, 245).
13. BaIytsky, AIeksander
LOCATION: Kolodribka,
Zalishchyky
district. OCCUPATION: Priest.
POSITION
IN
RC: President (CC 76). ECONOMIC STATUS: Assistant in the parish of Synkiv, which had a
daughter church in Kolodribka; together they had 3,728 members. I AGE: Born 1858,
ordained 1879. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married.
II Shem. Lviv. 1884.250.
14. Banakh, MykhaiI
LOCATION: Rudno, Lviv district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. POSITION IN RC: Secretary (CC
243). FAMILY BACKGROUND: Son of peasants of moderate means (10 JoCh)1
EDUCATION: He finished the first three grades of elementary school in his native Vynnyky,
Lviv district, where he was taught by a cantor. He finished the fourth grade and began
attending gymnasium in Lviv. At that time instruction at the gymnasium was in German.
During the fifth class of gymnasium he quit his studies in order to work as a teacher. I
AGE: Born 13 November 1850 (O.S.).I DEATH: 24 March 1888 (O.S.); he died of
typhus. I MOBILITY: Born in Vynnyky and educated in Lviv, he taught in Biala, Rzesz6w
district, for six or seven years and then in Vorotsiv, Horodok district, for three or four
years. He came to Rudno in 1883 and stayed there until his death. I PUBLICATIONS: He
contributed frequently to the pedagogical periodicals Hazeta shkolna, 1877-9,2 and
Shkolna chasopys, 1881-2, 1884-5. 3 He published new-year carols (U shchedrivky) from
Rudno in Zoria in 1885 4 and articles on conservation in HOffodar i promyshlenyk in
1887. 5 He also sent items of correspondence to Siovo, 1881, and Novyi prolom. The
Kachkovsky society published his booklet Khlib nash nasushchnyi l and the Vydavnytstvo
narodne his Velyki hroshi z maloho zakhodu (Lviv, 1888).7
OTHER ACTIVITIES: In the late I 870s, he taught in Biala, a Ukrainian village near
Rzesz6w. Here he acted as a missionary of Ruthenianism among the local Lemko
population. I In 1877 he contributed an article to Hazeta shkolna on "The Ruthenians near
Rzesz6w."s He was one of the founders of the reading club in Rudno (CC 240).
II Lev493, B-34. 2) Levi, no. 16541V, 17871, I 787IV, 19191, 1919111. 31 Levi, no. 2362,
2520,2881,3114.4) Levi, no. 29541. 5) Lev2, no. 64. 61 Levi, no. 2330VIII. 71 Lev2,
no. 416. 81 Mykhail Banakh, "Rusyny pid Reshovom," Hazeta shkolna, 1877, no. II, cited
in Levi, no. 16541V.
15. Barnych, KornyIo
LOCATION: Kadobna,
Kalush
RC: Administration (CC 121).
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
List of Activists
259
16. Bartetsky, Roman
LOCATION: Kutkivtsi.
Ternopil
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
RC: Vice-president (CC 69). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (CC 69). DISTINGUISHING
FEATURES: Bartetsky was probably a latynnyk. His name is typically Polish rather than
Ukrainian. When Batkivshchyna took to task five mayors in Ternopil district for using
Polish-language community seals. Bartetsky was not singled out-as were two others-as a
Ruthenian. 1 The commune of Kutkivtsi in 1880 had a community of about 160 latynnyky
in a total population of 70l. 2 FAMILY BACKGROUND: A Stefan Bartetsky was listed among
the peasants of Kutkivtsi in 1854-6. Along with three other peasants, he shared a
half-peasant holding of under 13 loch; the average holding was under 15 loch and
holdings ranged from 290 square Klafter to 39 loch 1078 square Klafter. Stefan was himself a quarter peasant in a village that roughly broke down into 13 per cent whole peasants,
37 per cent half peasants, 25 per cent quarter peasants and 25 per cent gardeners. Thus
Stefanj who was probably Roman's father, was a middling peasant of just below average
status. MOBILITY: The Bartetsky family had been in Kutkivtsi at least since 1854. 3
I) Rozhnivanyi, " ... z Ternopilshchyny," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 45 (7 November [26
October] 1884): 286. 2) Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880,426.3) TsDlAL, 488/1/653, p. 12v and
page facing p. 79v.
17. Basaichuk, Mykola (Nykola[i], Michal)
Hvozd, Nadvirna district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. POSITION IN RC:
President. l AUTHOR: CC 4. ECONOMIC STATUS: He was an "assistant teacher" (but
there was no other teacher in Hvozd) in an "unreorganized" school, i.e., one that had not
been fully integrated into the standard school system. 2 Thus he did not receive the standard teacher's salary. AGE: He began teaching in 18792 and therefore was born c. 1857.
PUBLICATIONS: He published an obituary of another activist teacher in Shkolna chasopys
in 1885 (see Vidlyvany, Nykyfor). OTHER ACTIVITIES: His wife, who was Polish, was also
active in the Hvozd reading club; she read aloud to the peasants. I Mykola Basaichuk
helped establish the reading club in Fytkiv, Nadvirna district (CC 22).
LOCATION:
I) Nadvirnianskii, "Pysmo vid Nadvirnoi," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 52 (28 [16] December
1883): 310. 2) Szem. kr. Gal. 1879, 411; ibid. 1881, 425; ibid. 1885, 405; neither
Basaichuk nor a school in Hvozd are mentioned in ibid. 1873, 1877 or 1878.
18. Berbeka, Levko
LOCATION: Dmytriv, Kaminka Strumylova
RC: Treasurer (CC 52). ECONOMIC STATUS:
district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
A Levko Berbeka had the middling holding
of 10 loch 578 square Klafter in the mid-1850s. 1 However, four Berbeka households were
in Dmytriv at that time 2 and it is difficult to be certain that this was the same Levko
Berbeka. AGE: If Levko Berbeka held land in 1855,1 he was probably born in 1830 or earlier and no later than 1835. MOBILITY: The Berbeka family' had long been in Dmytriv,
since they had established four households there by the 1850s. 2
I) TsDlAL, 168/1/1016, p. 16v. 2) Ibid., pp. 16v, 26v, 36v; see also p. 78.
19. Bernyk, Andrukh (Andrus)
LOCATION: Lysiatychi, Stryi district. OCCUPATION:
RC: Administration (CC 70). FAMILY BACKGROUND:
Peasant and merchant. POSITION IN
The Bernyk family was prominent in
village affairs since at least 1846, when Ivan Bernyk served as plenipotentiary. 1 A Tymko
Bern*k was plenipotentiary in 1853,2 a Stefan Bernyk was an alderman (P przysi/?zny) in
1861 and a lats Bernyk was plenipotentiary and mayor in 1865.4 AGE: Andrukh Bernyk
was not yet mentioned in a list of villagers claiming servitude rights in 1870. 5 Hence, he
had probably not yet come of age and was born after 1845. MOBILITY: The Bernyk family
was well established in Lysiatychi by the 1840s. 1 PUBLICATIONS: A speech of his was
published in Batkivshchyna in 1892.6 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He participated in the movement
to establish Ukrainian stores, worked closely with the priest-activist Hrynevetsky,
Apolinarii, and was an active member of the reading club administration (CC 70). In 1892
he spoke at a national populist political meeting in Stryi, where he emphasized the
Appendix IV
260
importance of reading clubs and urged that reading clubs concern themselves more with
economic matters, such as the founding of communal granaries 6 On the eve of the
notorious Badeni elections of 1895, Bernyk was arrested and detained until the elections
were over; he was not even interro~ated, simply kept in custody to prevent him from
agitating for the Ukrainian candidate.
1) TsDIAL, 146/64b/4940, p. 92 (see also p. 107v). 2) Ibid., 4941, p. 36. 3) Ibid., 4943,
p. 50. 4) Ibid., 4944, p. 26. 5) Ibid., pp. 63-5, 98-9. 6) [Andrukh] Bernyk, "Z Lysiatych,"
Batkivshchyna 14, no. 27 (3 [15] July 1892): 136.7) 01esnytsky, Storinky, 2:100-1.
20.
Bilan, Oleksa
LOCATION: Olesha, Tovmach district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC: Deputy
administration (CC 60). MOBILITY: The Bilan family had been in Olesha since at least the
1850s. 1
1) TsDIAL, 168/1/4099, pp. 70v, 85v.
21.
Bilevych, Konstantyn
Utishkiv, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of
Utishkiv, which had 1,318 parishioners, an endowment of 87 Joch of arable land and 64
Joch of meadow and a congruum of 128 gulden 62 kreuzer. 1 EDUCATION: He attended
normal school in Zhovkva and gymnasium in Lviv; he studied philosophy and theology at
Lviv University. He knew, in addition to Ukrainian, Old Church Slavonic, Polish, German
and Latin? AGE: Born 1823, ordained 1847. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Widowed l
MOBILITY: He was educated in Zhovkva and Lviv. Utishkiv, where he became pastor in
1872,2 was not his first posting. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club
in Utishkiv (CC 216). He was the administrator of the Busk deanery from 1868 and dean
from 1872 (even though he lived in the Olesko deanery). He was named a
(U) kry10shanyn in 1883, but turned down the appointment. 3
LOCATION:
1) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 116.2) Lev493, B-145. 3) Ibid.; see also Shem. Lviv. 1884,51.
22,
Bilevych, Mykhailo
LOCATION:
Kukyziv, Lviv district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Secretary
(CC 10).
23. Bilokha, Vasyl
LOCATION: Buzhok, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC: Deputy
administration (CC 42). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served on the administration of the
Buzhok reading club at its founding in 1881. 1
1) Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomyr Seliansky], "Pysmo z Hlukhoho Kuta," Batkivshchyna 3,
no. 10 (16 May 1881): 80.
24,
Bilynsky, Pankratii
LOCATION: Toky, Zbarazh district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President (CC
80). ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a parish with 1,650 members, an endowment of 100
Joch of arable land and 105 Joch of meadow and a congruum of 17 gulden 97 kreuzer l
AGE: Born 1839, ordained 1864. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He
helped found a granary and loan association (CC 80).
1) Shem. Lviv. 1884,79.
25. Boichuk, VasyI
LOCATION: Liucha, Kolomyia district.
administration (CC 206).
26,
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Deputy
Boikevych, I1iia
LOCATION: Rohatyn (district capital).
PUBLICATIONS: Numerous contributions
OCCUPATION: Cantor. AUTHOR: CC 195, 259.
on the cantors' movement to Batkivshchyna, 1884,
List of Activists
261
1886-7, 1890;1 Dilo, 1885-6;2 Myr, 1885-6;3 Novyi prolom, 1885;4 and Siovo, 1885 5
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a major activist in the cantors' movement and in 1885 represented the cantors to the metropolitan (CC 195). In 1887 he was secretary of the cantors'
committee 6
I) I1iia Boikevych, "Vidozva do ruskykh diakiv Halychyny i Bukovyny," Batkivshchyna 6,
no. 35 (29 [17] August 1884): 213-14 (an eloquent programmatic statement of the
cantors' movement); I1iia Boikevych, "Pysmo z Rohatyna," ibid. 8, no. 5 (5 February [24
January] 1886): 29; I1iia Boikevych, "Pysmo z Rohatyna," ibid. 9, no. I (7 January 1887
[26 December 1886]): 4; I1iia Boikevych, "Pysmo vid Rohatyna," ibid. 9, no. 19 (13 [I]
May 1887): 112-13; I1iia Boikevych, "Sprava diakivska," ibid. 12, no. 9 (23 February [7
March] 1890): 115. 2) Levi, no. 2943IX, 2943X, 3163IX, 3I63X. 3) Levi, no. 2997IX,
32231X. 4) Levi, no. 3016IX. 5) Levi, no. 3074IX. 6) Boikevych, "Pysmo vid Rohatyna,"
Batkivshchyna 9 (1884): 112-13.
27. Boiko, Iurko
LOCATION: Darakhiv,
Terebovlia
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
STATUS: Proprietor (CC 82). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Founder of reading club (CC 82).
28. Bokii, Kyrylo
LOCATION: Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Burgher (CC 148). POSITION IN
RC: Administration (CC 275).
29. Bolekhivsky, Andrei I.
LOCATION: Chertezh, Zhydachiv district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. AUTHOR: CC 43.
FAMILY BACKGROUND: His father, Ioann Bolekhivsky, lived in the circle capital of
Kolomyia and combined farming with trading in pottery at markets in Bukovyna, Podillia,
Pokuttia, Hungary and Romania. The Bolekhivsky family claimed to be of boyar descent.
Andrei's mother Anna (maiden name: Melnyk) was the daughter of a Kolomyia burgher.
Both the father and mother had priests in their family. I EDUCATION: He attended the normal school (G K.k. Kreis-Hauptschule) in Kolomyia, 1860-4, and then gymnasium in the
same city, 1865-9. In 1870 he set off on a journey through Hungary, traversing nearly half
the country on foot. He planned to continue his education there, but the Magyar language
of instruction proved an impediment. From 1871 to 1873 he attended the teachers'
seminary in Lviv 1 AGE: Born 6 December 1851 (O.S.).I DEATH: 21 February 1897
(O.S.).I MOBILITY: Educated in his native Kolomyia and Lviv, he travelled outside Galicia
as a youth, accompanying his father to market towns in Russian Ukraine, Romania and
the eastern Austro-Hungarian empire. He also travelled through Hungary in 1870.
Chertezh was at least his second posting as a teacher; he taught there from 1883 to 1891.
From 1895 until his death he was the principal of the school in Rozvadiv, Zhydachiv
district. I PUBLICATIONS: He contributed riddles and puzzles as well as items of
correspondence to: Narodna shkola (Kolomyia), 1875; Russkaia rada, c. 1875-7; Hazeta
shkolna, 1876-39; Dilo, 1880; Vesna (Kolomyia), 1880; Priiatel ditei, 1882; Przyjaciel
Domowy, 1882-34; Rbzowe Domino, 1882; Szczutek, 1882; Glos Nauczycielski
(Kolomyia), 1883; Przedswit (Chernivtsi), 1883-4; Swiat [//ustrowany (Vienna), 1883;
Novyi prolom; Besida (Lviv), 1887; Novyi halychanyn, 1889; Szkola (Lviv), 1893. OTHER
ACTIVITIES: In Rozvadiv he established a reading club and store. I
I) Lev493, B-244.
30. Borys, Hr[yhorii]
LOCATION: lavoriv (district capital). OCCUPATION:
Burgher (CC 142). POSITION IN
RC: Administration (CC 142). AGE: Elder brother in church brotherhood (CC 142).
31. Borys, P.
LOCATION: lavoriv (district capital). OCCUPATION: Burgher (CC 142). POSITION IN
RC: Deputy administration (CC 142).
Appendix IV
262
32. Brateiko, Luka
LOCATION: Makhniv,
Rava
RC: Librarian (CC 137).
Ruska
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
33. Brytan, Antin
LOCATION: lavoriv (district capital). OCCUPATION: Burgher (CC 142). POSITION IN
RC: Administration (CC 142). AGE: Born c. 1835. 1 DEATH: I July 1890 (O.S.).I
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He donated a subscription to one periodical to the reading club In
lavoriv, 1885 (CC 142).
Together with his brother Ostap, Antin Brytan was arrested in early 1888. In
December 1887 the brothers had allegedly stated that "the Russians (U moskali) will
come and slaughter the Poles and Jews." This was at a time of Austro-Russian tension,
when naive tsarist sentiments flourished in Galicia and many of the common yeople
awaited a Russian invasion that would bring justice and a bloody vengeance. The
brothers' statement was denounced to the authorities, who ordered their arrest. According
to Batkivshchyna (1888, no. 7), the arrest was primarily motivated by considerations of
local ethnic politics. lavoriv had just had elections in which twenty-four Ukrainians and
only twelve non-Ukrainians were elected to city council. The non-Ukrainians contested the
result and new elections were expected. The arrest of the Brytan brothers was intended to
neutralize their considerable influence among lavoriv burghers. A court in Przemysl
sentenced Antin Brytan to two months' imprisonment, but a tribunal of cassation in Vienna
revoked the sentence. The Ukrainian press (see Chervonaia Rus', 1890, no. 141) reported
that the arrest and trial undermined Antin Brytan's health and was the indirect cause of
his death.
I) Lev493, B-322. 2) See Himka, "Hope in the Tsar," 133-4.
34. Buchma, Stefan
LOCATION: Kamianka
Vice-president. I
RC:
ACTIVITIES: Patron of
Lisna, Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
(CC 53). OTHER
ECONOMIC
STATUS: Wealthy
peasant
the reading club (CC 53).
I) "Ot Ravy russkoi," Slovo 24, no. 46 (26 April [8 May] 1884): 2.
35. Burak, I1ko
LOCATION: Vynnyky,
STATUS: Proprietor (CC
Zhovkva
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
262). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Administration of the Pravda society
(CC 262).
36. Burak, Lev (Leon)
LOCATION: Vynnyky, Zhovkva district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Treasurer
(CC 5, 153). FAMILY BACKGROUND: His father, Danko Burak, was a middling peasant
with 10 loch 860 square Klafter of land. He served as alderman (P przysirzny) in 1854
and was illiterate. I ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 262). EDUCATION: Literate 2
AGE: Born c. 1850 3 MOBILITY: His grandfather, Lesko Burak, had also lived in
Vynnyky2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: Treasurer of the reading club from 1883 4 Cofounder of the
reading club, loan fund (Pravda society) and communal granary5 On the administration of
the Pravda society in 1885 (CC 262) and still treasurer in 1894 6
I) TsDIAL, 168/1/484, pp. Iv, 36v, 79v. 2) LODA, 10/1/18, p. 15.3) LODA, 10/1/49,
p. 40. 4) Vynnychanyn, "Pysmo vid Zhovkvy," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 50 (14 [2] December
1883): 301. 5) "Pysmo vid Zhovkvy," Batkivshchyna 10, no. 14 (6 April [25 March]
1885): 85. 6) Sylvester Drymalyk, "Pysmo z Zhovkvy," Batkivshchyna 16, no. 6 (16 [28]
March 1894): 45.
37. Burak, Semko
LOCATION: Vynnyky,
Zhovkva
district.
RC: Librarian (CC 153). OTHER ACTIVITIES:
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
Secretary of the Pravda society, 1894. 1
IN
List of Activists
263
I) Sylvester Drymalyk, "Pysmo z Zhovkvy," Batkivshchyna 16, no. 6 (16 [28] March
1894): 45.
38. Burnadz, Semen (Symeon)
LOCATION: Horodenka (district capital). OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC President,
early 1884 (CC 15). ECONOMIC STATUS: Assistant in a parish of 4,862; salary of 210
gulden. 1 AGE: Born 1856, ordained 1883. 1 DEATH: 8 November 1914 2 MARITAL
STATUS: Married l MOBILITY: Born in Serafyntsi, Kolomyia circle, and certainly educated
in Lviv, he served as an assistant in Horodenka and Repuzhyntsi, Horodenka district, and
as pastor in Oliieva-Korolivtsi, Horodenka district 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: In 1883 he
organized a collection to acquire premises for the reading c1ub J He was mentioned as still
a member of the Horodenka reading club in the late winter of 1886,4 but he was no longer
active by the late summer of that year 5 He was an outspoken opponent of the radical
movement in rural Horodenka district at the turn of the century6
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 214. 2) lashan and Marunchak, "Pomianyk peredovykh
sviashchenykiv Horodenshchyny," 661. 3} Maksym Krushelnytsky [Andriichuk], "Pysmo z
Horodenky," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 49 (7 December [25 November] 1883): 295. 4) K.L.S.,
"Pysmo z Horodenky," Batkivshchyna 8, no. I I (19 [7] March 1886): 65. 5) Pravdoliub,
"Pysmo z Horodenky," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 35 (17 [5] September 1886): 208. 6)
"Novynky. Pip-voroh prosvity'," Hromadskyi holos, no. 16 (1900): 135.
39. Byliv, Iosyf
Burkaniv, Pidhaitsi district. OCCUPATION: Cantor. AUTHOR: CC 99, \03, 244.
Poor. Byliv had to supplement his income by working as an
agricultural labourer (CC 99). MOBILITY: Before moving to Burkaniv, he had been cantor
in Mozalivka, also in Pidhaitsi district (CC 99). PUBLICATIONS: He contributed articles on
the cantors' movement to Batkivshchvna, 1885;1 Siovo, 1886;2 Halychanyn, 1894;3 and
Russkoe slovo, 1894. OTHER ACTIVITIES: In 1879, as cantor in ~ozalivka, he agitated
for the Ukrainian candidate in parliamentary elections. The landlord became angry, had
the gendarmes search his home and put pressure on the pastor to have him fired within a
year (CC 99). The village of Burkaniv had a choir in 1884,5 which was probably established and directed by Byliv.
LOCATION:
ECONOMIC
STATUS:
I) I[osyf] B[yliv], "V spravi diakivskii," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 4 (23 [II] January 1885):
31. 2) Levi, no. 32851X. 3) Lev3, no. 3504. 4) Lev3, no. 3937. 5) "Ruski selianski i
mishchanski spivni khory v Halychyni," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 35 (29 [17] August 1884):
215.
40. Chemerynsky, Antonii
LOCATION: Tsebriv, Ternopil district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of
Vorobiivka, Ternopil district, with the daughter church in Tsebriv; together, the two
congregations numbered 1,971. The endowment in arable land was 135 loch and in
meadow 5 loch. The congruum was 90 gulden 36 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1833, ordained
1858. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: Proponent of enlightenment in
Tsebriv (CC 44).
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 159.
41. Chepil, Konstantyn
LOCATION: Kadobna, Kalush district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC President
(CC 121). ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of Kropyvnyk, Kalush district, with 2,062
parishioners, an endowment of 56 loch of arable land, 135 loch of meadow and a
congruum of 143 rulden 53 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1829, ordained 1859. 1 MARITAL
STATUS: Married.
I) Shem. Lvi\'. 1884, 94.
Appendix IV
264
42. Cheredarchuk, Vasyl
LOCATION:
Nakvasha, Brody district.
OCCUPATION:
Teacher.
Treasurer
POSITION. IN RC:
(CC 201). AGE: Began teaching in 1878,1 therefore born c. 1856. MOBILITY: He first
taught in Pidkamin in 1878,1 then in Ruda Bridska from 1879 until the early 1880s,2 and
finally in Nakvasha;3 all these localities were in Brody district. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was
one of the founders of the reading club and director of the village choir (CC 20 I).
1) He is not mentioned in Szem. kr. Gal. 1877, but figures as junior teacher (P nauczyciel
mlodszy) in ibid. 1878, 387. 2) Ibid. 1879, 382; ibid. 1881, 392. 3) Ibid. 1884, 372;
ibid. 1885, 372.
43. Cherevatiuk
LOCATION: Trybukhivtsi, Husiatyn district. OCCUPATION: Cantor and merchant (CC 207).
MOBILITY: No Cherevatiuk family is mentioned in the records of Trybukhivtsi in 1854.
OTHER ACTIVITIES: Comanager of community store (CC 207).
44. Chernetsky, Vasyl
LOCATION:
Silets Be1zkyi, Sokal district.
OCCUPATION:
Priest.
POSITION IN RC:
President,
1884 (CC 127); administration, 1885 (CC 278). AUTHOR: CC 235, 255.
FAMILY
Son of a priest. 1 ECONOMIC STATUS: He spent nineteen years as chaplain
in Stroniatyn, Lviv district, until on 20 May 1884 he was made pastor of Silets Belzkyi. 1
In 1880 Silets Belzkyi had 2,315 Greek Catholics. 2 EDUCATION: He attended normal
school together with the future Cardinal Sylvester Sembratovych in Jaslo (circle capital) in
1844-7; lower gymnasia in Rzesz6w, Przemy§l and Nowy SljCZ (all circle capitals); and
higher gymnasia in Presov, Kosice and Uzhhorod (all in Hungary). He studied theology in
Lviv and Przemy§l, 1859-62. 1 AGE: Born 7 January 1837 (O.S.), ordained 7 December
1862 (O.S.)l DEATH: 1900. 3 MOBILITY: Born in the Carpathian village of Tarnawka
(Tarnavka), Sanok circle, he was educated in several central Galician circle capitals (today
all in Poland), in several towns in Slovakia and Transcarpathia and in Lviv. For almost two
decades he was chaplain in Stroniatyn, near Lviv, and spent the last sixteen years of his
life as a priest-activist in Sokal district. 1 PUBLICATIONS: He first contributed to the press
in 1862 and was a prolific contributor thereafter. His works include articles in
Strakhopud, 1864, 1867, 1869, 1872, 1880; Siovo, 1866-8, 1871-6, 1878-80;
Batkivshchyna, 1884-91; and Dilo, 1886-9. Memoirs of his student years were published
in Dilo, 1886-9. He also published a series of brochures on the local history of East
Galician towns and villages. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He had been president of the reading
club in Zapytiv, Lviv district, while still chaplain of Stroniatyn. 4 He was reputed to have
founded fourteen reading clubs by the spring of 1885,s but in an autobiographical letter to
Ivan Omelianovych Levytsky (13 February 1896 [O.S.]) he only mentioned twelve. 1 In
1885 he founded a loan association in KhrystynopiJ, Sokal district,S and in 1895 a political
society, Ruska rada, in Sokal. ' He was active in the cantors' movement; 1 he chaired a
cantors' convention in Khrystynopil in 1885 (CC 193) and pleaded the cantors' cause in the
press.' In 1892 the Przemy§l eparchy named him censor of religious books and titular
councillor. In 1893 the Lviv metropolitan also named him titular councillor. In 1897 he
was made dean of Belz.'
He served on the administration of the Sokal district council.'
BACKGROUND:
1) Lev493, Ch-33. 2) Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880. 3) Ukrainska Zahalna Entsyklopediia,
"Chernetsky." 4) K., " ... vid Iarycheva," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 18 (2 May [20 April]
1884): \07.4) "Dribni visty," Batkivshchyna 7, no. \0 (6 March [22 February] 1885): 80.
5) V. Chernetsky, "Pysmo z Krystynopolia," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 30 (3 August [22 July]
1886): 186. Vasyl Chernetsky, "Pysmo z Krystynopolia," Batkivshchyna 9, no. 7 (1887),
cited in Lev2, no. 1511.
S.V.
45. Cherniak, Petro
LOCATION:
Chekhy, Brody district.
OCCUPATION:
Peasant.
POSITION IN RC:
Treasurer
(CC 271). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 262). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Founder of the
Pravda society (CC 262).
List of Activists
265
46. Chornobai, Aleksander
LOCATION: Makhniv,
Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
RC: Vice-president (CC 137). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (CC 137). ECONOMIC
STATUS: A proprietor wealthy enough to have purchased a four-room home built by a
retired civil servant (CC 137). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Donated part of his home for the use of
the reading club and promised to provide the fuel to heat it. A member of the Rava Ruska
district council (CC 137).
47. Chuba, Maksym
LOCATION: Ordiv, Sokal district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
part of his home as premises for the reading club (CC 272).
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
Donated
48. Chypchar, Vasyl
LOCATION: Dmytriv, Kaminka Strumylova district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. POSITION IN
RC: Vice-president (CC 52). AGE: He started teaching c. 1880 and was therefore born c.
1858. 1 MOBILITY: He first taught in Neslukhiv, Kaminka Strumylova district/ and came
to Dmytriv in the early 1880s. 2
1) He is not mentioned in Szem. kr. Gal. 1879; he is, however, in ibid. 1881, 408. 2)
Ibid. 1884,387; ibid. 1885, 387.
49. Dachynsky, Iarema
LOCATION:
Nakvasha, Brody district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Secretary
(CC 201).
50. Danyliv, I1iarii (I1ko)
Briukhovychi, Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC 84). OTHER
He was a founder of the reading club in Briukhovychi (CC 57) and spoke at
the opening of the reading club in Korelychi, Peremyshliany district (CC 84).
LOCATION:
ACTIVITIES:
51. Derkach, Panko
LOCATION:
Vynnyky, Zhovkva district.
OCCUPATION:
Peasant.
POSITION IN RC:
Secretarr
(CC 153). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: A member of the Zhovkva city council in 1900.
ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 262). He seems to have been prosperous by the turn of
the century. He bid on land at an auction held by the city of Zhovkva in 1890. 2
EDUCATION: Literate (b¥ 1901).3 MOBILITY: The Derkach family had been in Vynnyky
since at least the 1850s. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He had been secretary of the reading club
since 1883. 5 In the early and mid-1880s he was cofounder of the reading club, loan fund
(Pravda society) and communal granary.6 In 1885 he was on the administration of the
Pravda society (CC 262) and in 1894 he was its vice-president. 7
1) LODA, 10/1/83, p. 31. 2) LODA, 10/1/49, pp. 3-3v. 3) LODA, 10/1/115, pp. 21, 24.
4) TsDIAL, 168/1/484, p. 16v. 5) Vynnychanyn, "Pysmo vid Zhovkvy," Batkivshchyna 5,
no. 50 (14 [2] December 1883): 301. 6) "Pysmo vid Zhovkvy," Batkivshchyna 10, no. 14
(6 April [25 March] 1885): 85. 7) Sylvester Drymalyk, "Pysmo z Zhovkvy,"
Batkivshchyna 16, no. 6 (16 [28] March 1894): 45.
52. Diakiv, Danylo
LOCATION: Korelychi,
Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
RC: Deputy administration
(CC 84). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (Ce 84).
MOBILITY: The Diakiv family had been registered in the Greek Catholic community of
Dobrianychi (near Korelychi), Peremyshliany district, in 1864. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He
recited verse at the opening of the Dobrianychi reading club in 1884. 2
I)TsDIAL, 146/64b/2294, p. 59v. 2) Chytalnyk, " ... vid Peremyshlian," Batkivshchyna 6,
no. 46 (14 [2] November 1884): 294.
Appendix IV
266
53. Diakon, Mykhail
Olesha. Tovmach district.
Scribe. POSITION IN RC: Secretary
Scribe. but fired in 1884 (CC 60. 78, II~).
EDUCATION: In an advertisement seeking employment, Diakon described his qualifications
as follows: "A trained scribe with experience in the courts, as a notary, in the political
administration and, above all, in local government; perfectly acquainted with the laws of
local government and with the management of village affairs .... " I MOBILITY: The
Diakon name does not appear in the lists of villagers from 1850-5. 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He
founded the reading club in Olesha (CC 60) and tried to found a store (CC 78). He led a
campaign against the mayor, which resulted in the community suing the mayor and
Diakon being fired as scribe]
LOCATION:
(CC 60).
POSITION
IN
LOCAL
OCCUPATION:
GOVT:
I) [Mykhail Diakon], "Pysar," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 2 (9 January 1885 [28 December
1884]): 16. 2) TsDIAL, 168/1/4099.3) " ... z Tovmatskoho," Batkivshchyna 7, no. I (2
January 1885 [21 December 1884]): 6.
Didukh, Ivan
Utishkiv, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC 216). POSITION IN
Vice-president (CC 216). OTHER ACTIVITIES: A founder of the reading club, he was
described as "an ardent patriot" (CC 216).
LOCATION:
RC:
55. Dmyterko, Semen
Ninovychi,
Sokal
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
Proprietor (CC 188). OTHER ACTIVITIES: A founder of the reading club (CC
LOCATION:
STATUS:
188).
56. Dnistriansky, Lev
LOCATION: Ozeriany, Borshchiv district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President
(CC 97). ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a parish with 1,390 members, an endowment of 80
loch of arable land and a congruum of 148 gulden 37 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1836, ordained
1860. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Widowed 1 PUBLICATIONS: He wrote a report for Ruskii Sion in
1884 on a mission held in Ozeriany2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: A proponent of enlightenment
(CC97).
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884,265.2) Levi, no. 2834.
57. Dobriansky, Hnat
Shliakhtyntsi, Ternopil
Deputy administration (CC 9).
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
58. Dobrovolsky, Ivan
LOCATION: Komarno, Rudky district.
administration (CC 9).
OCCUPATION:
(Artisan).
POSITION IN RC:
Deputy
59. Dolnytsky
LOCATION:
ACTIVITIES:
Ripniv, Kaminka Strumylova district.
Promoter of reading club (CC 159).
OCCUPATION:
Priest (CC 159).
OTHER
60. Dolnytsky, Andrei
LOCATION: Pochapy, Zolochiv
(CC 268). ECONOMIC STATUS:
55.5 loch of arable land and
kreuzer 1 AGE: Born 1829,
ACTIVITIES: Dean of Zolochiv 2
district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President
Pastor of a parish with 1,260 members, an endowment of
31 loch of meadow and a congruum of 180 ljulden 56
ordained 1852. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married.
OTHER
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 89. 2) Ibid., 85.
267
List of Activists
61. Domsky, Toma
LOCATION: Kukyziv,
Lviv
RC: Vice-president (CC 10).
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
62. Dorozhynsky, VJadysJav
LOCATION: Voltsniv, Zhydachiv district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor
of a parish with 1,026 members, an endowment of 24 loch of arable land and 12 loch of
meadow and a congruum of 217 gulden 21 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1840, ordained 1864. 1
MARITAL STATUS: Widowed. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: Proponent of a cooperative store and
enlightenment (CC 17). Commissar of school affairs, Rozdil deanery. I
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 135-6.
63. Dragan, lurko
LOCATION: Khotin,
Kalush
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
RC: Vice-president (CC 121). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Long-term mayor. 1 ECONOMIC
STATUS: Wealthy.2 EDUCATION: Illiterate. 3
OTHER ACTIVITIES: A founder of the reading club,4 he donated part of his home for it to
use as premises (CC 121).
In 1885, Khotin elected two Jews to the village council. One contributor to
Batkivshchyna addressed the villagers of Khotin as follows: " ... You would do better,
gentlemen of the community, to listen to your honourable mayor, Mr. lurko Dragan, and
vote for your own people; then you wouldn't have brought such shame upon yourselves."s A
response to this was submitted by four peasants of Khotin, including Kushchak. Fedor. the
reading club's treasurer: "It is not true that the mayor lurko Dragan counselled us to elect
honest Christian peasants. He was not sure he himself would be elected and in order to
ensure this he surrounded himself with his lackeys, to whom do not at all belong the best
proprietors of Khotin; and he conducted the election with various irregularities. That Jews
now make up almost half the village is no one's fault; if anyone is to blame it is the
aforementioned mayor, since during his three terms as mayor most of them settled in our
village. ,,6 (In 1880 there were 69 Jews in the commune of Khotin, which had a total
population of 1,071.)7
Dragan was a member of the Khotin church committee in 1889. 8 In the face of
community opposition and other difficulties, he led a campaign to build a new church. He
received a certificate of commendation (U hramota pokhvalna) from the metropolitan for
his efforts. 9
In 1893 a correspondent accused Dragan of opposing the revived reading club, which
was headed by Kendiukh. Hnat and composed mainly of younger and poorer peasants.
Dragan also allegedly attacked with a cudgel members of the administration of a loan
association, also composed of younger and poorer peasants. 2 Dragan denounced both the
reading club and the loan association to the district authorities. He himself, however, was
under investigation by the district council for "diverse abuses and crimes."IO On 8
December 1893 (N.S.) he was removed from office for embezzlement and nearly all of his
property was confiscated. 3
I) He had been mayor for a number of years already in 1885 and remained mayor until
almost the end of 1893. Ivan Dovbenka, lurko Voletsky, Zakhar Posatsky, Fedor
Kushchak, " ... vid Kalusha pro vybory dorady hromadskoi v Khotini," Batkivshchyna 7,
no. 48 (27 [15] November 1885): 332. M.D., "Visty z kraiu," Batkivshchyna II, no. 25
(23 June [5 July] 1889): 318-20. L.K., "Pysmo z Kalushchyny," Batkivshchyna 15, no. 2
(16 [28] January 1893): 12. ChIen chytalni, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," Batkivshchyna 15,
no. 24 (16 [28] December 1893): 188-9. 2) L.K., "Pysmo z Kalushchyny," Batkivshchyna
(1893): 12. 3) ChIen chytalni, "Pysmo vid Kalusha," Batkivshchyna (1893): 188-9. 4) Hp.,
"Nova chytalnia," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 26 (27 [15] June 1884): 159.5) M., " ... vid
Kalusha," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 45 (6 November [25 October] 1885): 312. 6) Dovbenka et
al., " ... vid Kalusha," Batkivshchyna (1885): 332. 7) Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880. 8)
"Zaprosyny," Batkivshchyna II, no. 19 (12 [24] May 1889): 252. 9) M.D., "Visty z
Appendix IV
268
kraiu," Batkivshchyna (1889): 318-20. 10) "Z Kalushchyny," Batkivshchyna 15, no. 15
(I [13] August 1893): 116.
64. Dragan, Konstantyn
LOCATION: Khotin, Kalush district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. I POSITION IN RC: Secretary
(CC 121). OTHER ACTIVITIES: A founder of the reading club. I
I) Hp., "Nova chytalnia," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 26 (27 [15] June 1884): 159.
65. Dragan, NykoIa
LOCATION:
(CC 121).
Khotin, Kalush district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC:
Librarian
66. Dron, Teodor
LOCATION: Fytkiv, Nadvirna district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President
(CC 58). ECONOMIC STATUS: Administrator of a parish of 657 members, an endowment of
10 loch of arable land and 30 loch of meadow and a congruum of 210 gulden 78
kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1839, ordained 1879. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Celibate 1
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 256.
67. DrymaIyk, Sylvester L.
LOCATION: Vynnyky,
Zhovkva
district.
OCCUPATION: Physician.
POSITION
IN
RC: President (CC 153). FAMILY BACKGROUND: His father, Lavrentii Drymalyk (died
1896), was a priest. I EDUCATION: He attended the Ukrainian gymnasium in Lviv,
1865-73, and studied medicine at the University of Vienna, 1876-9. 1 AGE: Born II
January 1855 (O.S.).I DEATH: 1923 2 MOBILITY: He was born in the village of Olszany
(Olshany), Przemysl circle, and educated in Lviv and Vienna. He set up his medical practice in Zhovkva,1 and stayed there until 1914, when he directed a free medical clinic in
Lviv2 PUBLICATIONS: He wrote popularly on medicine for the calendars of the
Kachkovsky Society, 1887, 1889-91. He wrote a popular booklet on children's diseases,
published by the Kachkovsky Society; a revised edition apReared in 1901. He was also author of other popular booklets, such as Likarskyi poradnyk 2 and (on venereal diseases) Pro
polovi khvoroby3 He contributed professional articles to Viennese medical journals and to
the Ukrainian journals Zdorovlie and Likarskyi visnyk 2 He wrote on enlightenment work
among the peasantry in a brochure, 0 selskykh chytalniakh poluchennykh s kasamy
pozhychkovymy (Lviv, 1889);1 also in Batkivshchyna and Dilo, 1894 4
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club I and choir in Vynnyky, 1882
(CC 53), also cofounder of the loan fund (Pravda society), 1885, and communal granary5
He presided over the reading club and Pravd~ society in Vynnyky at least through 1896.
In 1876-9, as a student in Vienna, he was president of the Russophile student society
Russkaia osnova; in 1879 he was made an honourable member of the national populist
student society in Vienna, Sich.
He served in the district administration of Zhovkva from 1880 until at least 1896. In
1885 he was elected to the Zhovkva district council, but resigned along with eleven other
Ukrainian members (including Tarchanyn. Amvrosii) to protest city elections.
In 1892, together with the lawyer Mykhail Korol, he founded the political association
Ruska rada in Zhovkva. 1 From 1914 on, he served as the director of the Narodnia
lichnytsia, a free medical clinic, in Lviv.]
I) Lev493, D-160. 2) Ukrainska Zahalna Entsyklopediia, s.v. "Drymalyk." 3)
Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Drymalyk Sylvester." 4) Lev3, no. 3446, 3615. 5)
Vynnychanyn, "Pysmo vid Zhovkvy," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 14 (6 April [25 March] 1885):
85.
68. Dubovy, Ivan
LOCATION:
(CC 10).
Kukyziv, Lviv district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC:
Librarian
List of Activists
69.
269
Dushansky, Dymytrii
LOCATION: Berezyna,
STATUS: Proprietor (CC
Zhydachiv
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
28). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Reading club activist (CC 28).
70. Dutkevych (Dudkevych), Evhenii
LOCATION: Rudno, Lviv district. OCCUPATION: Priest
GOVT: Scribe, 1882 1 ECONOMIC STATUS: Owned the
and landowner. POSITION IN LOCAL
estate of Rudno, which he turned
into a health resort 2 Also pastor of Rudno, with 924 parishioners, an endowment of 79
Joch of arable land and 34 Joch of meadow and a congruum of 45 gulden 39 kreuzer J He
lent money to peasants and demanded healthy repayment in kind. I An obituary in
Halychanyn, no. 200 (1897), described him as "an altogether enterprising and energetic
man, and at the same time cautious.,,2 AGE: Born 1836, ordained 1858 J DEATH: 13
September 1897 (O.S.)2 MARITAL STATUS: Married J
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was apparently indifferent to the enlightenment movement at first.
A parishioner complained in 1882: "Father D[utkevych] in Rudno indeed receives something like ten Ruthenian and four Polish newspapers for himself, and that not at his own
cost; but how does that benefit the people" ... Our reverend father is our priest and
landlord and scribe. He thus has all authority in his hands and could easily bring the
community to order and prosperity. But what sort of order and prosperity do we
have?! ... And if our reverend father helps someone with a loan, with money, then he says
to pay him back well in kind. Therefore the people has no attachment to and trust in its
pastor, which are so necessary, in fact indispensable, for the Ruthenian cause."t But in
1885, Dutkevych was a founder of the reading club (CC 240); he was also active in its
revival in 1890 4
He was a founder of the cooperative commercial association Narodna torhovlia, and
headed it for twelve years, until 1896. He was also a founder of the insurance company
Dnister. He was commissioner of servitude affairs in the Lviv archeparchi and later a
councillor of the metropolitan consistory2 He was a member of the Lower Austrian
bee-keeping society and the Lviv city gardening society] PUBliCATIONS: Novyi prolom,
1884, published a speech he ~ave on the occasion of the opening of a branch store of
Narodna torhovlia in Przemysl.
I) Khv., "Pysmo z-pid Lvova," Batkivshchyna 4, no. 10 (16 [4] May 1882): 78. 2) Lev493,
D-I91. 3) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 104.4) "Zahalni zbory chytalni v Rudni," Batkivshchyna 12,
no. 20 (11 [23] May 1890): 258.5) Levi, no. 2799111.
71. Dyhdalevych, han
LOCATION:
10). AGE'
Kukyziv, Lviv district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President (CC
Born 1821, ordained 1846. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: Founder of the reading club
(CC 10).
I) Catalogus . .. cieri Dioeceseos Premisliensis ... 1848, 64.
72. Dykevych (Dzykevych), Pavlo
LOCATION: Bilyi Kamin,
RC: Administration (CC
Zolochiv district.
275).
OCCUPATION:
Burgher (CC 148). POSITION IN
73. Dylynsky, Volodymyr
LOCATION: Liashky
ECONOMIC STATUS:
Dolishni and Horishni, Bibrka district. OCCUPATION: Priest.
Pastor of a parish with 1,006 members, an endowment of 65 Joch of
arable land and 6 Joch of meadow and a congruum of 184 gulden 16 kreuzer. AGE: Born
1848, ordained 1871. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: Proponent of
enlightenment (CC 139).
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 180.
Appendix IV
270
74. Dynsky, Toma
LOCATION: Kolodribka,
RC: Treasurer (CC 76;
Zalishchyky district. OCCUPATION: Peasaht. POSITION IN
actually referred to as Tymish, but this seems to be an error for
Toma, correctly named later in CC 76). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 76). OTHER
ACTIVITIES: Treasurer of the reading club in 1890.'
I) "Chytalnia v Kolodribtsi," Batkivshchyna 12, no. 24 (8 [20] June 1890): 311.
75. Fedorovych, Vasyl
LOCATION: Dobrostany, Horodok district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC 245) and peasant
(eC 100). POSITION IN RC: Librarian, 1884-5 (CC 100, 146); secretary, 1885 (CC 245).
AUTHOR: CC 146. ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 100). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He spoke
at the opening of the reading club in 1884 (CC 100) and gave a lecture on the Ukrainian
language in 1885 (CC 245).
76. Fedun, I.
LOCATION:
Bila, Ternopil district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Secretary
(eC 69).
77. Filvarkiv
LOCATION: Horodenka
(district
RC: Administration (CC 15).
capital).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
7S. Forlita, Petro
LOCATION: Dobrostany,
Horodok
RC: Vice-president, 1884 (CC 100,
district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN
122); auditor, 1885 (CC 245). AUTHOR: CC 122
(coauthor).
79. Fyniak, Dmytro
LOCATION: Korelychi, Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION:
RC: Deputy administration (CC 84). FAMILY BACKGROUND: In
Peasant. POSITION IN
1864 a Mykhailo Fyniak,
presumably Dmytro's father, paid taxes of 6.7 gulden, which was higher than the average
tax paid by the Greek Catholic parishioners of Korelychi, 4.7 gulden. I ECONOMIC
STATUS: Proprietor (CC 84). MOBILITY: The Fyniak family had been in Korelychi since at
least 1864.'
I) TsDIAL, 146/64b/2294, p. 55v.
SO. Gabrysh (Gabrysz), Liudvyk (Ludwik)
LOCATION: Nykonkovychi,
Lviv district. POSITION IN RC: President (CC 105).
DISTINGUISHING FEATURES: He was of the Latin rite,' either a latynnyk or a Pole. 2
MOBILITY: The Gabrysh family was not recorded among the former serfs of Nykonkovychi
in 1852-5. 3 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club, which met in his
home (CC 105). His son was a student in Lviv (CC 105).
I) "Novi chytalni," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 20 (16 [4] May 1884): 120. 2) The commune of
Nykonkovychi in 1880 had 34 Roman Catholics, 393 Greek Catholics, 5 Jews and 11 of
other religions (probably Evangelicals); there were 28 German-speakers, 13 Polish-speakers
and 402 Ukrainian-speakers. Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880. If we assume that the Jews and
Evangelicals spoke German, then 12 of the Roman Catholics were German-speakers. Thus
22 of the Roman Catholics were either Polish-speaking (Poles) or Ukrainian-speaking
(Iatynnyky). There were 13 Polish-speakers recorded in the census, thus leaving 9
Ukrainian-speaking Roman Catholics. The latter figure corresponds to the 9
Ukrainian-speakers who were not Greek Catholics. Hence it is most probable that the
village had 13 Poles proper and 9 latynnyky. 3) TsDIAL, 168/1/1916.
SI. Galat (Halat), Roman
lOCATION: Brovary, Buchach district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC 75). POSITION IN
RC: Secretary (ee 75). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the original reading club
List of Activists
271
(CC 75) and then of the revived reading club in 1901. He was president of the revived
reading club from 1901 until at least 1903. At that time Galat was an agent for the
insurance company Dnister.'
/) TsDIAL, 348/1/1297, pp. 21, 24-5, 31v.
82. Gelmas, Ivan
LOCATION: Nykonkovychi,
Lviv
RC: Treasurer (CC lOS). MOBILITY:
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
The Gelmas family had already established six
peasant households in Nykonkovychi by 1852-5 1 • OTHER ACTIVITIES: A founder of the
reading club (CC 105).
/) TsDIAL, 168/1/1916, pp. Iv, llv, 16v, 21v.
83. Genyk (Genik, Genig) (-Berezovsky), Kyrylo (Cyril, Charles)
Bereziv Nyzhnii, Kolomria district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. DISTINGUISHING
Shliakhta khodachkova. FAMILY BACKGROUND: Descended from the large
and ancient Berezovsky clan of Bereziv, Ukrainian nobility that gradually became
impoverished after the occupation of Galicia b~ Poland in the fourteenth century. I The
Berezovsky family bore the Sas coat-of-arms. "This group multiplied profusely and
formed a large settlement of free yeomanry who ~ealously guarded their patents of nobility
as a safeguard against falling into servitude." His father Ivan was mayor and the
wealthiest farmer in the village] FAMILY CONNECTIONS: Brother of Genyk, Stefan (CC
206): married the daughter of Tsurkovsky, Ihnatii.1 ECONOMIC STATUS: According to another teacher-activist (Krushelnytsky, Maksym), Genyk used to boast of his wealth. 4
EDUCATION: He received his primary education in Liucha, Kolomyia district, where he
took private lessons from Andrii Nykorovych (probably a cantor). He finished five grades
of the Polish gymnasium in Kolomyia,3 attended the teachers' seminary in Stanyslaviv, and
after graduating, finished the academic gymnasium in Lviv.' In the mid-1880s he wanted
to study law at Chernivtsi University but failed the entrance examination 5 AGE: Born
1857.' DEATH: 12 February 1925 (N.S.).' MOBILITY: He was born in his ancestral village
of Bereziv Nyzhnii and educated in Kolomyia, Stanyslaviv and Lviv.' He first taught in
Kaminne, Nadvirna district, in 1879,6 but returned to Bereziv Nyzhnii, where he established a school in 1882 and taught in it. 7 He later opened a store in Iabloniv, Kolomyia
district. In June 1896 he emigrated to Canada, where he lived ,mainly in Winnipeg.
Manitoba. In his later years he moved to the United States, but died in Winnipeg.'
PUBLICATIONS: He contributed an item of correspondence concerning emigration to
Canada to Dilo in 1896. He wrote on Ukrainian immigrant life in Canada for the
American paper Svoboda, 1897 and after. He also contributed to Kanadiiskyi farmer,
1903 and probably after 8
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
He was a founder of the reading clubs in Bereziv Nyzhnii and Liucha
(CC 206); he attended the inauguration of the reading club in Stopchativ (CC 263) and
spoke on Shevchenko at the opening of the reading club in Kovalivka (CC 260). All these
villages were in Kolomyia district.
Other teacher-activists found him pretensious about his petty noble origins.
Krushelnytsky, Maksym described him as follows in 1885: "He's a materialist and one can
see in him the arrogance of the nobility. He likes to brag about his wealth and we talk
little about education.,,4 Mykola Koltsuniak referred to him as "Korol,,,9 which is
Ukrainian for "king" and a pun on the name Kyrylo.
In spite of these pretensions, Genyk had socialist leanings. He became acquainted with
the Ukrainian radicals Ivan Franko and Ostap Terletsky in the late 1870s and distributed
socialist literature to the peasants. IO In early March 1880 Franko, who had already been
tried as a socialist, came to Bereziv Nyzhnii allegedly to help Genyk prepare for his
matura examination. The police were following Franko at the time and suspected that
Franko had come to Kolomyia district on socialist business. On 9 March Genyk was
arrested, along with peasants in whose possession socialist literature had been discovered
(includinf Hladii, Porfyr). Genyk was never put on trial and was released from prison on
6 June.' (The dates here are in new style.) Genyk remained close to Franko and other
LOCATION:
FEATURES:
Appendix IV
272
Ukrainian radicals as long as he remained in Galicia. His political affiliations prevented his
appointment as a postal clerk in Galicia, even though he had passed the civil service examination. In 1892 Franko and Genyk established a local organization of the
Ruthenian-Ukrainian Radical Party in Bereziv Nyzhnii U
In the mid- I 880s he became interested in business. He bought a mill in labloniv. In
1886, also in labloniv, he founded and directed an enterprise called "The Carpathian
Store" (U Karpatska kramnytsia), which bought up Hutsul craft products for sale in
Podillia. In 1889 a Carpathian Store also opened in Kolomyia, and Genyk travelled around
the villages of Kosiv district to raise shares to open branches in Kosiv and Horodenka. He
served on the auditing commission of the Hutsul Industrial Cooperative (U Hutsulska
spilka promyslova), founded April 1888, and on the administration of the People's
Cooperative (U Narodna spilka), founded in Kolomyia at the end of 1890.
In 1890 he was elected to Kolomyia district counciL I J
Genyk took an interest in the mass emigration then underway from Galicia. He
collaborated with Dr. losyf Oleskiv (Josef Oleskow) in advocating Canada as the country
for the settlement of Ukrainian immigrants and attended the conference on emigration that
Oleskiv convened in Lviv on 14 November 1895 (N.S.). On Oleskiv's urging, Genyk
emigrated to Canada as the leader of the second group of emigrants assembled by Oleskiv
in June 1896. 1 In Canada, Genyk was prominent in civic affairs. He was the first
Ukrainian to enter Canadian government service, working as an immigration officer from
early 1897 14 to March 19 II. I While retaining his Ukrainian radical sympathies, he worked
with the Liberal Party in Canada 15 He founded a reading club in Winnipeg in 1899 and
helped establish the newspaper Kanadiiskyi farmer (Winnipeg) in 1903 16 and the radically
oriented, Protestant-leaning Independent Greek Church in 1903-4. 17
I) Kaye, Early Ukrainian Settlements, 381-2. 2) Kaye, Dictionary of Ukrainian Canadian
Biography, 134. 3) Kravchuk, Kanadskyi druh, 7. 4) Letter of Maksym Krushelnytsky to
Leonid Zaklynsky, 5 January 1885, in LNB AN URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond
Zaklynskykh, 192/31, p. 147.5) Kravchuk, Kanadskyi druh, 8. 6) Szem. kr. Gal. 1879,
41 I. 7) Kravchuk, Kanadsky; druh, 7-8. 8) Ibid., 45, 52, 56. 9) Letter of Mykola
Koltsuniak to Kornylo Hnatovych Zaklynsky, 8 July 1883, in LNB AN URSR, Viddil
rukopysiv, fond Zaklynskykh, 192/31, p. 121. 10) Kravchuk, Kanadskyi druh, 10. 11)
Kalynovych, Politychni protsesy, 106-16. 12) Kravchuk, Kanadskyi druh, 23.
13) Ibid., 8-9. 14) Kaye and Swyripa, "Settlement and Colonization," 45.
15) Martynowych and Kazymyra, "Political Activity in Western Canada," 9 I. 16)
Kalynovych, Politychn; protsesy, 152. 17) Yuzyk, "Religious Life," 152 (with dates
corrected on the basis of information provided by Frances Swyripa).
84. Genyk (-Berezovsky), Stefan
LOCATION: Bereziv Nyzhnii, Kolomria district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). DISTINGUISHING
FEATURES: Shliakhta khodachkova. FAMILY BACKGROUND: See Genyk, Kyrylo. FAMILY
CONNECTIONS: Brother of Genyk, Kyrylo (CC 206). AGE: He was older than Genyk,
Kyrylo, I and was therefore born in 1856 or earlier. MOBILITY: Bereziv Nyzhnii was the
Genyk ancestral home. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club in
Bereziv Nyzhnii (CC 206). The writer Ivan Franko stayed with him on visits to Bereziv
Nyzhnii between 1900 and 1913 2
I) Kaye, Early Ukrainian Settlements, 381-2. 2) Kravchuk, Kanadskyi druh, 24.
85. Gurnytsky (Hornytsky), Iosyf
LOCATION: Korelychi,
Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: Peasant.
RC: Auditor (CC 84). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 84). MOBILITY:
POSITION
IN
Two Gurnytsk~
households were included in the list of Greek Catholic parishioners in Korelychi, 1864.
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was one of the founders of the revived reading club in 1896 and
was elected to its administration in 1897 2
I) TsDlAL, 146/64b/2294, p. 58. 2) TsDIAL, 348/ 1/3031, pp. 3, 18v.
273
List of Activists
86. Halapats, Ivan
LOCATION: Vynnyky,
RC: Vice-president (CC
Zhovkva
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
5, 153). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Vice-president of the reading club
from 1883. 1
I) Vynnychanyn, "Pysmo vid Zhovkvy," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 50 (14 [2] December 1883):
30 I.
87. Havlytsky, Antin
LOCATION: Liubycha Kniazi, Rava Ruska
RC: Vice-president (CC 137). AUTHOR: CC
district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. POSITION IN
137 (coauthor). AGE: He was teaching from
at least 1871 1 and was therefore born by 1849. MOBILITY: He taught in Liubycha Kniazi
from at least 1871 until at least 1885 1
I) Szem. kr. Gal. 1871,418; ibid. 1885,410.
88. Herynovych, Petro
LOCATION: Khrystynopil,
Sokal
RC: Administration (CC 278).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Burgher).
POSITION
IN
89. Hetman, losyf
LOCATION: Nakvasha, Brody district. OCCUPATiON: Peasant. POSITION IN
administration (CC 201). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 201). AGE: He
a representative function in the village by 1872 1 and was thus probably born
OTHER ACTIYITIES: A founder of the reading club, he also presented a talk on
inaugural meeting (CC 201). In 1872 he had been a plenipotentiary of the
servitude affairs. I
RC: Deputy
already held
before 1847.
history at its
commune in
I) TsDIAL, 146/64/1154, p. 108.
90.
Hetman, Stefan
LOCATION: Nakvasha,
Brody
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
RC: Vice-president (CC 201). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: In 1867 he was a councilman 1
1
ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 201). EDUCATiON: Literate by 1867. AGE: He was
already a councilman in 1867,1 so he was born before 1842. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a
founder of the reading club (CC 201). In 1872 he had been a plenipotentiary of the
commune in servitude affairs2
I) TsDIAL, 146/64/1154, p. 2. 2) Ibid., p. 108.
91. Hladii, Porfyr(ii)
LOCATION: Bereziv Vyzhnii, Kolomyia district. OCCUPATION: Cantor, I peasant (CC 2061
and merchant (CC 206). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor of land (CC 206) and of a store.
AGE: Described as "young" (CC 206). PUBLICATIONS: Possible author of an item of
correspondence in Batkivshchyna, 1883.
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was the founder of a reading club in Bereziv Vyzhnii in 1883,
against the opposition of the mayor lurko Genyk and the scribe. I Described as "an ardent
Ruthenian patriot," he read aloud from books at the inauguration of reading clubs in
Liucha (CC 206) and Kovalivka (CC 260) and also spoke at the inauguration of the reading club in Bereziv Nyzhnii. 2 All these villages were in Kolomyia district.
Earlier, on 9 March 1880 (N.S.), he had been arrested along with other peasants as
well as Ivan Franko and Genyk, Kyrylo on suspicion of distributing socialist propaganda. A
search of his home led to the discovery of socialist literature, but he was released without
being brought to trial on 6 June (N.S.)J
In 1887 he and other peasants tried to organize a concert in the village, but the district
authorities prohibited it. In the same year the mayor had him arrested in the course of a
conflict over the reading club 4
274
Appendix IV
I) P[or]F[y]R [Hladii?J, "Pysmo z Kolomyishchyny," Balkivshchyna 5, no. 4 (26 [14]
January 1883): 23. 2) "0 nashykh chytalniakh," Balkivshchyna 7, no. 23 (5 June [24
May] 1885): 172. 3) Kalynovych, Polilychni prolsesy, 106-16. 4) Kravchuk, Kanadskyi
druh, 8-9.
92. Hladun, Nykola
Mizun,
Dolyna
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
RC:
Vice-president. I POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor. 1 FAMILY BACKGROUND: Andrei
Hladun, presumably Nykola's father, paid average annual taxes to the manor of 1.9 gulden
on cattle and 10.1 gulden on sheep and swine, 1836-45; the average peasant of Mizun paid
1.1 gulden on cattle and 0.1 gulden on sheep and swine. Thus Andrei Hladun was
exceptionally wealthy in livestock. In 1852 he owned 26 loch 938 square Kla/ler, which
made him one of the richest 10 per cent of peasant landholders in the village. 2
MOBILITY: The Hladun family had been settled in Mizun since at least 1836. 2 OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was described as "a patriot known throughout the region.,,1 During the
1885 parliamentary elections, he alone of the mayors of his electoral district voted for the
Ukrainian candidate (CC 203). In 1886 he took a leading role in plans to build a new
stone church in Mizun. The Russophile paper that reported on these activities of "the fine
mayor" nonetheless regretted that "he corresponds with the authorities in Polish."]
LOCATION:
I) Kh., " ... vid Dolyny," Balkivshchyna 6, no. 36 (24 August [5 September] 1884): 224.
2) TsDIAL, 488/1/277, pp. 25v, 84v-85, 91. 3) Exc., "Iz dolynskoho povita," Novyi
pro 10m 4 (6), no. 356 (26 July [7 August] 1886): 2.
93. Hlibovytsky, Aleksander
LOCA,;"ION: Nakvasha, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President
(CC 201). ECONOMIC STATUS: pastor of a parish with 1,266 members, an endowment of
52 loch of arable land and 14 loch of meadow and a congruum of 185 gulden l
AGE: Born 1835, ordained 1862 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was
a founder of the reading club, temperance society, communal granary and loan association;
he also had the parish buildings restored (CC 201). In 1875-6 he had been involved in a
servitudes dispute with the manor over pasturing. 2
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884,49-50.2) TsDIAL, 146/64/1155.
94. Hlibovytsky, Konstantyn
LOCATION: Briukhovychi,
Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC
STATUS: Chaplain of a Greek Catholic community with 344 members, an endowment of
35 loch of arable land, 6 loch of meadow and 40 square metres of wood for fuel and a
congruum of 87 gulden l AGE: Born 1837, ordained 1864 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married l
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club and proponent of enlightenment
(CC 57). He was prefect of the archeparchal widows' and orphans' fund. I
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 106.
95. Hlynsky, Teofan
Horodnytsia, Horodenka district. OCCUPATION: Priest. AUTHOR: CC 115,1
150, 160. ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a parish with 1,516 members, an endowment of
116 loch of arable land and 0.67 loch of meadow and a congruum of 143 gulden 26
kreuzer. 2 He was also an avid bee-keeper.] AGE: Born 1806, ordained 1829 2 DEATH: 17
April 1893 (N.S.)4 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 2 PUBLICATIONS: An obituary mentioned
that he was a frequent contributor of correspondence and practical, didactic articles to the
Ukrainian press. 4 Several articles in Hospodar i promyshlennyk, 1881, and Zoria, 1882,
attest to his interest in bee-keeping.]
OTHER ACTIVITIES: In two of the items of correspondence contributed to Balkivshchyna
(CC 150, 160), Hlynsky argued for a radical revision and expansion of popular education
as well as for participatory democracy based on a system of popular tribunes.
Hlynsky was a long-time veteran of the Ukrainian movement. In June 1848 he was
elected secretary of the Ruthenian Council in Bohorodchany.5 He took part in the congress
LOCATION:
275
List of Activists
of Galician-Ruthenian scholars convened in Lviv in October 1848; he was a member of the
sections on theology and elementary education and delivered a lecture on language 6 He
was then and remained throughout his life a consistent advocate of phonetic orthography4
He subscribed to the literary almanach Zoria halytskaia in 1860. 7 He was a member of
Prosvita in 1868-74 8 and later, as well as a member of Narodnyi dim 2 and the Shevchenko
society. He promoted sobriety in his parish. 6 He was a titular councillor of the
metropolitan consistory with the designation kryloshanyn 2
I) Authorship determined on the basis of a letter of Maksym Krushelnytsky to Leonid
Zaklynsky, 8 March 1885, in LNB AN URSR, Viddil Rukopysiv, fond Zaklynskykh,
192/31, p. 150. 2) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 214. 3) Levi, no. 2251, 24061. 4) "Posmertni
opovistky. Teofan Hlynsky," Zoria 14, no. 8 (15 [27] April 1893): 164. 5) Klasova
borotba, 401-2. 6) Lev493, H-121. 7) "Spys vpcht. prenumerantov," Zoria
halytskaia . .. 1860; this should not be confused with the newspaper bearing a similar title.
8) "Chleny tovarystva 'Prosvita'," Spravozdaniie z dilanii "Prosvity" (1874),26-32
96. Holodryha (Holodryga), Mykola
LOCATION: Mykolaiv, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. I PUBLICATIONS: Coauthor of
a denunciation of the teacher Medynsky. Ivan 2 and of an item of correspondence
describing M~kolaiv's celebration of the anniversary of the abolition of serfdom (3 May
1888 [O.S.]). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served on the deputy administration of the Pravda
society, 1884-5 (CC 71,198).
I) Vasyl Iakubiv, Mykola Martyshuk, Mykola Holodryga, "Pysmo z Brodskoho,"
Batkivshchyna 10, no. 22 (1 June [20 May] 1885): 135. 2) Myko1a Holodryha et al.,
"Dopysy 'Dila'. Mykolaiv v poviti bridskim," Dilo 8, no. 92 (20 August [1 September]
1887): 2.
97. Holoiad, Adam
LOCATION: Piznanka
Hnyla, Skalat district. OCCUPATION: Peasant.
RC: Treasurer (CC 238). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 238).
POSITION
IN
98. Holovatsky, Danylo
LOCATION: Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: (Burgher). EDUCATION: Literate
(CC 262). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served on the deputy administration of the Pravda
society (CC 262).
99. Holovchuk
Ordiv, Sokal district.
Secretary (CC 277).
AUTHOR:
CC 277.
LOCATION: Fytkiv, Nadvirna district. OCCUPATION: Cantor. I POSITION IN RC:
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was still secretary of the reading club in 1886. 1
Secretary
LOCATION:
POSITION IN RC:
100. Holovinsky, Stefan
(CC 58).
I) M. Ianevorihvash, "Pysmo z Nadvirnianskoho," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 13 (2 April [21
March] 1886): 77.
101. Holovka, Vasyl(ii)
LOCATION: Liubycha Kniazi, Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN
RC: Deputy administration (CC 137). AUTHOR: CC 49. FAMILY BACKGROUND: A Hrynko
Holovka had been mayor in 1847-51. 1 AGE: A "young man" (U molodets) (CC 137).
MOBILITY: The Holovka family had been in Liubycha Kniazi since at least the 1840s. 1
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He declaimed verse at the inauguration of the reading club in
Makhniv. Rava Ruska district (CC 137).
I) TsDIAL, 166/1/1778, pp. 16, 18,39,67,79.
102. Horak, Ivan
LOCATION: Shliakhtyntsi,
RC: Deputy administration
Ternopil district.
(CC 108).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
Appendix IV
276
103. Horbachuk, PavIo
LOCATION: Khrystynopil,
Sokal
RC: Administration (CC 278).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Burgher).
POSITION
IN
104. Horodysky, lakiv
LOCATION: Stupnrtsia, Sambir district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. AG~: He began teaching
in the mid-1870s, and hence was born in the early 1850s. MOBILITY: He first taught in
Rudki (district capital) until 1877,1 then in Dubliany, Sambir district, from 1878 to c.
1879, and later in Stupnytsia, from c. 1881 3 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a cofounder of
one of the few reading clubs in a village inhabited almost exclusively by shliakhta
khodachkova (CC 130).
I) He is not mentioned in Szem. kr. Gal. 1874, but is in ibid. 1877, 436. 2) Ibid. 1878,
427; ibid. 1879,419.3) Ibid. 1881,434; ibid. 1885,414.
105. Horutsky, OIeksander P.
Strilkiv, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. POSITION IN RC: President (CC
He began teaching in 1878,1 which would suggest he was born C. 1858.
However, his first contributions to the Ukrainian press appeared in 1870,2 which would
suggest that he was at least five years older, thus born C. 1853. MOBILITY: He first taught
in Sholomyia, Bibrka district, from 1878 until the early 1880s;3 he then taught in Strilkiv 4
PUBLICATIONS: He contributed verses to the national populist children's magazine
Lastivka, 1870 and 1872;2 and to the pedagogical journals Hazeta shkolna, 1879, and
Shkolna chasopys, 1880 5 He published a short novel, Kryvoprysiaha, as a Prosvita booklet
in 1883 6 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a member of Prosvita at some time during the period
1868-74. 7
LOCATION:
149). AGE:
I) He is not mentioned in Szem. kr. Gal. 1873 or 1877; he first appears in ibid. 1878, 385.
2) Levi, no. 9541 and 11451. 3) Szem. kr. Gal. 1878, 385; ibid. 1881, 389. 4) Ibid. 1884,
420; ibid. 1885,420.5) Levi, no. 1919II, 2215. 6) Levi, no. 2549. 7) "Chleny tovarystva
'Prosvita'," Spravozdaniie z dUanii "Prosvity" (1874), 26-32.
106. Hrabovetsky, Ivan
LOCATION: Olesha, Tovmach district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Deputy
administration. MOBILITY: Four Hrabovetsky households lived in Olesha in 1850-5. 1
I) TsDIAL, 168/1/4099, pp. Iv, 88v.
107. Hrabovetsky, La vrentii
LOCATION: Balyntsi, Kolomyia district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN LOCAL
GOVT: Mayor (CC 95). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 95). MOBILITY: There were
seven Hrabovetsky households in Balyntsi, 1837-46. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder
of the reading club (CC 95).
I) TsDIAL, 168/1/1416, pp. 84v-92.
108. Hrabovetsky, MykhaiIo
LOCATION: Balyntsi,
Kolomyia
district.
STATUS: Proprietor (CC 95). MOBILITY: There
Balyntsi, 1837-46. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
were seven Hrabovetsky households in
founder of the readin~ club (CC 95). In
1893 he was a member of the radical political association Narodna volia.
1) TsDIAL, 168/1/1416, pp. 9v, 45v, 58v, 84v-92. 2) "Spys chleniv 'Narodnoi Voli',"
Khliborob 3, no. 20 (15 October 1893): 144.
109. Hrabovych, loann
LOCATION: Stopchativ and Kovalivka, Kolomyia district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN
RC: President in both Stopchativ (CC 263) and Kovalivka (CC 260). ECONOMIC
STATUS: Pastor of Stopchativ and its daughter church in Kovalivka, with 2,891 members
and an endowment of 24 Joch of arable land, 155 Joch of meadow (U sinozhatiie), 7 Joch
850 square Klafter of forest, 107 Joch of pasture (U pasovysko) and 52 square metres of
List of Activists
277
beechwood; instead of a congruum, he paid 30 gulden 51 kreuzer to the treasury. I
Stopchativ had the reputation of being a lucrative parish 2 AGE: Born 1824, ordained
1848. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading
club in Stopchativ (CC 263). He was administrator of the Pistyn deanery and titular
councillor of the metropolitan consistory with the rank of kryloshanyn. J
1) Shem. Lviv. 1884,261. 2) Olesnytsky, Slorinky, 240. 3) Shem. Lviv. 1884,256.
110. Hrynevetsky, Apolinarii
Lysiatychi, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC STATUS: Assistant
parish of 2,840 members. I AGE: Born 1850, ordained 1877 2 MARITAL
STATUS: Married. I MOBILITY: He was an assistant in Lysiatychi for several years, but was
transferred by 1884 (CC 70). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was active in the reading club and a
founder of other village institutions (CC 70).
LOCATION:
in
a
1) Shem. Lviv. 1883, 154. 2) Ibid. 1884,66.
Ill. Hrynkiv, Ivan
LOCATION: Dobrostany,
Horodok
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
1884 (CC
100); vice-president,
1885 (CC 245).
ECONOMIC
RC: Auditor,
STATUS: Proprietor (CC 245). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a trustee (U provizor) of the
church (CC 100). In the late 1860s and early 1870s he was active in Dobrostany's conflict
with the manor over servitudes; he, along with other peasants, pastured cattle on what had
legally been declared demesnal land. A hundred hussars quelled the resistance in 1871. In
1872 Hrynkiv was sentenced to sixteen days in jail and a fine of 260 gulden. I
1) Adriian, Agrarnyi prolses, 48.
112. Hrytsyna, Teodor
LOCATION: Horodnytsia,
STATUS: Pastor of a parish
Husiatyn
district.
OCCUPATION: Priest.
ECONOMIC
with 1,240 members, an endowment of 116 loch of arable land
l
and a congruu_m of 140 gulden 55 kreuzer
AGE: Born 1826, ordained 1852. 1
DEATH: 1894. 2 MARITAL STATUS:
Married. 1 MOBILITY: He had been administrator of
Tsyhany and Zhelentsi, Chortkiv circle, in 1864 J OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of
the reading club (CC 115). In 1864 he had been involved in a servitudes dispute with
Prince Adam Sapieha. 4
1) Shem. Lviv. 1884,219.2) Lev493, H-258. 3) TsDIAL, 146/64/738, p. 6. 4) Ibid., and
TsDIAL, 146/64/741, p. 33.
113. Hunkevych, Hrynko
LOCATION: Bilyi
Kamin,
RC: Deputy administration
Zolochiv
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Burgher).
POSITION
IN
(CC 275).
114. Hunkevych, Klym
LOCATION:
Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district.
OCCUPATION:
(Burgher).
EDUCATION:
Literate
(CC 262). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served in the administration of the Pravda society (CC
262).
115. Hupalo, Stefan
LOCATION: Kukyziv, Lviv district.
administration (CC 10).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
RC:
Deputy
116. Hysovsky, loann
LOCATION: Zhuravtsi, Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: Priest
RC: Vice-president (CC 137). OTHEP ACTIVITIES: He attended
reading club in Makhniv, Rava Rusk.! district (CC 137).
(CC 137). POSITION IN
the inauguration of the
Appendix IV
278
I I 7. lakoba, Aleksander
Olesko,
Zolochiv
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
FAMILY
Pavlo lakoba. presumably Aleksander's father, had the third largest
holding in the village, 1852-5. EDUCATION: Literate (CC 262). MOBILITY: The lakoba
family had been in Olesko since at least 1852. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served on the
administration of the Pravda society (CC 262).
LOCATION:
BACKGROUND:
118. lanishevsky, Teodor
LOCATION: Zboriv, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Cantor. AUTHOR: CC 126, 187
(coauthor), 215. EDUCATION: An "examined cantor" (U ispylovanyi pivels) (CC 215).
PUBLICATIONS: He contributed a brief note on the cantors' movement to Balkivshchyna,
1885. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was president of the temporary cantors' committee, 1884
(CCI26).
1) Teodor lanishevsky, "V spravi diakivskii," Balkivshchyna 7, no. 8 (20 [8] February
1885): 64.
I I 9. larema, Ivan
Mykulyntsi, Ternopil district. OCCUPATION: (Artisan or peasant). POSITION IN
President (CC 96). FAMILY BACKGROUND: A Kindrat larema, presumably Ivan's
father, was a quarter-peasant in 1852-5. He had 7 Joch 769 square Klafler of land in a
town where the holdings of the agricultural households averaged just under 8 Joch. He
was. then, a middling peasant. MOBILITY: The larema family had lived in Mykulyntsi
since at least 1852. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: Ivan Iarema remained active in the reading club.
He was still president in 1890 2 and vice-president in 1895 3
LOCATION:
RC:
I) TsDIAl. 488/ I /673, p. 6v. 2) "Nashi chytalni," Balkivshchyna 12, no. 38-9
(21 September [3 October] 1890): 492. 3) "Visty z kraiu," Batkivshchyna 17, no. 8
(16 [28] April 1895): 60.
120. lasenytsky, Mykhail
LOCATION: Kutkivtsi, Ternopil district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President
(CC 69). ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a parish with 902 members, an endowment of 118
Joch of arable land and 31 Joch of meadow and a congruum of 31 gulden 25 kreuzer. 1
AGE: Born 1832, ordained 1858. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: In
1886 he signed a protest against an attempt by the national populists to gain entry into
Narodnyi dim in Lviv 2
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 162. 2) R.M., "Ot Ternopolia," Siovo 26, no. 33 (26 March [7 April]
1886): 2. For the background to this matter, see Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:202-3.
12 1. laskuliak, I.
Bila,
Ternopil
Vice-president (CC 69).
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
122. lasynsky, Vasyl
Kovalivka,
Kolomyia
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
Vice-president (CC 260). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (CC 260). FAMILY
BACKGROUND: His father Mykhailo had been mayor in the past (CC 260). ECONOMIC
STATUS: He was probably prosperous, since the room of his house that he let the reading
club use was described as "beautiful and spacious" (CC 260). MOBILITY: His father was
already well established in Kovalivka (CC 260). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of
the reading club, which he hosted in his home. Regularly chosen as an elector, he cast his
votes for Ukrainian candidates (CC 260).
LOCATION:
RC:
123. lavorsky, Aleksander
Stupnytsia, Sambir district. OCCUPATION: Seminarian (CC 130). AGE: Born
1854, ordained 1885.' MOBILITY: In 1900 he was pastor of Lopushanka Khomyna, Staryi
LOCATION:
List of Activists
279
Sambir district. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of one of the few reading clubs in a
village inhabited almost exclusively by shliakhta khodachkova (CC 130).
I) Schematismlls . .. cleri dioeceseos ... Premisliensis ... 1900, 149.
124. Iavorsky, Ivan
Stupnytsla, Sambir district. OCCUPATION: Seminarian (CC 130). AGE: Born
1858, ordaIned 1884 I DEATH: 1930 2 MOBILITY: In 1900 he was pastor of Strilbychi,
Staryi Sambir district. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of one of the few reading
clubs in a village inhabited almost exclusively by shliakhta khodachkova (CC 130). Later
he was active in the Ukrainian National Democratic Party. He served as a deputy to the
Galician diet, fought for the expansion of Ukrainian education and organized agricultural
labourers' strikes in 1902 2
LOCATION
I) Schematismlls . .. cleri dioeceseos ... Premisliensis ... 1900, 151. 2) Ukrainska Zahalna
Entsyklopediia, s.v. "Iavorsky."
125. Iskra, Roman
Piznanka Hnyla, Skalat district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. AUTHOR: CC 238.
Proprietor (CC 238). PUBLICATIONS: He contributed an item of
correspondence on the opening of the reading club in Piznanka Hnyla to Slovo in 1885. 1
LOCATION:
ECONOMIC
STATUS:
I) Roman I[skra], "Ot Skalata," Slovo 25, no. 86 (10 [22] August 1885): 3.
126. Iurkiv, Roman
Darakhiv,
Terebovlia
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
President (CC 82). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 82). OTHER
was a founder of the reading club (CC 82).
LOCATION:
RC:
POSITION
IN
ACTIVITIES:
He
127. Iuzkiv, lIiia
LOCATION: Utishkiv, Zolochiv district.
administration (CC 216).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Deputy
128. Iuzvak, Semen
LOCATION: Mykolaiv, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. AGE: He was registered as a
landholder in a document from 1859; the document implies that he only very recently had
come into the land. I He was therefore born c. 1834. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was an auditor
of the Pravda society (CC 198).
I) TsDIAL, 146/64/1124, p. 145v.
129. Iva nets, Ivan
Barani Peretoky, Sokal district. OCCUPATION: Merchant. AUTHOR: CC 3.
He established a store in Barani Peretoky in 1882. In his item of
correspondence he urged more Ukrainians to establish stores (CC 3).
LOCATION:
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
130. Ivantsiv, Avksentii
LOCATION: Utishkiv, Zolochiv district.
administration (CC 216).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Deputy
131. Kalynsky, Iosyf
LOCATION:
Kukyziv, Lviv district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Treasurer
(CC 10).
132. Kamianetsky, Matvii
LOCATION:
Rava Ruska district.
AUTHOR:
CC 163, 211.
133. Kamynsky, Ivan
Darakhiv,
Terebovlia
district.
OCCUPATION: Teacher.
POSITION
IN
Secretary (CC 82). AGE: He began teaching in 1871 1 or earlier and was therefore
LOCATION:
RC:
Appendix IV
280
born before 1849.
1885. 1
MOBILITY:
He taught in Darakhiv from at least 1871 until at least
I) Sum. kr. Gal. 1871,427; ibid. 1885,424.
134. Karp, Kost
Makhniv, Rava Ruska
Deputy administration (CC 137).
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
135. Karp, Vasyl
LOCATION:
Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: (Burgher). EDUCATION: Literate
He served in the deputy administration of the Pravda
(CC 262). OTHER ACTIVITIES:
society (CC 262).
136. Kavchynsky, Stefan
Kadobna,
Kalush
district.
OCCUPATION: Teacher.
POSITION
IN
Vice-president (CC 121). AGE: He began teaching in 1871 1 or earlier and was
therefore born before 1849. MOBILITY: He taught in Krushelnytsia, Stryi district, in 1871;1
in Kavsko, Stryi district, in 1872;2 in Vol en iv, Zhydachiv district, from 1873 until at least
1874;3 in Berezyna, Zhydachiv district, from at least 1877 until at least 1879;4 in Veldizh,
Dolyna district, in 1881 at least;5 and in Kadobna at least in 1884-5 6
LOCATION:
RC:
I) Sum. kr. Gal. 1871, 424. 2) Ibid. 1872, 411. 3) Ibid. 1873, 425; ibid. 1874, 459. 4)
Ibid. 1877,455; ibid. 1879,436.5) Ibid. 1881,399.6) Ibid. 1884,387; ibid. 1885,387.
137. Kekosh, Iurii
Khorostkiv, Husiatyn district. OCCUPATION: Peasant and cobbler (CC 21).
He was a small-holder, with only a "string"
(U shnur)1 of arable land. He worked in the winter and part-time in the spring as a
cobbler (CC 21).
LOCATION:
AUTHOR:
CC 21. ECONOMIC STATUS:
I) A shnur was a unit of length, 44.665 metres. It was used particularly in areas, like
Husiatyn district, where repartitional land communes had existed until the early nineteenth
century. In these areas all the holdings in a village had the same width (generally one
shnur) and the size of a particular holding was determined by its length. See Rosdolsky,
Wspblnota gminna, 1-9, 19-36. A shnur was also a unit of area. According to Ihnatowicz,
Vademecum, it was equal to 0.199499 hectares; according to a Ukrainian-German
dictionary from the mid-1880s, however, it was larger than a loch.
138. Kendiukh, Hnat
LOCATION: Khotin, Kalush district. OCCUPATION: Peasant 1 POSITION IN RC: Deputy
administration (CC 121). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club in
1884;1 when the reading club was revived in 1892, he was unanimously elected president 2
He was re-elected president in 1893 3 He had been a member of the Khotin church
committee in 18894 and supported the mayor Dragan, lurko in his campaign to build a
new church 5 As an elector in the elections to the diet in 1895, he voted for the Ukrainian
candidate 6
I) Hp., "Nova chytalnia," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 26 (27 [15] June 1884): 159. 2) "Z
Khotina kolo Kalusha," Batkivshchyna 14, no. 31 (31 July [12 August] 1892): 153.3) "Z
Kalushchyny," Batkivshchyna 15, no. 15 (I [13] August 1893): 116. 4) "Zaprosyny,"
Batkivshchyna II, no. 19 (12 [24] May 1889): 252. 5) M.D., "Visty z kraiu,"
Batkivshchyna II, no. 25 (23 June [5 July] 1889): 319. 6) laroslav Korytovsky, "Iak
perevodyly sia vybory v Kalushchyni," Batkivshchyna 17, no. 19 (\ [13] October 1895):
146.
139. Kharambura, Ivan
lavoriv (district capital).
Deputy administration (CC 142).
LOCATION:
RC:
OCCUPATION:
Burgher (CC 142).
POSITION
IN
281
List of Activists
140. Kharambura, Stefan
lavoriv (district capital). OCCUPATION: Burgher (CC 142). POSITION IN
President (CC 142). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He donated a periodical subscription to the
reading club (CC 142).
LOCATION:
RC:
141. Kholevchuk, Dmytro
Liucha,
Kolomyia
Secretary (CC 206).
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
142. Khoma, Ivan
Dobrostany, Horodok district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC 100). POSITIO' IN
Secretary (CC 100, 122). AUTHOR: CC 122 (coauthor). PUBLICATIONS: He
contributed a brief note on the reading club's activities to Batkivshchyna in 1885. 1
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He sang a baritone solo at the reading club's commemoration of the
twenty-fourth anniversary of Shevchenko's death (1885)2 and also presented a talk on
Shevchenko in the reading club (CC 245).
Dobrostany had a history of conflict with the authorities and was reluctant to recognize
laws and institutions that originated from the imperial, crown land and district
administrations. In 1886-7 the commune of Dobrostany refused to recognize the state
school system and set up its own school in the reading club, with Ivan Khoma as
cantor-teacher (U diakouchytel). The Horodok district authorities summoned the mayor to
court three times and ordered him either to close down or to regularize the school. But the
mayor declared in the name of the commune that the commune had its own school and
teacher and that no other school would be accepted. The district authorities also took
Khoma to court in 1887 and prohibited him from teaching under the threat of severe
punishment. J
LOCATION:
RC:
I) Ivan Khoma, " '" vid Horodka," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 4 (23 [II] January 1885): 31. 2)
"0 nashykh chytalniakh," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 12 (20 [8] March 1885): 95. 3)
Pidhorodchuk, "Pysmo z pid Horodka," Batkivshchyna 9, no. 47 (25 [13] November
1887): 280.
143. Khudoba, Vasyl
Mykolaiv,
Brody
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant. I
ECONOMIC
Wealthy. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served in the deputy administration of the
Pravda society in 1884 (CC 71) and as auditor in 1885 (CC 198).
LOCATION:
STATUS:
I) Tarnavsky, Spohady, 32.
144. Klymivsky, Pavlo
Bilyi kamin, Zolochiv
Administration (CC 275).
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Burgher).
POSITION
IN
145. Kmet, Matvii
l.OCATlON: Tsebriv, Ternopil district.
administration (CC 44).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Deputy
146. Koliankovsky, Volodymyr
l.OCATION: Chekhy, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President (CC
271). ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a parish with 1,300 members, an endowment of 28
loch of arable land and 18 loch of meadow, compensation for servitudes of 8 loch of
meadow and 20 Klafter of wood, and a congruum of 147 gulden 29 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born
1846, ordained 1880 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder
of the Pravda society (CC 262).
/) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 116.
282
Appendix IV
147. KoItsuniak (Kovtsuniak), Vasyl
LOCATIO~:
Kovalivka.
Kolomyia
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
Treasurer (CC 260). FAMILY BACKGROUND: A Semen Koltsuniak had been a
respected mayor of Kovalivka. His son Mykola became a teacher in labloniv, Kolomyia
district, and was very active in the reading club movement in Kolomyia district.'
RC:
Ii K, "Rukh v nashykh chytalniakh. Chytalni v Kovalivtsi i Stopchatovi," Dilo 6, no. 120
(31 October [12 November] 1885): 3.
148. KoItuniak, Nykolai
LOCATIO": Komarno, Rudky district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: Treasurer
(CC 9). ECONOMIC STATUS: Assistant (CC 9) in a town that had 1,995 Greek Catholics in
1880. 1 AGE: Born 1857, ordained 1882 2 MARITAL STATUS: Married 2 MOBILITY: He was
transferred from Komarno to Steniatyn, Sokal district, in 1884;3 in 1900 he was pastor of
Tarnawka (Tarnavka), laitcut district 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a member of the
supervisory board of the Komarno loan fund until he was transferred 4
1) Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880. 2) Schemalismus ... cleri dioeceseos ... Premisliensis ... 1900,
61. 3) [Dmytro"] Vilkhovy, "Dopysy. Z Komarna," Dilo 6, no. 75-6 (II [23] July 1885):
3. 4) "Dopysy. Z Komarna," Dilo 7, no. 62 (7 [19] June 1886): 4.
149. Komarensky, Kuzma
Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv
Deputy administration (CC 275).
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Burgher).
POSITION
IN
150. Konashevych, Teodor
Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district.
Administration (CC 275).
LOCATION:
RC:
OCCUPATION:
Burgher (CC 148).
POSITION IN
151. Korchemny, Ivan
Hai Starobridski,
Brody district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC
186).
CC 186. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was an elected representative of the Brody
deanery cantors in 1885 (CC 186). He was a candidate during elections to the Brody
district council in July 1885. I
LOCATION:
AUTHOR:
1)" ... vybory do rady povitovoi," Balkivshchyna 7, no. 28 (10 July [28 June] 1885): 206.
152. Kormyliuk, Ivan
LOCATION: Mykolaiv, Brody district.
administration (CC 198).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Deputy
153. Kostelnytsky, Kazymir
Kolodribka, Zalishchyky district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
Librarian (CC 76). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 76). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He
was librarian of the reading club in 1890 1 and one of the founders of the revived reading
club in 1897 2
LOCATION:
RC:
1) "Chytalnia v Kolodribtsi," Balkivshchyna 12, no. 24 (8 [20] June 1890): 311. 2)
TsDIAL, 348/ I /2936, p. 40.
154. Kostetsky, Ivan
Olesko, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant or artisan). FMllLY
A Vasyl Kostetsky, presumably Ivan's father, was a small-holder with only
2 loch 595 square K1afler in 1852-5. I He probably combined farming with a trade.
EDUCATION: Literate (CC 262). MOBILITY: The Kostetsky family had lived in Olesko
since at least 1852. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served on the administration of the Pravda
society (CC 262).
LOCATION:
BACKGROUND:
1) TsDIAL, 168/1/1197, p. 27v.
List of Activists
283
155. Kostiv, han
LOCATION: Vistova, Kalush district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Secretary
(CC 161). ECONOMIC STATUS: It was said that "he farms well~ (U dobre hospodariuie)
(CC 161). EDUCATION: He loved books and was said to know Ukrainian history (CC 161).
AGE: A young man (U molodets) (CC 161).
156. Kotovy, F.
LOCATION: Kutkivtsi, Ternopil district.
administration (CC 69).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Deputy
157. Kotyk, Petro
LOCATION: Horodenka
RC: Administration (CC
(district
15, 248).
capital).
AUTHOR:
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
CC 15 (coauthor).
158. Koval, han
LOCATION: Zapytiv,
ECONOMIC STATUS:
Lviv district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Treasurer. I
Proprietor (CC 217). MOBILlTV: There were already five Koval
households in Zapytiv in 1854-5. 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He voted for the Ukrainian
candidate during the 1885 parliamentary elections (CC 217).
Ii K., " ... vid larycheva," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 18 (2 May [20 April] 1884): 107. 2i
TsDIAL, 168/ I / 1764, pp. I v, 9v, 17v, 33v.
159. Kovalsky, Emilii
LOCATION: Turia
Velyka,
Dolyna
district.
OCCUPATION: Priest.
ECONOMIC
STATUS: Administrator of a parish with 2,314 members. I AGE: Born 1844, ordained
1866. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading
club, communal granary and loan fund; he also agitated for a Ukrainian store (CC 33).
However, after he left Turia Velyka and the teacher Nakonechny died, the reading club
and granary collapsed. 2
Ii Shem. Lviv. 1884,46. 2i "Nashi narodni chytalni," Batkivshchyna II, no. 2 (14 [26]
January 1889): 20.
160. Kovalsky, Mykhailo
LOCATION: Strilkiv, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC:
149). MOBILlTV: Three Kovalsky households lived in Strilkiv, 1852-5. 1
Secretary (CC
I) TsDIAL, 488/1/422, p. Iv.
161. Kovbuz, Vasyl
LOCATION: Horodenka
(district
capital).
OCCUPATION:
RC: Administration
fCC 15, 248). AUTHOR: CC 15
STATUS: Proprietor. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: Described as a
Peasant.
POSITION
IN
(coauthor). ECONOMIC
"sober and very honest
proprietor"; along with Kurovytsky, Atanazii, he was "the soul of our reading club. "I
Ii Maksym Krushelnytsky [Andriichuk]. "Pysmo z Horodenky," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 49
(7 December [25 November] 1883): 295.
162. Koziuk, Pavlo
LOCATION: Dmytriv, Kaminka Strumylova district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN
RC: President (CC 52). ECONOMIC STATUS: Administrator of a parish with 1,450 members. 1 AGE: Born 1851, ordained 1880. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1 OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was the main founder of the reading club (CC 52). When he was about to
be transferred, the parishioners protested and wanted him to stay on instead of the old
priest offered the parish in 1885 (CC 114).
Ii Shem. Lviv. 1884, 184.
Appendix IV
284
163. Krupnytsky, Antin
LOCATION: Nakvasha, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION
administration (CC 201). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 201). OTHER
was a founder of the reading club (CC 201).
IN RC: Deputy
ACTIVITIES: He
164. Krushelnytsky, Amvrozii de
LOCATION: Bila, Ternopil district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President (CC
FAMILY BACKGROUND: The name indicates noble ancestry. His father was a priest. I
ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a parish with 1,404 members, an endowment of 159 loch of
arable land and 25 loch of meadow and no congruum 2 He had an orchard and bee-hives.
69).
As the father of eight children (six daughters and two sons), he found it difficult to make
ends meet. In the 1870s and 1880s he could afford a private tutor for his children. But
when his daughter, the famous Ukrainian singer Solomiia Krushelnytska (1872-1952),
went to study at the Lviv conservatory in 1890, he went into debt to pay for her education.
He had not paid off the debt several years later. 3 EDUCATION: He was well read in world
literature (Goethe, Schiller, Shakespeare) and in Ukrainian literature (Shevchenko,
Franko), and knew foreign langua~es. AGE: Born 1841, ordained 1867. 2 DEATH: January
1903. 5 MARITAL STATUS: Married. MOBILITY: Prior to becoming pastor of Bila, he served
in Petlykivtsi, Buchach district: Biliavyntsi, Buchach district; Tysiv, Dolyna district; and
Osivtsi, Buchach district. In 1893 he accompanied his daughter Solomiia to Milan, and in
1894 he visited her there. In 1895 he visited his daughter in Vienna. 6
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC 69), and donated many
books to it. In 1894 he was active in trying to revive the reading club, which had been
dormant for six years 7
He had been a member of Prosvita, 1868-74. 8 He was sympathetic to the radicals Ivan
Franko and Mykhailo Pavlyk; his progressive views may account for his frequent transfers
in the 1870s. He was popular with the peasants, whom he encouraged to send their
children to school.
He played violin and piano and was the first singing instructor of his daughter
Solomiia. He organized a choir in Bila, in which Solomiia also sang. On special occasions
he directed the choir of the Ruska besida society in Terno~il.9 In 1885 he offered a
five-month course in singing from notes and playing the violin. I
1) Holovashchenko, Solomiia Krushelnytska, 1:49. 2) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 159. 3)
Holovashchenko, Solomiia Krushelnytska, 1:10, 12,50,54,75.4) Ibid., 1:50,69. 5) Ibid.,
1:72. 6) Ibid., 1:9, 49, 55-6, 69. 7) Ibid., 1:75, 2: 205. 8) "Chleny tovarystva 'Prosvita',"
Spravozdaniie z dilanii "Prosvity" (1874), 26-32. 9) Holovashchenko, Solomiia
Krushelnytska, 1:9,50-1,69,75.10) " ... nauku spivu z not z naukoiu hry na skrypkakh,"
Batkivshchyna 6, no. 51 (19 [7] December 1884): 321.
165. Krushelnytsky, Maksym
(district capital). OCCUPATION: Teacher. AUTHOR: CC 15. 1
was fired from his job in Horodenka in 1885 2 and only found
steady employment in 1887. 3 In 1903, when he was planning to retire, he wrote to a friend:
"I live in poverty.,,4 AGE: He began teaching c. 18765 and was therefore born c. 1854.
DEATH: 1904 or after. 6 MOBILITY: He lived in Horodenka in the mid-1880s; in 1887 he
was hired to teach in Kotykivka, a suburb of Horodenka. 3 PUBLICATIONS: He contributed
pedagogical articles to Shkolna chasopys in 1882-4 7 and items of correspondence in 1885 8
and 1886. 9 He published items of correspondence on the Horodenka reading club in
Batkivshchyna, 1883 10 and 1886." He contributed to Dilo in 1885 8 and 1890,12 and to the
Zapysky NTSh in 1899.'3 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was active in the Horodenka reading
club and this cost him his job when the pastor mounted a campaign ajainst the club. He
spoke at the opening of reading clubs in Kovalivka, Kolomyia district, and in Horodnytsia,
Horodenka district. He agitated for the founding of a reading club in Dzhuriv, Sniatyn
district 8
LOCATION: Horodenka
ECONOMIC STATUS: He
1) Authorship established on the basis of Dei, Slovnyk ukrainskykh psevdonimiv, 56. 2)
Letter of Maksym Krushelnytsky to Leonid Zaklynsky, 10 September 1885, in LNB AN
List of Activists
285
URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond Zaklynskykh, 192/31, p. 154. 3) Letter to Leonid
Zaklynsky, 6 February 1882, ibid., p. 158. 4) Letter to Roman Zaklynsky, 25 January
1903, ibid., p. 170.5) Letter to Leonid Zaklynsky, 25 January 1888, ibid., p. 159.6) His
last letter to Roman Zaklynsky was dated 2 July 1904, ibid., p. 171. 7) Levi, no. 2520,
2684, 2881. 8) LNB AN URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond Zaklynskykh, 192/31, p. 150. 9)
Maksym Krushelnytsky [Hist, chien chytalni), "Dopysy. Z Horodenky," Shkolna chasopys
6, no. 6 (16 [28) March 1885): 45-6. 10) Maksym Krushelnytsky [Andriichuk), "Pysmo z
Horodenky," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 49 (7 December [25 November) 1883): 295. 1/)
Maksym Krushelnytsky [Horodensky), "Pysmo z Horodenky," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 10 (12
March [28 February) 1886): 58. 12) Dei, Slovnyk ukrainskykh psevdonimiv, 290. 13)
Ibid., 194.
166. Kryshtalovych, Petro
LOCATION: Horodnytsia,
Husiatyn district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION
RC: Secretary (CC 115). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 115). OTHER ACTIVITIES:
IN
He
was a founder of the reading club (CC 115).
167. Kryzhanovsky, Roman
LOCATION: Korchyn,
Stryi
district.
OCCUPATION: Priest.
ECONOMIC
STATUS: Administrator of a parish with 1,111 members. I AGE: Born 1844, ordained
1
1
1870. MARITAL STATUS: Married. MOBILITY: He spent the first sixteen years of his
priesthood
wandering
from
parish
to
parish
as
an
administrator
(U admynystrator-skytalets).2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a strong supporter of the reading club (CC 194). A Russophile newspaper published this description of him in 1886:
"While absolutely strict in the fulfillment of his priestly duties, Father Kryzhanovsky has
that gift of heaven which makes one loved and popular after short acquaintance. Accessible
to everyone, humane and modest, he has quickly become the outstanding favourite of his
parishioners .... A strict ritualist, a precise celebrant of the liturgy and
preacher-instructor.... ,,2
1) Shem. Lviv. 1884,30-1. 2) B. Pod., "Ot Skoleho," Novyi prolom 4 (6), no. 309 (8 [20)
February 1886): 2.
168. Kukhar, Antin
LOCATION: Piatnychany Volytsia, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC 70). FAMILY
CONNECTIONS: Son-in-law of Kurylyshyn. Hryhorii. MOBILITY: Two Kukhar farmers lived
in Volytsia in 1820. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He formerly held public readings (CC 70).
1) TsDIAL, 146/64b/4845.
169. Kulyk, Fedko
LOCATION: Nykonkovychi,
Lviv
district.
RC: Administration (CC \05). MOBILITY: Five
Nykonkovychi by 1852-5. 1
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
Kulyk households had been established in
1) TsDIAL, 168/1/1916, pp. Iv, 16v, 21v.
170. Kurovytsky, Atanazii
LOCATION: Horodenka
RC: Vice-president (CC
(district
capital).
OCCUPATION: Cantor. I
POSITION
IN
15). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Krushelnytsky. Maksym thought highl~
of him, calling Kurovytsky and Kovbuz. Vasyl the "soul" of the Horodenka reading club.
" ... A very sincere man, he is very active in the reading club, and sometimes up to two
hundred people are in the club and he reads to them."1
I) Letter of Maksym Krushelnytsky to Leonid Zaklynsky, 30 December 1883, in LNB AN
URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond Zaklynskykh, 192/31, p. 142. 2) Maksym Krushelnytsky
[Andriichuk), "Pysmo z Horodenky," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 49 (7 December [25
November) 1883): 295.
Appendix IV
286
I 71. Kurylyshyn, Hryhorii
LOCATION: Piatnychany Volytsia, Stryi district. OCCUPATION:
GOVT: Long-term mayor (CC 70). FAMILY CONNECTIONS:
Peasant. POSITION IN LOCAL
Father-in-law of Kukhar,
Antin. EDUCATION: Illiterate (CC 70). AGE: He had been mayor for thirty-four years in
1884 (CC 70) and was therefore born in 1825 at the latest.
172. Kushchak, Fedor
Khotin, Kalush district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC: Treasurer,
1884 (CC 121). PUBLICATIONS: In 1885 he was coauthor of a denunciation of Dragan,
lurko, vice-president of the reading club and mayor. I
LOCATION:
/) Ivan Dovbenka, lurko Voletsky, Zakhar Posatsky and Fedor Kushchak, ..... vid Kalusha
pro vybory do rady hromadskoi v Khotini," Balkivshchyna 7, no. 48 (27 [15] November
1885): 332.
173. Kushniryk, Dmytro
LOCATION: Olesha,
RC: Vice-president
Tovmach district. OCCUPATION: Miller (CC 60). POSITION IN
(CC 60). ECONOMIC STATUS: He was wealthy enough to erect a cross
in the village in honour of the reading club (CC 60). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He had been
vice-president of the first reading club in Olesha, which had been set up in affiliation with
the Kachkovsky Society. I He was a founder of the revived reading club in 1884 (CC 60).
/) Kukhnii, "Olesha," 915.
I 74. Kuzma, Kyrylo
LOCATION:
Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Burgher (CC 262). POSITION IN
(CC 148, 262, 275). EDUCATION: Literate (CC 148). OTHER
served on the administration of the Pravda society (CC 148).
RC: President
ACTIVITIES: He
175. Kvasnytsia, Vasyl
LOCATION: Utishkiv,
Zolochiv
RC: Secretary (CC 216).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
176. Kyrchiv, Bohdar (Bohdan, Teodor)
Korchyn, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Seminarian (CC 32, 57). FAMILY
He was the son of a peasant from Korchyn. 1 In addition to Kyrchiv, KOSI
and Kyrchiv, Pavlo other members of the Kyrchiv clan were prominent as enlighteners. A
Toma Kyrchiv was a teacher in Korchyn in 1871 2 and an Oleksa Kyrchiv, a literate
peasant, was the first president of the Korchyn reading c1ub. 3 Oleksa was probably the
father of both Bohdar and Pavlo Kyrchiv, perhaps also of Kost. FAMILY
CONNECTIONS: Presumably the brother of Kyrchiv, Pavlo and perhaps of Kyrchiv, KOSI.
ECONOMIC STATUS: He studied theology only because he lacked the money for a secular
education at the university. I EDUCATION: He finished gymnasium in Lviv,l where he also
studied theology (CC 32,57). AGE: Born 1856, ordained 1886. 4 DEATH: November 1900. 1
MOBILITY: He was born in Korchyn and educated in Lviv. After ordination he was an
assistant in Lysiatychi, Stryi district, and later pastor in Dovhe, Stryi district, where he
remained until his death. In 1899 he had undertaken a journey to Istanbul, Egypt and
Palestine, returning by way of Russia. 1 PUBLICATIONS: He published poems and short
stories in Zoria and other periodicals I (including two verses in Zoria in 1882).5 As a
fourth-year theology student in 1885, he was a member of a committee planning to publish
music booklets. 6 He contributed many items of correspondence to Dilo, especially after
ordination. I
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club in Korchyn (CC 32) and signed
the statutes of the reading club in Briukhovychi, Peremyshliany district, where Kyrchiv,
Pavlo was a teacher (CC 57).
In the seminary he was distinguished by his defence of seminarians' rights and he
campaigned for more secular education for future priests. I He was expelled from the
seminary, but readmitted-after defending himself before the bishop-in the fall of 1884. 7
LOCATION:
BACKGROUND:
List of Activists
287
He was a member of Prosvita, Narodna rada and Pidhirska rada in the late 1890s.4
His friend Ivan Franko wrote his obituary: "He had a passionate nature and pure and
uncompromising character. He stood out both as a speaker at meetings of the youth and as
an organizer .... " As a priest, "he was able to win the love of the peasants because of his
sincere, brotherly conduct toward them and the courage with which he stood in their
defence. But all the same he felt profoundly unhappy in his situation. Only more
wide-ranging literary and civic work could have satisfied his nature. In rural seclusion,
without educated company, in the midst of constant troubles and worries, he became
depressed and languished. Later would come moments when he once again threw himself
into work-agitating, writing stories, preparing and delivering public lectures; but after
some time he would once again drop everything and give way to discouragement."
His health began to decline. His trip to the Orient momentarily revived good health
and spirits, but back in the village he underwent a rapid decline. A short and painful
illness carried him off. 1
I) I[van] F[ranko], "Nekrology. O. Bohdar Kyrchiv," Lileralurno-naukovyi vislnyk,
richnyk IV, tom XIII (1901), [second part], pp. 66-7. 2) Szem. kr. Gal. 1871,424. 3)
F.P., "Pysmo vid SkoIoho," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 30 (27 [15] July 1880): 190. 4)
Shem. Lviv. 1900, 171. 5) Levi, no. 24061. 6) "Zaprosheniie do peredplaty,"
Batkivshchyna 7, no. 13 (27 [15] March 1885): 104. 7) Letter of Bohdar Kyrchiv to
Leonid Zaklynsky, 1884, in LNB AN VRSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond Zaklynskykh,
193/31, p. 109.
177. Kyrcbiv, Kost
district. OCCUPATION: Peasant (CC 32). AUTHOR: CC 32.
Kyrchiv, Bohdar. FAMILY CONNECTIONS: Perhaps the brother
of Kyrchiv. Bohdar and Kyrchiv. Pavlo.
LOCATION: Korchyn, Stryi
FAMILY BACKGROUND: See
178. Kyrcbiv, Pavl0
LOCATION: Briukhovychi, Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: Teacher (CC 57). FAMILY
BACKGROUND: See Kyrchiv. Bohdar. FAMILY CONNECTIONS: Probably' the brother of
Kyrchiv. Bohdar, perhaps also of Kyrchiv. KosI. AGE: Born 1862. 1 DEATH: 1916. 1
MOBILITY: He was probably born in Korchyn, Stryi district; he taught in Briukhovychi in
the mid-1880s; he worked as an editor in Chernivtsi in 1888;2 he lived in Lviv in the early
1890s;3 he was married in Prysivtsi, Zolochiv district, in 1896.4 PUBLICATIONS: He was a
prolific author, whose writings included: a translation in a collection of short novels
published by Ivan Belei in 1885;5 fiction and nonfiction in Shkolna chasopys, 1886-8;6
contributions to Uchytel, 1889-94; 7 a story and verse in Batkivshchyna, 1890-2; verse in
the children's magazine Dzvinok (Lviv), 18924 and 1894;8 a translation from Polish which
appeared as a booklet in 1892; literary translations from German and French and a story
in Dilo, 1893;4 and a story in Chytalnia, 1894.9 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of
the reading club in Briukhovychi (CC 57) and spoke at the inauguration of the readin~
club in Korelychi, Peremyshliany district (CC 84). He was editor of Bukovyna in 1888
and of Pravda in 1891 (through May).10
I) Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, S.V. "Kyrchiv Pavlo." 2) Ibid., S.V. "'Bukovyna'." 3)
Himka. Socialism, 166. 4) Lev493, K-88. 5) Levi, no. 2955. 6) Levi, no. 3331; Lev2,
no. 39811, 796. 7) Lev2, no. 1070, 1414, 1780, 2119, 2484; Lev3, no. 3984. 8) Lev3,
no. 3571. 9) Lev3, no. 4015.10) "Vid vydavnytstva," Pravda 2, no. 5 (May 1891): 344.
179. Kyzbyk, Pavlo
Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Burgher (CC 148).
Literate (CC 262). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served on the administration of
the Pravda society (CC 262).
LOCATION:
EDUCATION:
180. Kyzyk, Ivan
LOCATION: Dobrostany, Horodok district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Deputy
secretary (CC 245). ECONOMIC STATUS: Lad (V parubok), and thus had not yet come into
any land. AGE: Lad (V parubok), and thus was born after 1860.
Appendix IV
288
18 I. Kyzyk, Mykola
LOCATION: Dobrostany, Horodok district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC Deputy
librarian (CC 245). ECONOMIC STATUS: Lad (U parubok), and thus had not yet come into
any land. AGE: Lad (U parubok), and thus was born after 1860.
182. Lapchynsky, losyf
LOCATION: Tsebriv, Ternopil district.
administration (CC 44).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC
Deputy
183. Lazor, loan
LOCATION: Liubycha Kniazi, Rava Ruska
RC: President (CC 137). ECONOMIC STATUS:
district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN
Pastor (CC 137) in a small town with 1.342
Greek Catholics in 1880. I
I)
Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880.
184. Leshnovsky, Stefan
LOCATION:
(CC 262).
262).
Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: (Burgher). EDUCATION: Literate
He served on the administration of the Pravda society (CC
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
185. Lesiuk, Stefan
LOCATION: Bilyi
RC: Secretary (CC
Kamin,
Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Priest.
POSITION
IN
275). AUTHOR: CC 154. ECONOMIC STATUS: Assistant (CC 144) in a
parish of 650 members. I AGE: Born 1851 2 or 1852,3 ordained 1882. 2 DEATH: 1891. 4
MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1 MOBILITY: He was in Bilyi Kamin in the mid-1880s, but died
as pastor of Zaliztsi Novi, Brody district, in 1891. 3 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a supporter
of the reading club and enlightenment in Bilyi Kamin (CC 144), "the soul of the reading
club" (CC 275). He was president of the local Pravda society (CC 262). He established
(CC 148) and directed a burgher choir in Bilyi Kamin. He attended the general meeting of
the reading club in Buzhok, Zolochiv district, in 1885. 5 Together with Taniachkevych,
Danylo (younger), he was one of the two priests who attended the Olesko deanery's
cantors' convention in 1885 (CC 154).
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 112. 2) Ibid., 188. 3) Ibid. 1891, 51. 4) Lev493, L-123. 5) "0
nashykh chytalniakh," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 9 (27 [15] February 1885): 71.
186. Levandovsky, Valentii
LOCATION: Kutkivtsi,
Ternopil
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
RC: Treasurer (CC 69). DISTINGUISHING FEATURES: Kutkivtsi had a
POSITION
IN
sizable latynnyk
population (see Bartetsky, Roman), and the name Levandovsky has a distinctly Polish ring
to it. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was one of the main activists in the reading club (CC 69). In
1886 he signed a protest against an attempt by the national populists to gain entry into
Narodnyi dim in Lviv. I
I) R.M., "Ot Ternopolia," Siovo 26, no. 33 (26 March [7 April] 1886): 2. For the
background to this matter, see Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:202-3.
187. Levytsky, Pavlo
LOCATION: Khrystynopil,
Sokal
RC: Administration (CC 278).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Burgher).
POSITION
IN
188. Lishchynsky, Havrylo
LOCATION: Komarno, Rudky district.
administration (CC 9).
OCCUPATION:
(Artisan).
POSITION IN RC
Deputy
289
List of Activists
189. Lisovyk. K.A.
lOCATION:
Trybukhivtsi, Buchach district.
AUTHOR:
CC 104.
190. Liubynetsky. han
Brovary,
Buchach
Librarian (CC 75).
lOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
191. Lopatynsky. Vasylii Slepovron
Berezyna, Zhydachiv district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President
28). FAMILY BACKGROUND: The name indicates noble ancestry. ECONOMIC
STATUS: Pastor of Rozdil, with a daughter church in Berezyna; the parish had 2,620 members, an endowment of 49 loch of arable land and 46 loch of meadow and a congruum of
72 gulden 95 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1838, ordained 1862. 1 DEATH: 1888, of typhus 2
MARITAL STATUS: Widowed. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a member of Narodnyi dim and
other Ukrainian organizations. He took an active part in the 1885 parliamentary elections;
at one point a gendarme dispersed an election meeting in his home, where peasants and
priests had gathered. He was the second marshal of the district council in Zhuravn0 2 In
the mid-1880s he was vice-dean] and later dean of Rozdil 2
lOCATION:
(CC
1) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 138. 2) "0. Vasyl Lopatynsky," Batkivshchyna 10, no. 19 (II May
[29 April] 1888): 120.3) Shem. Lviv. 1880, 135.
192. Lototsky. lurii
lOCATION:
Tsebriv, Ternopil district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Secretary
(CC44).
193. Loza. lakiv
Tenetyska, Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: Scribe I AUTHOR: CC 81.
Scribe I PUBLICATIONS: He sent a brief notice on horse thievery
to Batkivshchyna in 1884 2 and an item of correspondence on the need to regulate village
scribes in 1886. 1
LOCATION:
POSITION IN lOCAL GOVT:
1) lakiv Loza, "Pysmo z Ravskoho," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 21 (28 [16] May 1886): 125.2)
lakov Loza, " ... z Ravskoho," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 23 (6 June [30 (sic; should be 25)
May] 1884): 140.
194. Lun. Mykolai
Liubycha Kniazi, Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN
Librarian (CC 137). AUTHOR: CC 137 (coauthor). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was an
activist in the reading club (CC 137).
lOCATION:
RC:
195. Lutsyk, luvenal
Piznanka Hnyla, Skalat district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN
President (CC 238). ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a parish with 1,122 members, an
endowment of 141 loch of arable land and 12 loch of meadow and a congruum of 168
gulden 76 kreuzer I AGE: Born 1835, ordained 1858. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1
PUBLICATIONS: He was coauthor of a brief note on the reading club 2
OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC 238).
lOCATION:
RC:
1) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 143-4. 2) luvenal Lutsyk and Ivan Pundo, "Vydil chytalni v
Piznantsi," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 32 (26 July [7 August] 1885): 228.
196. Lypak, Petro
LOCATIO~:
Kamianka Lisna, Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
Administration (CC 53). ECONOMIC STATUS: He was a lad (U parubok) (CC 53),
and therefore he had not yet come into land. AGE: He was described as a "young lad" (CC
53), and therefore was born c. 1864. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He recited Shevchenko's and his
own poetry at the reading club's inauguration (CC 53).
RC:
290
Appendix IV
197. Maievsky, Hryhorii
Nykonkovychi.
Lviv
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
Vice-president (CC lOS). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (CC lOS)
MOBILITY: Three or four Maievsky households were already living in Nykonkovychi by
1852-5. I
LOCATION:
RC
TsDIAL, 168/1/1916. pp. Iv. Ilv.
I)
198. Makohonsky, Stefan
LOCATlO:-<: Horodenka (district capital). OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President
(CC 15). ECONOMIC STATUS: At first administrator of this parish of 4.862;1 then
assistant. 2 with a salary of 210 gUlden 1 AGE: Born 1856. ordained 1882. 1 MARITAL
STATUS:
Married. 1 MOBILITY: After leaving Horodenka he became pastor in
Potochyshche. Horodenka district, where he remained until at least 1918 J OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He founded a choir that sang from notes (CC 15). After a conflict between
the pastor of Horodenka and the reading club, Makohonsky stopped being active in the
club 4 He contributed much to the national development of Potochyshche. He was later a
deanS
I) Shem. Lviv. 111114, 214. 2) Schem. Leop. 1885, 186. 3) Ivanochko, "Natsionalne
vidrodzhennia sela Potochyshche," 514. 4) Pravdoliub, "Pysmo z Horodenky,"
Batkivshchyna 8, no. 35 (17 [5J September 1886): 208. 5) lashan and Marunchak,
"Pomianyk peredovykh sviashchenykiv Horodenshchyny," 666.
199. Maksymovych, Dmytro
Rudno, Lviv district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Treasurer (CC
CC 243. POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (elected fall 1885).1 FAMILY
BACKGROUND: A Mykola Maksymovych, presumably Dmytro's father, was a half peasant
with 25 Joch 1563.5 square Kla/ter in 1851-5. This was the largest holding in a village
consisting of 73 per cent half-peasant households and the rest quarter-peasant; the average
holding was just under 10 Joch 2 MOBILITY: The Maksymovych family had been in Rudno
since at least 1851-5 2 PUBLICATIONS: He defended his honour in an article in Siovo,
1886 3 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was accused in Siovo of having been the tavern keeper's
candidate for mayor in 1885 (when he replaced Olynets. Mykhailo).1 Maksymovych
denied the allegation and said that the denunciation reflected division and rivalry in the
reading club 3
LOCATION:
243).
AUTHOR:
I) "Iz pod Lvova," Siovo 26, no. 37-8 (5 [17J and 8 [20J April 1886): [IJ supplement.
2) TsDIAL, 168/1/1959, p. Iv. 3) Dmytrii Maksymovych, "Iz Rudna pod Lvovom,"
Siovo 26, no. 54 (17 [29J May 1886): 2.
200. Maksymovych, Volodymyr
LOCATION:
"A village" (CC 253, 256).
AUTHOR:
CC 253, 256 (on fruit trees and
gardens).
201. Mandii, Danylo
Utishkiv,
Zolochiv
Treasurer (CC 216).
lOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
202. Mandiuk, Vasyl
Olesko, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: (Burgher or peasant). FAMILY
A Vasyl Mandiuk was a literate plenipotentiary to the indemnization
committee and an Ivan Mandiuk was mayor in 1854 1 EDUCATION: Literate (CC 262).
MOBILITY: The Mandiuk family was well established in Olesko by 1854. 1 OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He served on the admimstration of the Pravda society (CC 262).
LOCATION:
BACKGROUND:
I)
TsDIAL, 168/1/1197, pp. 76-76v.
List of Activists
291
203. Mane1iuk, Aleksii
LOCATION: Berezhnytsia, Kalush district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). AUTHOR: CC 173.
PUBLICATIONS: He contributed a brief notice to Batkivshchyna in 1884 1 OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was a member of the reading club (CC 173).1
I) A[leksii] M[aneliuk], chien chytalni, " ... vid Kalusha,fl Batkivshchyna 6, no. 45 (7
November [26 October] 1884): 285.
204. Manila, Fedko
LOCATION: Nykonkovychi,
Lviv
RC: Administration (CC 105).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
205. Markevych, han (Ioann)
LOCATION: Khreniv,
STATUS: Chaplain of
Kaminka Strumylova district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC
a Greek Catholic community with 580 members; an endowment of
34 Joch of arable land and 9 Joch of meadow; compensation for servitudes (U ekvyvalent)
of 5 Joch, presumably of pasture; and a congruum of 93 gulden (93 kreuzer in the source,
but this is clearly an error).! AGE: Born 1849, ordained 1875 1 MARITAL
STATUS: Married.! MOBILITY: He came to Khreniv in 1881;2 in 1902 he was a priest in
Iunashiv, Rohatyn district, about to be transferred to Darakhiv, Terebovlia district.' OTHER
ACTIVITIES: "Honest, ardent and a true father to his [spiritual] children," he campaigned
for sobriety in Khreniv in the early 1880s 2 In 1884 he was active in the reading club (CC
83). In 1891 he was the main initiator of the branch office of Prosvita in Rohatyn. He was
an expert on bee-keeping and orchards. 3
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 56. 2) Khrenevets, "Pysmo vid Iarycheva," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 17
(27 [15] April 1883): 105.3) Lev493, M-70.
206. Martyniuk (Martynek), Vasyl
LOCATION: Horodnytsia, Husiatyn district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. AGE: He began
teaching c. 1882-4,! and was therefore born c. 1860-2. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a
founder of the reading club (CC 115).
I) He was not mentioned in Szem. kr. Gal. 1881; he is listed as a younger teacher
(P n[auczycielj mlod[szyj) in Horodnytsia in ibid. 1884, 383, and ibid. 1885,383.
207. Martyshuk, Pavlo
LOCATION: Mykolaiy,
Brody
STATUS: Wealthy.! EDUCATION: He
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
was already literate in 1866.2 AGE: He had come of
age by 1866,2 and thus was probably born in 1841 or earlier. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was
auditor of the Pravda society in 1884 (CC 71) and served on its administration in 1885
(CC 198). In 1866-8 he had served as plenipotentiary in a servitudes dispute. 2
I) Tarnavsky, Spohady, 32. 2) TsDIAL, 146/64/1124, pp. 42, 44 and passim.
208. Matsiakh, Mykola
LOCATION: Dmytriv, Kaminka Strumylova
RC: Librarian (CC 52). MOBILITY: Four or
district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
five Matsiakh households farmed in Dmytriv
in the early 1850s.!
I) TsDIAL, 168/1/1016, pp. 6v, 16v.
209. Matviishyn, han
LOCATION:
Buzhok, Zolochiv district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Treasurer
(CC 42).
210. Matviishyn, Petro
LOCATION: Chekhy,
Brody
RC: Vice-president (CC 271).
ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of
district.
ECONOMIC
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
STATUS: Proprietor (CC 262). OTHER
the Pravda society (CC 262).
Appendix IV
292
21 I. Mazur, Vavryk
Darakhiv, Terebovlia district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
Deputy administration (CC 82). DISTINGUISHING FEATURES: Latynnyk (CC 220).
OTHER ACTIVITIES: As an elector in the 1885 parliamentary elections, he could not be
persuaded to vote against the Ukrainian candidate (CC 220).
LOCATION:
RC:
212. Mazurchak, Tymko
LOCATION: Kutkivtsi, Ternopil district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Secretary
and deputy administration (CC 269). DISTINGUISHING FEATURES: The last name suggests
he was a latynnyk, which would not have been unusual for the Kutkivtsi reading club (see
Bartetsky. Roman). FAMILY BACKGROUND: A Tymko Mazurchak was a quarter peasant in
Kutkivtsi in 1854-6, with 10 loch 684 square Klafter of land. This would have made him
a middling peasant of just below average status (see Bartetsky. Roman). He was in the
village government in 1854 1 The possibility exists that the T. Mazurchak of the 1884
reading club and the Tymko Mazurchak of the 1854 village government were the same
person, but I think it more likely that the first is the son and the second the father. To
complicate matters, there were two people named Tymko Mazurchak in Kutkivtsi in 1886 2
MOBiliTY: The Mazurchak family was established in Kutkivtsi by 1854. 1 OTHER
ACTIVITIES: In 1886 he (actually, both Tymko Mazurchaks) signed a protest against an
attempt by the national populists to gain entry into Narodnyi dim in Lviv 2
I) TsDlAL, 488/1/653, pp. 27v, 79v. 2) R.M., "at Ternopolia," Siovo 26, no. 33
(26 March [7 April] 1886): 2.
21 3. Mazykevych, I.
Makhniv,
Rava
Ruska district. OCCUPATION: Priest.
POSITION
IN
President (CC 137). ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor (CC 137) in a village that had 753
Greek Catholics in 1880. 1
LOCATION:
RC:
I) Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880.
214. Medynsky (Medynski), Ivan (Jan)
Mykolaiv,
Brody
district.
OCCUPATION: Teacher.
DISTINGUISHING
When opponents wrote about him, they used the Polish first name Jan; I this
may have been done, however, to discredit or insult him. AGE: He had been teaching since
at least 1877,2 and was therefore born in 1855 or earlier. MOBiliTY: He taught in
Mykolaiv since at least 1877 2 until 1887-8, when he moved to Korsiv, Brody district. 1
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was secretary of the Pravda society in 1884 (CC 71) and also in
the administration in 1885 (CC 198). In 1887 he came into conflict with the other members of the Pravda society and with the reading club. Holdoryha. Mykola; Pylypchuk.
Hryhorii; Shostak. Semen; and others censured him in the press for maltreatment of his
pupils and opposition to the reading club. Medynsky was accused of denouncing the reading club before the district authorities and circuit court. In the winter of 1887 he was said
to have pulled a window out of a house where a party was being held and to have dispersed
the guests by force. I
LOCATION:
FEATURES:
I) Mykola Holodryha et 01., "Dopysy 'Dila'. Mykolaiv v poviti bridskim," Dilo 8, no. 92
(20 August [I September] 1887): 2. Vasyl lakubiv, Mykola Martyshuk, Mykola
Holodryga, "Pysmo z Brodskoho," Batkivshchyna 10, no. 22 (1 June [20 May] 1888): 135.
2) Szem. kr. Gal. 1877, 399.
215. Melnyk, Atanas(ii) (Panas)
lakubova, Drohobych district. OCCUPATION: Peasant and cantor. I
President (CC 92). AUTHOR: CC 92, 145, 219. POSITION IN LOCAL
GOVT: Councilman, 1885. 1 FAMILY BACKGROUND: The Melnyk family had been involved
in peasant disturbances in Volia lakubova in 1819 (over servitudes) and 1843 (over taxes).1
ECONOMIC STATUS: He was still a lad (U parubok) in 1884, and so had not yet come into
LOCATION:
POSITION
Volia
IN
RC:
List of Activists
293
land (ee 92). AGE: Born c. 1860 1 DEATH: Late 1880s. 1 PUBLICATIONS: He contributed
correspondence on develo~ments in Volia lakubova to Batkivshchyna, 1881-2, and Cazeta
Naddniestrzanska, 1885. He contributed an article on the treatment of distemper to
Hospodar i prosmyshlennyk, 1883 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was the leader of a reading
club that attempted radical reform in the village and so encountered serious opposition
from the village government and pastor. His friends included the Ukrainian radical Ivan
Franko and the Polish socialist Ignacy Daszynski. Together with other radically inclined
village leaders (such as Mikhas. Ivan), Melnyk held secret meetings where socialist and
anticlerical ideas were promulgated. He was arrested in March 1886 along with other
reading club activists from Volia lakubova and nearby Dobrivliany. Imprisoned in Sambir,
they were charged with blasphemy and belonging to a secret socialist organization. They
were tried in camera before a jury in Sambir, 31 May-3 June 1886 (N.S.). Melnyk was
only convicted of publicly reading forbidden books and sentenced to six days in jailor a
fine of 30 gUlden. However, the three months he spent in confinement in Sambir proved
adequate time for him to contract a lung disease; he died within the next few years. I
I) Himka, Socialism, 130-8, 216-18. 2) Lev I, no. 2550.
216. Melnyk, Ivan
Kovalivka,
Kolomyia
district.
Deputy administration (ee 260). OTHER
the revived reading club in 1901 1
LOCATION:
RC:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
He was among the founders of
OCCUPATION:
ACTIVITIES:
/) TsDIAL, 348/1/2900, p. 27.
21 7. Melnyk, Petro
Liucha,
Kolomyia
Treasurer (ee 206).
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
218. Melnyk, Tymko
Dmytriv, Kaminka Strumylova district.
Secretary (ee 52).
LOCATION:
RC:
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN
219. Menchakevych, lIiia
LOCATION:
ACTIVITIES:
Zolochiv district?
OCCUPATION: Cantor.
AUTHOR:
He was active in the cantors' movement (ee 187).
ee
187.
OTHER
220. Mikhas (Mykhas), Ivan
Morozovychi, Sambir district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. AUTHOR: ec 130, 133j
134, 247, 273. 1 POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (at least from 1893 2 through 1899).
PUBLICATIONS: He published an item of correspondence in Batkivshchyna in 1884 4 and
wrote for the radical newspaper Khliborob in 1893 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: In the mid-1880s
he was already connected with the radical and anticlerical movement as a participant in
clandestine meetings involving Ivan Franko, Melnyk. Atanas and others 5 In 1893 he was
elected to the administration of the Prosvita branch in Sambir, but declined to accept,;
because it meant working with priests who opposed the radical version of enlightenment.
He then came out publicly as a radical, claiming that his conversion had only occurred in
the previous year. In his confession of radicalism in 1893, he wrote: ..... I went deeply into
the teachings of Jesus Christ, analyzed his life and compared it to our life. Because of this
I began to stand up for the poor, wronged man.,,7 In 1899 he told a radical assembly
(U viche) in Morozovychi: "Jesus Christ sated five thousand people with five loaves and
two fishes, while today five thousand people can't sate one priest.")
LOCATION:
/) Authorship established on the basis of Dei, Slovnyk ukrainskykh psevdonimiv, 179. 2)
Ivan Mikhas [Ivan z nad Dnistra], "Iak vi it prystav do radykaliv," Khliborob 3, no. 10 (15
May 1893): 66. Ivan Mikhas, "Prosvita narodu i pevni ruski ottsi dukhovni v
Sambirshchyni," Khliborob 3, no. 21-3 (October 1893): 153-5.3) Uchasnyk, "Vicha v seli
Morozovychakh," Hromadskyi holos, no. 3 (1899): 19-21. 4) Ivan Mikhas [Ivan z-nad
Dnistra], "Pysmo z Sambirshchyny," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 3 (22 [10] January 1886): 17.
Appendix IV
294
51 Himka, Socialism, 135-6. 61 Mikhas, "Prosvita," 153-5. 7) Mikhas, "Iak vi it prystav,"
66.
221. Mocherniuk, lura (Iurii)
Kovalivka,
Kolomyia
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
Librarian (CC 260). FAMILY BACKGROUND: A Petro Mocherniuk had been mayor
until he died in 1883 (CC 260). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was among the founders of the
revived reading club in 190 I. He was president in 1901-4 and 1908; secretary in 1906 and
1910. 1
LOCATION:
RC
I} TsDIAL, 348/1/2900, pp. 3,4,27, 34v, 35v, 36v, 37v, 40, 42v, 43.
222. Monchalovsky, Stefan
Sasiv, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Cantor. AUTHOR: CC 187 (coauthor).
He was elected the representative of the Olesko deanery cantors in
1885 (CC 154).
LOCATION:
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
223. Mostovyk, Hrynko
LOCATION:
(CC 42).
1881. 1
Buzhok, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC Secretary
He was on the first administration of the reading club in
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
I) Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomyr Seliansky], "Pysmo z Hlukhoho Kuta," Batkivshchyna 3,
no. 10 (16 May 1881): 80.
224. Mozola, Vasyl
Berezyna,
Zhydachiv
Proprietor (CC 28). OTHER
LOCATION:
STATUS:
district.
ACTIVITIES:
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
He was an activist in the reading club
(CC 28).
225. Mudrak, Mykhail
LOCATION: Hvozd, Nadvirna district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of
a parish with 1,498 members, an endowment of 46 Joch of arable land and 27 Joch of
meadow and a congruum of 191 gulden 89 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1812, ordained 1846 1
MARITAL STATUS: Married. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a proponent of the reading club
and of sobriety in Hvozd (CC 55).
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 252-3.
226. Muzh, Petro
Khrystynopil,
Sokal
district.
OCCUPATION: (Burgher).
POSITION
IN
Administration (CC 278). FAMILY CONNECTIONS: He may have been related to
Polotniuk, Ihnatii.
LOCATION:
RC:
227. Mykhalevych, Symeon
Liubycha Kniazi, Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN
Secretary (CC 137). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was an activist in the reading club (CC
137).
LOCATION:
RC
228, Mykhaliuk, Mykhail
LOCATION: Dmytriv, Kaminka Strumylova district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant and) merchant
(CC 52). FAMILY BACKGROUND: An IIko Mykhaliuk, presumably Mykhail's father, was a
half peasant with 8 Joch 1434 square Klafter in the early 1850s. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He
was a member of the reading club. He established a store that obtained its wares from
Narodnia torhovlia (CC 52).
I) TsDIAL, 168/1/1016, p. 26v.
List of Activists
295
229. Mykuliak, Hryhorii
LOCATION: Brovary,
Buchach
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
RC: Treasurer (CC 75). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was among the founders of the revived
1
reading club in 1901.
I) TsDIAL, 348/1/1297, p. 21.
230. Mykuliak, Petro.
LOCATION: Brovary, Buchach district., OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: President
(CC 75). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 75). EDUCATION: Literate (CC 75).
AGE: He was an elder brother of the church brotherhood (CC 75). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He
was a founder of the reading club, which met in his home (CC 75).
231. Myroniuk, I1iia
LOCATION: Horodenka (district capital). OCCUPATION: Soldier, peasant. POSITION IN
RC: Vice-president, 1884;1 administration, 1885 (CC 248). AUTHOR: CC 248 (coauthor).
FAMILY BACKGROUND: Son of a peasant from Horodenka. 1 ECONOMIC STATUS: A lad
(U parubchak),2 and thus still landless. EDUCATION: He finished the four-grade school in
Horodenka. Interested in books since childhood, he used his free time while stationed as a
soldier in Vienna to read. In the army he earned the rank of corporal (U kapral).1
AGE: He was still serving in the army at the end of 1883/ but had returned to Horodenka
by the end of 1884. 2 Thus he was probably' drafted in 1881 and born in 1861.
DEATH: 1886 (funeral, 8 February 1886 [O.S.)).I MOBILITY: He spent most of his life in
his native Horodenka, but his service in the army took him to Vienna. I PUBLICATIONS: He
published an item of correspondence from Vienna in Batkivshchyna, 1884. 1 OTHER
ACTIVITIES: While stationed in Vienna in 1883, he corresponded with the teacher-activist
Krushelnytsky. Maksym, who gave him a letter of recommendation to the Ukrainian
student society Sich. He subscribed to Batkivshchyna and read it aloud to the other
soldiers. 3 Back in Horodenka in 1884, he took an active part in the reading club, on one
occasion presenting a talk on the need for enlightenment. 2 His work in Horodenka,
however, was short-lived. In the army he had cau.sht a lung disease from which he never
fully recovered. He died after several months of illness. I
I) Maksym Krushelnytsky [Horodensky], "Pysmo z Horodenky," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 10
(12 March [28 February] 1886): 58. 2) Maksym Krushelnytsky [Chien chytalni], "Dopysy.
Z Horodenky," Shkolna chasopys 6, no. 6 (16 [28] March 1885): 46. 3) Letter of Maksym
Krushelnytsky to Leonid Zaklynsky, 30 December 1883, in LNB AN URSR, Viddil
rukopysiv, fond Zaklynskykh, 192/31, p. 142.
232. Nahirny, Andrei
LOCATION: Ninovychi, Sokal district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN LOCAL
GOVT: Mayor (CC 188). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC
188).
233. Navrotsky, Ivan
LOCATION: Brovary,
Buchach
RC: Vice-president (CC 75).
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
234. Navrotsky, Severyn
LOCATION: Shliakhtyntsi,
Ternopil
district.
OCCUPATION: Priest.
POSITION
IN
RC: President (CC 108). ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a parish with 901 members, an
endowment of 81 Joch of arable land and 4 Joch of meadow and a congruum of 135
gulden 77 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1843, ordained 1869. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Celibate. I
MOBILITY: He was an assistant in Ternopil in the mid-1870s before becoming pastor of
Shliakhtyntsi. 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC 108). He
was vice-dean of Ternopil and commissar of school affairs for Ternopil circle. 3 Evhen
Olesnytsky, who knew him in the mid-1870s, characterized him as "not very energetic.,,2
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 164.2) Olesnytsky, Storinky, 1:102.3) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 157.
296
Appendix IV
235. Novosad, Semko
LOCATION: Makhniv,
Rava Ruska
RC: Deputy administration (CC 137).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
LOCATION: Darakhiv,
Terebovlia
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
RC: Treasurer (CC 82). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 82). OTHER ACTIVITIES:
He
236. Nychyk, Dmytro
IN
was a founder of the reading club (CC 82).
237. Nychyk, Maksym
LOCATION: Darakhiv,
STATUS: Proprietor (CC
Terebovlia
82). OTHER
district.
ACTIVITIES:
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
He was a founder of the reading club
(CC82).
238. Oleiniuk, Oleksa
LOCATION:
Tsebriv, Ternopil district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Librarian
(CC44).
239. Olenchyn, Andrii
LOCATION: Korelychi,
Peremyshliany
RC: Treasurer (CC 84). MOBILITY: The
district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
Olenchyn family name was very common among
the Greek Catholic parishioners of Korelychi in 1864. 1
I) TsDlAL, 146/64b/2294, pp. 54-61.
240. Oliinyk, lu[riiJ
LOCATION: Kutkivtsi,
RC: Administration (CC
Ternopil
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
69).
241. Olynets, Mykhail
Rudno, Lviv district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor
until 1885;1 then from 1888 until at least 1890. 2 FAMILY
BACKGROUND: Mykhail was descended from Hryhorii Olynets, who in 1820 had 10 Joch
1414.75 square Kla/te, of land. This was inherited by Mykhail's father, who died in 1841,
and then by Mykhail's older brother Dmytro, with the stipulation that he provide for all
the siblings. Dmytro inherited some land from his wife and gave the original Olynets
holding in 1856 to the youngest of the three brothers, Stefan. Stefan, in return for the
holding, was obliged to provide the youngest sibling, Anna, when she came of age, with a
pair of draught oxen and a cow; he also had to pay for her wedding. The land Stefan
inherited---{)nly a little larger than the average holding in the village in the I 850s, but
encumbered by obligations vis-a-vis his sister-was confiscated by the Credit-Anstalt bank
to pay for debts in 1869. 3 ECONOMIC STATUS: His father was a middling peasant with
three sons and a daughter, so Mykhail probably started off quite modestly in the I 840s or
early I 850s. 3 AGE: In 1856 Mykhail Olynets had a younger brother who had come of age
to inherit. 3 Therefore Mykhail was born in 1835 or earlier. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a
founder of the readin~ club in the mid-1880s (CC 240); he was also active in reviving the
defunct club in 1890. As mayor, he allegedly forbade the villagers to spend Sundays and
holidays in the tavern and preferred that they spend their leisure time in the reading club.
He was not re-elected mayor in the fall of 1885, supposedly because of the tavernkeeper's
agitation. (He was replaced by Maksymovych. Dmyt,o.)1
LOCATION:
(CC
240)
I) "Iz pod Lvova," Siovo 26, no. 37-8 (5 [17] and 8 [20] April 1886): [1] supplement. 2)
"Chytalnia v Rudni," Batkivshchyna 12, no. 18 (27 April [9 May] 1890): 238. 3) TsDlAL,
166/1/1168, pp. 475-83; TsDIAL, 166/1/1170, pp. 260-1.
List of Activists
297
242. Onyshkevych, Onufrii
LOCATION: Liubycha Kniazi, Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN
RC: Treasurer (CC 137). OTHER ACTIVITIES: A Stefan Onyshkevych, a seminarian, spoke
at the inauguration of the reading club (CC 137).
243. Osmilovsky, L.
LOCATION: Khrystynopil, Sokal
RC: Administration (CC 278).
district.
OCCUPATION:
Priest (CC 278).
POSITION
IN
244. Pachovsky, Ivan
LOCATION:
Dobrostany, Horodok district.
OCCUPATION:
Priest.
POSITION IN RC:
President
(CC 100, 245). FAMILY CONNECTIONS: Father of Pachovsky, Mykhailo: ECONOMIC
Pastor of a parish with 2,007 members and an endowment of 105 Joch of arable
land and 35 Joch of meadow; he had to pay an assistant 179 gulden 80 kreuzer. 2 He had
three sons and seven daughters and was unable to pay for the education of two of his sons. I
AGE: Born 1814, ordained 1837. 2 MARITAL STATUS: Married. 2 MOBILITY: He had been
pastor in Dobrostany since at least 1861.
STATUS:
1) Lev493, P-62. 2) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 58-9.
245. Pachovsky, Mykhailo
LOCATION: Dobrostany, Horodok district. OCCUPATION: University student. I FAMILY
BACKGROUND: His father was a priest with three sons, of whom Mykhailo was the
youngest, and seven daughters: FAMILY CONNECTIONS: He was the son of Pachovsky,
Ivan. ECONOMIC STATUS: He struggled with poverty as a student. Beginning in the second
grade of gymnasium he gave lessons to pay for his own and an older brother's education.
In 1887 material considerations led him to interrupt his university education in Vienna and
take work as a gymnasium teacher in Lviv: EDUCATION: He attended the academic
gymnasium in Lviv, 1875-82, and then studied in the philosophy faculty at the University
of Vienna, 1882-7. He first specialized in classical philology, but changed to Slavistics;
among his teachers were Franz Miklosich and Vatroslav Jagic. He loved music and
attended Anton Bruckner's lectures at the conservatory. He received a doctorate from the
University of Chernivtsi in 1895: AGE: Born 20 September 1861 (O.S.): DEATH: 1933. 2
MOBILITY: He was born in Dobrostany and educated in Lviv and Vienna. He taught the
Ukrainian language in gymnasia in Lviv, 1887-93 and 1897-1911?; and in Kolomyiai
1893-7: He was director of the private gymnasium in Dolyna, 1911-22.
PUBLICATIONS: He
wrote the novel Vechornytsi and several scholarly and
popular-scholarly works, including: Pro ruski byliny i dumy (1895), Pokhoronnyi obriad
na Rusy (1903), Iliustrovane ukrainsko-ruske pysmenstvo v zhyttiepysakh (1909),
Vyimky z ukrainskoho pysmenstva Xl-XVIII st. (1911) and essays on Ivan Kotliarevsky,
Markiian Shashkevych and Taras Shevchenko. He also compiled textbooks and composed
songs for a mixed choir. 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was the main founder of the reading
club3 and also established a choir in Dobrostany (CC 245). While a student in Vienna in
the mid-1880s, he was a member of the Ukrainian student society Sich and of the Slavonic
singing association; he also sang in the chorus of Vienna's leading operatic house, the
Theater an der Wien. In 1902 he edited the children's magazine Dzvinok: During the
Ukrainian revolution of 1918 he was a member of the Ukrainian National Council of the
West Ukrainian People's Republic.
1) Lev493, P-62. 2) Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Pachovsky Mykhailo." 3) "Novi
chytalni," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 22 (30 [18] May 1884): 131-2.
246. Parii, Vasyl
LOCATION:
Dmytriv, Kaminka Strumylova district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant and) scribe
(CC 52). POSITION IN RC: Vice-president. I POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Scribe (CC 52).
MOBILITY: Seven Parii households lived in Dmytriv in the 1850s. 2
was an activist in the reading club (CC 52).
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
He
Appendix IV
298
/) "0 nashykh chytalniakh," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 16 (17 [5] April 1885): 122. 2)
TsDIAL, 168/1/1016, pp. Ilv, 21v, 26v, 84v.
247. Pashkovsky, Atanazii
LOCATION: Olesko, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a
parish with 2,927 members, an endowment of 119 Joch of arable land and 27 Joch of
meadow and a congruum of 10 gulden 98 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1822, ordained 1848. 1
MARITAL STATUS: Widowed. 1 OTHER ACTiVITIES: He was president of the Pravda society
in Olesko (CC 262).
/) Shem. Lviv. /884, 113.
248. Pashkovsky, luliian
LOCATION: luzkovychi and Olesko, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. AGE: He
began teaching c. 1878,1 and was therefore born c. 1856. MOBILITY: He first taught in
Siobidka lanivska, Ternopil district, in 1878;1 he taught in Dobromirka, Zbarazh district,
in 1881,2 in Ihrovytsia, Ternopil district, in 1884,3 and in Iuzkovychi, ZoIochiv district, in
1885.4 OTHER ACTIViTiES: He served in the administration of the Pravda society in Olesko
(CC 262).
/) He is not mentioned in Sum. kr. Gal. 1873, 1874 or 1877, and first appears in
ibid. 1878, 437; but he is not mentioned in ibid. /879. 2) Ibid. /88/, 447. 3) Ibid. /884,
422.4) Ibid. /885,428.
249. Patsahan, Pavlo
LOCATION:
Olesha, Tovmach district.
OCCUPATiON:
Peasant.
POSITION IN RC:
Librarian
(CC 60). MOBILITY: Three peasant households with the name of Patsahan lived in Olesha
in 1850-5.
/) TsDIAL, 168/1/4099, pp. 20v, 35v.
250. Pavliv, Luka
LOCATiON:
Chekhy, Brody district.
OCCUPATiON:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Librarian
(CC 271). AUTHOR: CC 271.
251. Pavlychko, Ivan
LOCATiON: Stopchativ,
Kolomyia
RC: Deputy administration (CC 263).
district.
OCCUPATiON:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
252. Pelekhaty, Fedor
LOCATiON: Darakhiv,
Terebovlia
RC: Deputy administration (CC 82).
253. Pelensky, OIeksa
Komarno, Rudky district. OCCUPATiON: Burgher. 1 POSITION IN RC: Librarian
ECONOMIC STATUS: Judging by his publications, he had an orchard. 2
PUBLICATiONS: He contributed two_articles on orchards to Hospodar i promyshlennyk in
1886. 2 OTHER ACTiVITIES: He was elected to the supervisory council of the loan association
LOCATION:
(CC 9).
in Komarno in 1886. I
I) "Dopysy. Z Komarna," Dilo 7, no. 62 (7 [19] June 1886): 4. 2) Levi, no. 3154.
254. Petri v, Lev
LOCATION: Utishkiv,
Zolochiv
RC: Librarian (CC 216).
district.
OCCUPATiON:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
255. Petrovych, Emyliian
LOCATION: Korchyn, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a
parish with 1,167 members, no endowment in land and a congruum of 254 gulden 21
List of Activists
kreuzer l
ACTIVITIES:
Born 1842, ordained 1871. 1 MARITAL
He was active in the reading club (CC 32).
AGE:
299
STATUS:
Married. 1
OTHER
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884,147.
256. Petryshyn, han
Pochapy, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. POSITION IN RC: Librarian
268). AUTHOR: ee 42,268,275. AGE: Born 1850. 1 DEATH: 1913. 1 MOBILITY: He
first taught in Kruhiv, Zolochiv district,2 before moving to Pochapy in 1878 3
PUBLICATIONS: He was a prolific writer who frequently used the pseudonym Liubomyr
Seliansky. He contributed to Batkivshchyna, 1881-2,4 1890;5 Dzvinok, 1890-1910;6
Uchytel, 1892-3;7 Dilo, 1898; Haidamaky, 1902; Zoria, 1910;6 Komar, Zerkalo, Khlopska
pravda, Zoria and the calendar Zaporozhets. 1 He was also the author of popular books: U
piatdesiatu richnytsiu znesenia panshchyny i vidrodzhenia halytskoi Rusy, Knyzhochky
'Prosvity', no. 215-16 (Lviv, 1898);8 Hostynets z Ameryky, abo Nauka pro se. iak u sviti
zhyty (1906). He wrote several historical operas, including lasne sonichko Rusy-Ukrainy
(1911) and Orleanska divchyna (1912).1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was active in the readin~
club in Buzhok. He attended its inauguration in 1881,9 gave instruction to its members,l
joined it and lectured at its general meeting in 1885 (ee 42). He also lectured on
Shevchenko at the reading club in Bilyi Kamin (ee 275). These localities were in Zolochiv
district. He married into the priestly Tarnavsky family and was one of the few in the
family to use the Ukrainian language at hornell From 1908 to 1912 he edited the
teachers' journal Prapor, which came out in Kolomyia. I
LOCATION:
(ee
I) Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Petryshyn ... Ivan." 2) He is not mentioned in
Szem. kr. Gal. 1874; he is in ibid. 1877,453.3) Ibid. 1878,442.4) Levi, no. 2229, 2371.
5) Ivan Petryshyn [L. Seliansky], "Praznyk svobody," Batkivshchyna 12, no. 21 (18 [30J
May 1890): 273. Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomyr Seliansky], "Podorozh v krai Darmoidiv,"
Batkivshchyna 12, no. 34-5 (24 August [5 SeptemberJ 1890): 446-9 (a translation from
German). 6) Dei, Slovnyk ukrainskykh psevdonimiv, 344. 7) Lev2, no. 2119, 2484. 8)
" ... A kind of apologia for the Austrian regime." Magocsi, Galicia, 137. 9) Ivan Petryshyn
[Liubomyr SelianskyJ, "Pysmo z Hlukhoho Kuta," Batkivshchyna 3, no. 10 (16 May
1881): 80-1. 10) "0 nashykh chytalniakh," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 9 (27 [15) February
1885): 71. II) Tarnavsky, Spohady, 24.
257. Pidgursky, Antin
Kolodribka, Zalishchyky
Deputy administration (ee 76).
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
258. Pidrichny, Pavlo
LOCATION:
Rava Ruska district.
AUTHOR:
ee 51.
259. Pikh, Mykhailo
LOCATION:
Stariava, Mostyska district. OCCUPATION: Merchant. AUTHOR: ee 116, 119.
He contributed correspondence to Batkivshchyna in 1886 1 OTHER
He was the manager of the church store and trustee of the church (ee 116,
PUBLICATIONS:
ACTIVITIES:
119).
I) Lev I, no. 3122.
260. Pochapsky, Vasyl
Pochapy,
Zolochiv
Treasurer (ee 268). FAMILY
1
1882.
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
A Mykhalko Pochapsky was mayor in
OCCUPATION:
BACKGROUND:
I) Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomyr Seliansky], "Pysmo z ZoIochivskoho," Batkivshchyna 4,
no. 24 (16 [4) December 1882): 192.
Appendix IV
300
261. Poliak, Iosyf (Iuzio)
LOCATION: Strilkiv, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Librarian (CC
149). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Councilman (CC 34). DISTINGUISHING FEATURES: His
first and last names indicate Polish origin. In 1880 the village had 14 Polish-speaking
Roman Catholics (i.e., Poles) and 2 Ukrainian-speaking Roman Catholics (i.e.,
latynnyky).1 It is possible that the Polish-speaking Roman Catholics were, in fact,
latynnyky, since the census-takers tended to favour the Polish nationality and were not
always above tampering with the census results. 2 The first names recorded for the Poliak
family in the 1850s, however, were decidedly Greek Catholic and Ukrainian (Iwan
Dmytro, 0lexa)3 MOBILITY: Four Poliak households were recorded in Strilkiv in 1852-5. j
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC 34).
I) Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880. 2) The Ukrainian parliamentary deputy Vasyl Kovalsky protested
the abuses of the 1880 census in an interpellation to Austrian minister of the interior
Count Eduard Taaffe on 1 February 1881 (N.S.). "Iak perevedena konskryptsiia v
Halychyni?" Batkivshchyna 3, no. 4 (16 February 1881): 25-6. 3) TsDIAL, 488/1/422,
pp. lv, 21v.
262. Polishchuk, M.
LOCATION: Bila, Ternopil district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC: Deputy
administration (CC 69).
263. Polishchuk, P.
LOCATION: Bila, Ternopil district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC: Librarian
(CC 69).
264. Polotniuk, Ihnatii (Hnat)
,LOCATION: Khrystynopil, Sokal district. OCCUPATION: Cantor. AUTHOR: CC 176.
POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: He was a councilman and assessor in 1880 in Kliusiv, Sokal
district. I FAMILY BACKGROUND: He stemmed from an old Khrystynopil burgher family,
but his grandfather Iosyf had been left an orphan and went to work as an agricultural
labourer for peasants (serfs). Iosyf married a woman from Novyi Dvir, a suburb of
Khrystynopil. He became a fairly well-to-do peasant and served as mayor for over
twenty-five years. He abstained from alcohol, had eight children and died at the age of
eighty-five. Ihnatii's father, Ivan, was a peasant with a holding of 18 loch. He served as a
councilman for many years. He himself was literate and was the main founder of a school
in Kliusiv. He loved music (singing) and passed this on to his son. Ihnatii's mother's
maiden name was Muzh. Ihnatii was the oldest of five children still living in 1896.'
FAMILY CONNECTIONS: Through his mother's family he may have been related to Muzh,
Petro. EDUCATION: In 1864 he began attending the normal school in Khrystynopil, where
he finished three grades. He transferred to Kliusiv in 1868, when a school was opened with
the cantor Symeon Rybak as instructor. He finished the fourth grade in Kliusiv and also
studied singing under Rybak. The Basilian fathers who taught him catechism wanted him
to be sent for higher education, but his mother would not allow it. He followed his old
teacher Rybak to nearby Boratyn, also in Sokal district, to continue his education;
sometimes he took Rybak's place as instructor. While a cantor in Khrystynopil, 1872-6, he
studied ritual and church singing with the Basilians. In 1876-9 he served in the army;
while stationed in Lviv he prepared to take a teacher's examination and passed a cantor's
examination at St. George's Cathedral on 18 March 1878 (O.S.). In 1891 he passed the
sixth-grade examination of a district administration school (U vydilova shkola) and
continued studying. I AGE: Born 29 December 1856 (O.S.).I DEATH: 1903. 2
MOBILITY: Until 1876, when he was drafted into the army, he spent his life in
Khrystynopil and nearby villages. While in the army, 1876-9, he was stationed both
outside of Ukrainian territory and in Lviv. He was cantor in Khrystynopil from 1880 to
1887, when he moved to Stanyslaviv. Here he worked as a cantor in the cathedral until his
death. I PUBLICATIONS: He published notes on the cantors' movement in Dilo, 1885;3
Siovo. 1885;4 and Hai)'chanyn, 1900. 1 He published a collection of church songs,
Napivnyk tserkovnyi. 2
301
List of Activists
As a youth in 1870 he became a teacher in Bendiuha, Sokal district.
He received the position because the founder of the school, a repentant horse-thief, had
stipulated that the teacher be an expert at church singing. In a neighbouring village was
the teacher Tymofei Khomyn, originally from Khlivchany, Rava Ruska district, who was
the founder and director of several village choirs. With his help, Polotniuk established a
choir in Bendiuha; it made its first public appearance in the Khrystynopil church on Easter
Sunday. In the spring of 1871 Polotniuk and his choir took the place of the Khrystynopil
cantor for six weeks and in 1872-at the age of sixteen-Polotniuk became the cantor of
Khrystynopil.
While serving in the army, 1876-9, he filled twenty-one notebooks with church music.
In 1880 he rescued the declining communal granary in his native Kliusiv.
As cantor of Khrystynopil again in 1880-7, he began to take pupils to study the
cantor's art. In 1885 he founded a cantors' school, which lasted into the late I 890s, at first
based in Khrystynopil, then in Stanyslaviv. By the end of 1896, ninety-eight students had
passed through his school, fifty of whom subsequently' passed a cantor's examination. In
the period 1874-8 he founded twelve choirs in villages. I At the inauguration of the reading
club in Zhuzhil, Sokal district, he directed the choir (CC 212).
Polotniuk was a leading activist of the cantors' movement. He proposed the
establishment of a cantors' association for Przemysl eparchy (CC 176) and initiated its
first convention on 30 April 1885 (O.S.) (CC 193). He was a cantors' deputy to the
bishops in 1881. 1885 and 1886. On 14 June 1887 (O.S.) the Lviv metropolitan consistory
convoked a cantors' convention with the aim of founding a cantors' association for all of
Galicia; Polotniuk was elected secretary of the committee to carryon further action. From
30 August 1889 (O.S.) he served as treasurer of the Stanyslaviv eparchy cantors'
association. In October 1895 he founded the cantors' monthly Diakivskii hlas in
Stanyslaviv. 1 and edited it until his death in 1903. 5 In June 1901 he led a deputation of
cantors and organists to the Galician diet.
In 1902 he founded the association Ruska khata in Stanyslaviv, for burghers and the
middle-level intelligentsia. I
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
I) Lev 493, P-164. 2) Ukrainska Zahalna Entsyklopediia, s.v. "Polotniuk." 3) Levi,
no. 2943. 4) Levi, no. 3074VIII. 5) Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Polotniuk
Hnat."
265. Popovych, Fedir
LOCATION: Fytkiv, Nadvirna district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Librarian
(CC 58). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 58). AGE: Young (CC 22). MOBILlTV: "A
man who has been out in the world" (U buvalyi v sviti cholovik) (CC 22). OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was active in the founding of the reading club; once he hosted forty people
in his home to discuss the matter (CC 22). The reading club met in his home in 1885 (CC
58). In 1886 he was still librarian of the reading club. I
/) M. lanevorihvash, "Pysmo z Nadvirnianskoho," Batkivshchyna 8, no. 13 (2 April [21
March] 1886): 77.
266. Posatsky, Havrylo (Havryil)
LOCATION: Khotin, Kalush district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC 121) and scribe. I POSITION
IN RC: President (CC 121). AUTHOR: CC 162. POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Scribe. I OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club in 1884 1 and a member of the church
committee in 1889. 2
/) Hp., "Nova chytalnia," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 26 (27 [15] June 1884): 159. 2)
"Zaprosyny," Batkivshchyna II, no. 19 (12 [24] May 1889): 252.
267. Proskurok, M.
LOCATION: Bila, Ternopil district.
administration (CC 69).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
RC:
Deputy
Appendix IV
302
268. Prukhnytsky, Mykhailo
Komarno, Rudky district.
WeaveL I
President
Born c.
1850. 1 DEATH: 27 December 1901 (O.S.)I OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served on the
administration of the loan association and as secretary of the weavers' association in
Komarno. 1
LOCATION:
OCCUPATION:
POSITION IN RC:
(CC 9). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Councilman for many years, also mayoL I AGE:
I) Lev493, P-225.
269. Pryhodsky, Emil
Stopchativ,
Kolomyia district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
Treasurer (CC 263). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC
LOCATION:
RC
263).
270. Pukhalsky, H.
Darakhiv, Terebovlia
Librarian (CC 82).
LOCATION:
RC
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
271. Pukhalsky, han
Darakhiv,
Terebovlia
Proprietor (CC 82). OTHER
district.
LOCATION:
STATUS:
ACTIVITIES:
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
He was a founder of the reading club
(CC 82).
272. Punda (pundo), han
Piznanka Hnyla, Skalat district. OCCUPATION: Peasant.
Secretary
(CC
238).
ECONOMIC
STATUS: Proprietor
PUBLICATIONS: Coauthor of a brief note on the reading club. I
LOCATION:
RC
POSITION
(CC
IN
238).
I) luvenal Lutsyk and Ivan Pundo, "Vydil chytalni v Piznantsi," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 32
(26 July [7 August] 1885): 228.
273. Punda (Pundo), Lesko
Piznanka
Hnyla,
Skalat
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
Rich peasant (CC 85). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder and member of the
reading club (CC 238). He also started a loan fund and communal granary (CC 85).
LOCATION:
STATUS:
274. Pundyk, Ivan
LOCATION: Pochapy, Zolochiv district.
administration (CC 268).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Deputy
275. Pylypchuk, Hryhorii (Hrytsko)
LOCATION: Mykolaiv, Brody district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). PUBLICATIONS: Coauthor
of a denunciation of the teacher Medynsky, Ivan. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was secretary of
the Pravda society in 1884 (CC 71) and also served in its administration in 1885 (CC 198).
I) Mykola Holodryha et 01., "Dopysy 'Dila'. Mykolaiv v poviti bridskim," Dilo 8, no. 92
(20 August [I September] 1887): 2.
276. Pynkovsky
Trybukhivtsi, Husiatyn district. OCCUPATION: Merchant. POSITION IN LOCAL
Scribe (CC 207). FAMILY BACKGROUND: A Mykyta Pynkovsky, presumabl(' the
merchant's father, was a half peasant with 14 loch 646 square Klafter in 1854. The
village then consisted of 3 per cent whole-peasant, 43 per cent half-peasant and 54 per cent
quarter-peasant and gardener households, with an average holding of 13 loch 2 Thus
Mykyta Pynkovsky was a middling peasant only slightly better off than average.
MOBILITY: The Pynkovsky family had been in Trybukhivtsi since at least 1854. 1 OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was comanager of the community store (CC 207).
LOCATION:
GOVT:
I) TsDIAL, 488/1/1071, p. Ilv. 2) Ibid., and TsDIAL, 488/1/1070.
303
List of Activists
277. Ripchuk, Ivan
LOCATION: Kovalivka.
Kolomyia district.
RC: Deputy administration (CC 260).
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
278. Romaniv, Ivan
LOCATION: Kukyziv. Lviv district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC Deputy
administration (CC 10).
279. Romanyk, Petro
LOCATION: Ozeriany.
Borshchiv
RC: Secretary (CC 97).
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
280. Rybachek (Rybachyk), Antin M.
LOCATION: Mykulyntsi.
Ternopil
district.
OCCUPATION: Teacher.
FAMILY
BACKGROUND: He was the son of a peasant. I ECONOMIC STATUS: In addition to teaching.
he tended an orchard and bee-hives. I EDUCATION: He finished the lower real school in
Brody. He served in the Austrian army in 1854-64. fighting in the Italian war of 1859 and
earning the rank of sergeant (U feldfeb/) as well as decorations. He completed his
education after leaving the army. I AGE: Born 22 June 1832 (O.S.).I DEATH: 13 April
1895 (N.S.)2 MOBILITY: He was born in Lozivka. Ternopil circle (later Zbarazh district).
and educated in the district capital of Brody. His ten years in the Austrian army took him
abroad. He taught in Palchyntsi. Zbarazh district; Stryivka, Zbarazh district I (1871 ).3 and
Orikhovets. Skalat district, before he became the principal (U upravyte/) of the four·grade
school in Mykulyntsi. He stayed in the latter town until his death. I PUBLICATIONS: He
contributed to Hazeta shkolna'l 1879;4 Vesna. 1879;5 Shkolna ehasopys, 1881-2 and
1884-5;6 Batkivshehyna. 1882; and Uehytel. 1892-3. 8 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a
founder of the reading club in Mykulyntsi and attended the inauguration of the reading
club in Darakhiv. Terebovlia district (CC 82). His activities in the Mykulyntsi reading club
had gotten him into trouble with the crownland school council in 1882. The council
censured him. but Rybachek fought the censure by appealing to higher authorities and had
it revoked. He founded a loan association attached to the reading club and a special reading club for school-age youth. He was vice· president of the Mykulyntsi reading club in
18909 and president in 1895. 10 He belonged to Prosvita and the Ruthenian pedagogical
society; I he was also president of the teachers' circle of the Polish pedagogical society
(P Towarzystwo Pedagogiezne) in Mykulyntsi. 11 A member of the United Galician
association for Gardening and Bee-keeping, he set up a model fruit orchard and apiary in
Mykulyntsi. 1
I) Lev493, R-48. 2) "Posmertni vistky," Ueytel 7, no. 9 (5 May 1895): 144.
3) Szem. kr. Gal. 1871,430.4) LevI, no. 1919111. 5) LevI, no. 19101V. 6) LevI, no. 2362,
2881, 3114. 7) A.M. Rybachyk, upravytel shkoly, "Pysmo z Mykulynets," Batkivshchyna
4, no. 3 (I February 1882): 22. 8) Ant[in) Rybachek, "Dopys," Uehytel 4, no. 22
(15 [27) November 1892): 355. Lev2, no. 2484. 9) "Nashi chytalni," Batkivshchyna 12,
no. 38-9 (21 September [3 October) 1890): 492. 10) "Visty z kraiu," Batkivshehyna 17,
no. 8 (16 [28) April 1895): 60. II) Odyn z hostei, "Dopys," Shkolna ehasopys 7. no. 6 (16
[28) March 1886): 45. Rybachek. "Dopys," Uehytel (1892): 355.
281. Sadovy, Ivan
LOCATION: Berezyna.
Zhydachiv
district
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
STATUS: Proprietor (CC 28). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was an activist in the reading club
(CC 28).
282. Saikevych, Danylo
LOCATION: Radvantsi. Sokal district. OCCUPATION: (Cantor, former or aspiring) (CC
106). AUTHOR: CC 106. OTHER ACTIVITIES: A musician who taught the village youth to
sing from notes. he was a proponent of enlightenement and sobriety and an opponent of the
mayor (CC 106).
Appendix IV
304
283. Salitra, Oleksa
LOCATION: Olesha,
MOBILITY:
(CC 60).
Tovmach district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Treasurer
Four Salitra peasant households lived in Olesha in 1850-5. I
I) TsDIAL, 168/1/4099, pp. 6v, 25v.
284. Semotiuk, Stefan
LOCATION:
Balyntsi, Kolomyia district.
OCCUPATION:
Peasant.
POSITION IN RC
President
(CC 95).
ECONOMIC STATUS: An "arnuent proprietor" (U hospodar zazhytochnyi).1
EDUCATION: Literate. 1 MOBILITY:
The Semotiuk name was very common in the village
2
by 1837. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC 95).
I) "Otkrytiie chytaln [sic]." Russkaia rada 14, no. 10 (I5 [27]May 1884): 82. 2) TsDIAL,
168/ I / 1416, pp. 84v-91, 94-7.
285. Seniuk, Mykhail (Nykola)
LOCATION: Torky, Sokal district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC Secretary
(CC 276). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (CC 276). OTHER ACTIVITIES: As mayor in
1887 he was among the main initiators of the community's purchase of 108 loch of forest. I
I) V.K., "Pysmo z Sokalshchyny," Batkivshchyna 9, no. 17 (29 [17] April 1887): 100.
286. Senyshyn, Hryhorii
LOCATION: Nykonkovychi,
Lviv
RC: Secretary (CC 105). AUTHOR:
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
CC 105. FAMILY BACKGROUND: A Petro Senyshyn,
presumably Hryhorii's father, was a full peasant with 14 loch 1555.2 square Klafter in
1852-5. This was the largest holding in a village where the average holding for full
peasants was under II loch. The village consisted of 56 households: 75 per cent
full-peasant, 7 per cent quarter-peasant and gardener (both categories had less than I
loch) and 18 per cent landless cottager. I
I) TsDIAL, 168/1/1916, p. 16v.
287. Serbyn, han
Vyktoriv,
Stanyslaviv
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
FAMILY
He was presumably the son of Danylo Serbyn, a half peasant with 15 loch
559 square Klafter in 1852-9, who paid an average annual tax of 2.5 gulden on cattle,
1836-45. The village consisted of 2 per cent three quarter peasants, 84 per cent half
peasants, 3 per cent quarter peasants, less than 2 per cent gardeners and serfs who paid
money rent (P czynszownicy), 5 per cent cottagers and 4 per cent tenants. The average
holding in the village was under 16 loch, but some peasants had holdings in the 60s and
one had over 98 loch. The average annual cattle tax in 1836-45 was 1.6 gUlden. Thus
Danylo Serbyn was a middling peasant. Danylo Serbyn was a plenipotentiary to the
indemnization committee in the 1850s. I He was also a member of the church brotherhood
and helped initiate church renovations. He was no longer alive by 1884 (CC 27).
MOBILITY: Danylo Serbyn was already in Vyktoriv by 1836. 1 PUBLICATIONS: Ivan Serbyn
wrote an article for Batkivshchyna urging peasants to vote for Ukrainian candidates in the
1889 elections to the diet. 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was elected to the auditing committee
and reading club committee of the Stanyslaviv branch of Prosvita in 1885 (CC 230). He
was vice-president of the reading club in Vyktoriv in 1889. 2
LOCATION:
BACKGROUND:
I) TsDIAL, pp. I v, 94, 99v- 100. 2) Ivan Serbyn, "Holos selianyna do brativ selian,"
Batkivshchyna II, no. 19 (12 [24] May 1889): 237-8.
288. Serediuk, han
LOCATION: Shliakhtyntsi,
Ternopil district. OCCUPATION:
RC: Vice-president (CC 108). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor
in 1885) (CC 249).
Peasant. POSITION
IN
(elected as reform mayor
List of Activists
305
289. Serenetsky, Karol
LOCATION: Fytkiv.
Nadvirna
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
RC: Vice-president (ee 58). DISTINGUISHING FEATURES: Judging by his name. especialli
his first name. he might have been one of 24 latynnyky inhabiting Fytkiv in 1880.
ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (ee 58). MOBILITY: The Serenetsky family name is not included in a list of all the peasants of Fytkiv. 1868. 2
I) Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880. 2) "Konsygnacyia wszystkich gospodarzy gruntowych. iako tei
zagrodnik6w i chalupnik6w w gminie Fytk6w znajduj~cych si~ w roku 1868." in TsDIAL.
I 46/64b/ 1120. pp. 61-4.
290. Serkes, Tymofii
LOCATION: Nykonkovychi.
RC: Librarian (eC 105).
I) "Novi chytalni."
Lviv
district.
OCCUPATION: Teacher. 1
POSITION
IN
Batkivshchyna 6. no. 20 (16 [4] May 1884): 120.
291 . Shchyrba, Hr[yhorii]
LOCATION: lavoriv (district capital). OCCUPATION: Burgher
RC: Administration (CC 142).
(ee
142).
POSITION
IN
292. Shchyrba, Luka
LOCATION: Nakvasha. Brody district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Librarian
(eC 201). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (eC 201). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor
(CC 201). AGE: He had come of age by 1867,1 and was therefore born by 1847 and probably by 1842 or earlier. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (ee
201 ).
I) TsDIAL, 146/64/1153, p. 101.
293. Sheshor, I1ko (IIiia)
LOCATION: Khmelivka, Bohorodchany district. I OCCUPATION: Teacher. I AUTHOR: CC I,
26. AGE: He began teaching in the early I 880s, I and was already contributing to the
Ukrainian press by 1878. 2 He was probably born in the late 1850s. PUBLICATIONS: He
contributed three articles to Pysmo z "Prosvity" in 1878 2 and an article to Batkivshchyna
in 1890. 2
I) He is not mentioned in Szem. kr. Gal. 1881; he is referred to as a teacher in the
"unorganized school" (P szkola niezorganizowana) in Khmelivka in ibid. 1884, 371, and
ibid. 1885, 371. 2) LevI, no. 1856. 3) lIiia Sh[eshor], "Z Bohorodchanskoho pyshut,"
Batkivshchyna 12, no. 38-9 (21 September [3 October] 1890): 488-9.
294. Shkraba, Vavryk
LOCATION: Dmytriv, Kaminka Strumylova district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was an activist in the reading club and treasurer of the church committee
(U kasiier provizorochnoho vydUu) (CC 52).
295. Shostak, Semen
LOCATION: Mykolaiv, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Cantor. I AGE: He was drafted in the
I 870s,2 and therefore was born in the 1850s. MOBILITY: He served over three years in the
army; he was stationed in Hungary.2 PUBLICATIONS: He was coauthor of a denunciation of
the teacher Medynsky, /van. 3 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was an auditor of the Pravda society
in 1884 (eC 71) and also served on the administration in 1885 (CC 198). He spoke at an
evening to commemorate the abolition of serfdom, 3 May 1888 (O.S.).I In the I 870s, as an
assistant cantor (U piddiachyi), he had held public readings for the peasants. 2
I) Vasyl lakubiv, et al., "Pysmo z Brodskoho," Batkivshchyna 10, no. 22 (I June [20
May] 1888): 135.2) Tarnavsky, Spohady, 36. 3) Mykola Holodryha et al., "Dopysy 'Dila'.
Mykolaiv v poviti bridskim," DUo 8, no. 92 (20 August [I September] 1887): 2.
Appendix IV
306
296. Shpytko, Ivan (Ioann)
Mizun,
Dolyna
district.
OCCUPATION: Priest.
ECONOMIC
Administrator of a parish with 1,867 members.! AGE: Born 1853, ordained
1878.! MARITAL STATUS: Married.! MOBILITY: When transferred from Mizun in 1884
(CC 46), he became administrator in Voltsniv, Zolochiv district 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He
was a founder of the reading club in Mizun in 1883 (CC 46).
LOCATION:
STATUS:
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 119.2) O-y, "at Dolyny," Siovo 24, no. 90 (18 [30] August 1884): 2.
297. Shvets, Luts
Liubycha Kniazi, Rava Ruska district.
Deputy administration (CC 137).
LOCATION:
RC:
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN
298. Sichynsky, lliarion
Strilkiv, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President (CC
CC 40. ECONOMIC STATUS: Administrator of a parish with 615 members.!
AGE: Born 1853, ordained 1878. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Married I MOBILITY: He was about
to be transferred in early 1885 (CC 149). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He helped establish the
reading club (CC 34).
LOCATION:
149).
AUTHOR:
I) Shan. Lviv. 1884, 156.
299. Sirko, Antin
LOCATION: Korchyn, Sokal district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: President
(CC 252). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: He was mayor in 1872-3! and in 1885 2 ECONOMIC
STATUS: He owned a half-peasant holding in 1859, when 85 per cent of the households in
Korchyn were half-peasant] EDUCATiON: Literate by 1865. 4 AGE: He was not a
landholder in 1855,5 but had come into land by 1859. 3 He was thus probably born between
1830 and 1834 and no later than 1839. MOBILITY: Four Sirko households lived in Korchyn
in 1852-5 5 OTHER ACTiVITIES: He had been a plenipotentiary in servitude affairs, 1865-6
and 1872-3 6 Apparently, he gained enough experience in this position to qualify him for
membership in the district estimating commission (P komisja szacunkowa) of Sokal in (at
least) 1872-4, 1877 and 1881 7 He was also a member of the district council, as a
representative of the village communes (P z grup gmin wiejskich) in (at least) 1874, 1877,
1881 and 1885 8 As mayor of Korchyn he "did much to improve the community"; "by his
ardent and decisive actions he cleansed the village of drunkenness.,,2
I) TsDIAL, I 46/64b/4372, p. 57; TsDIAL, 146/64b/4373, p. 75. 2) " ... vid Sokalia,"
Batkivshchyna 7, no. 25 (19 [7] June 1885): 186.3) TsDIAL, 146/64b/4361, pp. 57-9. 4)
TsDIAL, 146/64b/4363, p. 122. 5) TsDIAL, 168/1/612. 6) TsDIAL, 146/64b/4363,
p. 134; TsDIAL, I 46/64b/4369, p. 6v; TsDIAL, I 46/64b/4372, p. 2; TsDIAL,
146/64b/4373, p. 50. 7) He is not mentioned in Szem. kr. Gal. 1871. His membership in
the commission is mentioned in ibid. 1872, 205; ibid. 1873, 203; ibid. 1874, 227;
ibid. 1881, 265; but not in ibid. 1884 or 1885. 8) Ibid. 1874, 298; ibid. 1877, 281;
ibid. 1881, 268; not mentioned ibid. 1884; mentioned ibid. 1885, 249.
300, Skobelsky, loann
LOCATION: Lishnia, Drohobych district. OCCUPATiON: Priest. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was
a founder! and promoter of the reading club (ee 63) who let the club meet in his home,
provided the meetings with lighting and explained what was read to the members. I He was
president of the local branch of the Kachkovsky Society and a member of the Drohobych
district council (ee 63).
I) I. Sosiuk and - Zakhariuk, "Dopysy. at Drohobycha," Russkaia rada 15, no. 23 (2
[14] December 1885): 184.
30 I. Skochylias, losyf
Mshana, Zolochiv district.
(Reform) mayor (ee 123). OTHER
LOCATION:
OCCUPATION:
GOVT:
ACTIVITIES:
(Peasant). POSITION IN LOCAL
He used money from fines imposed
List of Activists
307
by the village government to help pay for a subscription to Batkivshchyna for the village.
He also founded a loan association (CC 123).
302. Skrehunets, Semen
LOCATION: Stopchativ,
Kolomyia
RC: Deputy administration (CC 263).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
303. Sliusarchuk, Nykola
LOCATION: Stopchativ and Liucha, Kolomyia district. OCCUPATION: Scribe. POSITION IN
RC: Secretary in Stopchativ (CC 263). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Scribe in Liucha (CC
206,263). AGE: Young. 1 MOBILITY: He lived in Stopchativi but was scribe in Liucha (CC
263). OTHER ACTIVITIES: Described as "our young patriot," he was a founder of the read-
ing clubs in Liucha (CC 206) and Stopchativ (CC 263) and read aloud at the inauguration
of the reading club in Kovalivka, also in Kolomyia district (CC 260).
I) K., "Rukh v nashykh chytalniakh. Chytalni
(31 October [12 November] 1885): 3.
V
Kovalivtsi i Stopchatovi," Dilo 6, no. 120
304. Sliuzar, Mykhailo
LOCATION: Kadobna, Kalush district. OCCUPATION: Cantor 1 POSITION IN RC: Secretary
(CC 121). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Scribe 2 PUBLICATIONS: He contributed to Hazeta
shkolna in 1876 3 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was denounced in Batkivshchyna as a Polonizer
and opponent of enlightenment, I but subsequently defended as a Ukrainian patriot. 2
I) "Vid Kalusha," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 33 (15 [3] August 1884): 208. 2) " ... vid
Kalusha," Batkivshchyna 6, no. 38 (19 [7] September 1884): 235. 3) Lev I, no. 15211.
305. Smolynsky, Vasyl
LOCATION: Pochapy, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN RC: Deputy
administration (CC 268).
306. Soltys, Hryn
LOCATION: Strilkiv, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC 149) (and peasant). POSITION
IN RC: Treasurer (CC 149). MOBILITY: Three Soltys full-peasant households lived in
Strilkiv in 1852-5. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC 34).
I) TsDIAL, 488/1/422, pp. Iv, 13v.
307. Soltys, Onofer (Onufer)
LOCATION: Strilkiv, Stryi district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC: Vice-president
(CC 149). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (CC 34). ECONOMIC STATUS: In 1852-5 he
was a full peasant with 7 Joch 461 square Kiafter; I this made him a middling peasant.
AGE: Since he had come of age by 1852,1 he was born in 1832 or earlier and probably by
1827. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC 34).
i) TsDIAL, 488/1/422, p. Iv.
308. Spolitakevych, loan (han)
Ninovychi, Sokal district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC
188). OTHER
He was a founder of the reading club (CC 188). In 1897 he was a founder
and the vice-president of the revived reading club. I
LOCATION:
ACTIVITIES:
I) Hist, "Dopysy. Z Sokalshchyny," Svoboda I, no. 20 (15 [27] May 1897): 155-6.
309. Stadnyk, Andrei
LOCATION: Berezyna,
STATUS: Proprietor (CC
(CC 28).
Zhydachiv
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
28). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was an activist in the reading club
Appendix IV
308
310. Staryk, I.
LOCATION: Darakhiv,
RC: Vice-president (CC
Terebovlia
82).
district.
(Peasant).
OCCUPATION:
POSITION
IN
3 I I. Stashkiv, Aleksander
LOCATION: Makhniv, Rava
RC: Secretary (CC 137).
Ruska
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
3 12. Stefanko, Hryts
LOCATION: Liucha,
RC: Librarian (CC
Kolomyia
206).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
LOCATION: Liucha,
Kolomyia
RC: Vice-president (CC 206).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
3 I 3. Stefanko, Petro
3 14. Stupnytsky, Ha vryil
LOCATION: Kolodribka,
STATUS: Assistant in a
1848 3 or 1849, ordained
Zalishchyky
district.
OCCUPATION: Priest.
ECONOMIC
parish (Synkiv and Kolodribka) with 3728 members. 2 AGE: Born
1876.' MARITAL STATUS: Married. 3 MOBILITY: He spent six years
in Kolodribka before bein~ transferred in 1883 (CC 73). Iii 1884 he was administrator in
Silets, Stanyslaviv district. OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club (CC
73).
I) Schern. Leop. 1882, 183.2) Shern. Lviv. 1884,250.3) Ibid., 212.
315. Susiak, Vasyl
LOCATION: Lishnia, Drohobych district. OCCUPATION: Peasant (CC 63). POSITION IN
LOCAL GOVT: Former mayor (CC 63). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the read-
ing club (CC 63).
316. Svidersky, los[yf)
LOCATION: Buzhok, Zolochiv district.
administration (CC 42).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Deputy
3 I 7. Svidersky, han
LOCATION: Buzhok, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Peasant;' aspiring merchant and
innkeeper (CC 42). POSITION IN RC: Vice-president (CC 42). ECONOMIC
STATUS: Proprietor.' OTHER ACTIVITIES: He hosted the inauguration of the reading club
and served on its administration in 1881. 1 He had plans to open a Ukrainian store and an
inn (CC 42).
I) Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomyr Seliansky], "Pysmo z Hlukhoho Kuta," Batkivshchyna 3,
no. 10 (16 May 1881): 80.
318. Sych, Irynei
LOCATION: Ninovychi,
STATUS: Proprietor (CC
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
Sokal
district.
188). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club
(CC 188).
319. Sych, Stefan
LOCATION: Makhniv,
Rava Ruska
RC: Deputy administration (CC 137).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
320. Sydorko, Aleksii
LOCATION: Makhniv, Rava
RC: Treasurer (CC 137).
Ruska
309
List of Activists
321. Syvy, Mykhailo
Korelychi, Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
Vice-president (ee 84). AUTHOR: ee 84. ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (ee 84).
MOBILITY: The Syvy family name was common among the Greek Catholic parishioners of
Korelychi in 1864. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He spoke at the opening of the reading club in
nearby Dobrianychi, Peremyshliany district, in 1884 2
LOCATION:
RC:
I) TsDIAL, 146/64b/2294, pp. 54-61. 2) Chytalnyk,
Balkivshchyna 6, no. 46 (14 [2] November 1884): 294.
. vid
Peremyshlian,"
322. Tanchakovsky, Aleksander
Novosilka lazlovetska, Buchach district. OCCUPATION: Priest. ECONOMIC
He was an assistant in lazlovets, Buchach district, with a daughter church in
Novosilka lazlovetska; the parish had 2,940 members (according to the 1885 schematism)!
and the assistant had 47 loch of arable land and 5 loch of pasture (U pasovysko) at his
disposal 2 AGE: Born 1849, ordained 1873 3 MARITAL STATUS: Married 2 MOBILITY: In
the fall of 1884 he was made pastor of Dunaiv, Peremyshliany district 4 OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was the main founder of the reading club and a loan associationi he
personally taught a peasant to read (ee 48). In 1868-74 he was a member of Prosv!ta.LOCATION:
STATUS:
I) Shem. Lviv. 1885, 300. 2) Ibid. 1884,295.3) Ibid. 1885, 110.4) Ibid., 303. 5) "Chleny
tovarystva 'Prosvita'." Spravozdaniie z dilanii "ProsviIY" (1874).26-32.
323. Taniachkevych, Danylo (elder)
Mykolaiv, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Priest. FAMILY BACKGROUND: He was
from an old priestly family; his father was a priest.! FAMILY
CONNECTIONS: Father of Taniachkevych.
Danylo (younger) (ee 71). ECONOMIC
STATUS: Chaplain of a Greek Catholic community of 1,318, with an endowment of 46
loch 663 square Kla/ler of arable land, 17 loch of meadow, 3 loch 1447 square Kla/ler of
pasture and 18 Kla/ler of wood as well as a congruum of 58 gulden 31 kreuzer 2
EDUCATION: He was well read. His library contained the works of Shevchenko and
Panteleimon Kulish as well as books in Polish, German and French 3 AGE: Born 1817,
ordained 1842 2 MARITAL STATUS: Married 2 MOBILITY: He had been in Mykolaiv since at
least 1868 4 " ... He never went anywhere.,,3
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
He presided over the local Pravda society in 1884 (ee 71) and 1885
(ee 198). ~e opened the evening to commemorate the abolition of serfdom on 3 May
1888 (O.s.).
In 1868-77 he had had a dispute with the manor over servitudes 4
In the 1870s he was "a conscious Ukrainian in a sea of Ruthenians, Russophiles and
Polonophiles." His home was decorated with portraits of Shevchenko, Kulish, Marko
Vovchok and Bohdan Khmelnytsky. He founded a communal granary in the village and
took an interest in the school. He fought against alcoholism; when his sermons failed to introduce sobriety, he took a stick and chased the musician and drinkers from the tavern. He
also engaged in philanthropic activities, including the adoption of orphans 3
LOCATION:
descended
/) Lev493. T-8, pp. 36-36v. 2) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 186. 3) Tarnavsky, Spohady, 29, 33,
35-6. 4) TsDIAL, 146/64/1123. 5) Vasyl lakubiv el al., "Pysmo z Brodskoho,"
Balkivshchyna 10, no. 22 (I June [20 May] 1888): 135.
324. Taniachkevych, Danylo (younger)
Zakomarie, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Priest. AUTHOR: ee 262. FAMILY
He was descended from an old priestly family; his grandfather and father
were priests.! FAMILY CONNECTIONS: Son of Taniachkevych. Danylo (elder) (ee 71).
ECONOMIC STATUS: He was chaplain of a Greek Catholic community of 501 members,
with an endowment of 14 loch of arable land and 17 loch of meadow and a congruufn of
115 gulden 48 kreuzer 2 He was poor and deeply in debt. The captain of Zolochiv district,
in a confidential letter to the presidium of the viceroy's office, 6 November 1879 (N.S.),
described Taniachkevych's material situation: "The main cause of his current critical
LOCATION:
BACKGROUND:
Appendix IV
310
economic situation, close to complete ruin, is the circumstance that, to his own detriment,
he saved his brother-in-law who had fallen gravely ill; because of this he went into debt to
Jews. As a man engaged in intellectual work and impractical, he has been unable to cope
with the loan he took out, which, augmented now by interest and additional loans, has
grown to dimensions almost exceeding what it is possible for him to pay.,,3 When his
father-in-law died, Taniachkevych took in his six children, including three sons whom he
sent to school. "Therefore poverty crept into his house, so that often enough the whole
family went hungry."4 EDUCATION: He attended elementary school in the small town of
Vytkiv, Zolochiv circle, and in Lviv. He finished gymnasium and theolog~ in Lviv. 5
AGE: Born 6 November
1842 (O.S.), ordained 1867. 5 DEATH: 1906. MARITAL
STATUS: Widowed. 2 MOBILITY: He was born in Oidyliv, Zolochiv district, where his
grandfather was pastor. He was educated in nearby Vytkiv and in Lviv. Except for his first
year after ordination, he was stationed in Zakomarie for all of his priestly career. 5 He
knew Vienna, however, since he served as a deputy to parliament in 1897-1900. 6
PUBLICATIONS: He was a prolific author. Under various pseudonyms, including Budevolia
(=There will be freedom},7 he contributed as a seminarian in the 1860s to the early
national populist press: Vechernytsi, Meta and Nyva. 8 He wrote the first manifesto of the
national populist movement, Pysmo narodovtsiv ruskykh do redaktora politychnoi
chasopysi "Rus"·. iako protest i memoriial (1876}.9 Among his numerous brochures was
also a guide to founding Pravda societies. JO
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was the inventor of the Pravda societies and active in them not
only in his own parish, but in that of his father (Mykolaiv, Brody district) (CC 71, 198).
He founded a reading club in Zakomarie (CC 28). In 1885 he presided over the cantors'
convention in Olesko, Zolochiv district (CC 154).
As a seminarian in the I 860s he had been close to the leaders of the fledgling national
populist movement and set up an informal national populist circle in the Lviv seminary.
Through extensive correspondence, he spread the ideas of national populism among the
Galician youth. II He was a member of Prosvita, 1868-74,12 and later an honorary member
of that society.6 In matters of ritual he was close to the Easternizing tendency in the Greek
Catholic church. J3
As a deputy to the Austrian parliament, 1897-1900, he belonged to the opposition 8 and
defended peasant interests. 14 In parliament in 1897 he said: "Today they call us radicals. If
by this is meant the tendency to elevate the popular masses, then I agree with this
name.,,15
I) Lev493, T-8, pp. 36-36v. 2) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 112-13. 3) TsDlAL, 146/7/4149,
pp. 182-3. 4) Tarnavsky, Spohady, 39. 5) Lev493, T-8, p. 36v. 6) Ukrainska Zahalna
Entsyklopediia, S.v. "Taniachkevych." 7) Lev493, T-8, p. 27. 8) Ibid., p. 37v. 9)
Entsyklopediia Ukrainoznavstva, s.v. "Taniachkevych Oanylo." 10) Lev I, no. 2665. II)
Lev493, T-8, pp. 37-37v. 12) "Chleny tovarystva 'Prosvita'," Spravozdaniie z dilanii
"Prosvity" (1874), 26-32.13) TsDlAL, 146/7/4149, p. 180.14) Lev493, T-8. 15) Ibid.,
19.
325. Tarchanyn, Amvrosii
LOCATION: Vynnyky,
STATUS: Hegumen of
Zhovkva
district.
OCCUPATION: Priest.
ECONOMIC
the Basilian monastery in Zhovkva. I MARITAL STATUS: Celibate.
MOBILITY: Before coming to Zhovkva, he had been a teacher in Lavriv, Staryi Sambir
district (1868).2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was vice-president of the Pravda society (CC 262).
In 1885 he was elected to the Zhovkva district council, but along with eleven other
Ukrainian members (including Drymalyk. Sylvester L.), he resigned to protest Zhovkva
city elections. 3
I) "Vybory do rad povitovykh," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 42 (16 [4] October 1885): 286. 2)
Skhymatism shkol narodnykh ... 1868,53.3) Lev 493,0-160.
326. Tarnavsky, Vasyl
Pochapy,
Zolochiv
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
Vice-president (CC 268). ECONOMIC STATUS: He was a wealthy peasant involved in
LOCATION:
RC:
List of Activists
311
1882 in a business venture of purchasing and leasing forest
Literate. 1
from
the manor. I
EDUCATION:
I) Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomyr Seliansky], "Pysmo z Zolochivskoho," Batkivshchyna 4,
no. 24 (16 [4] December 1882): 192.
327. Tetorniuk, Hryhorii
LOCATION: Ozeriany,
Borshchiv district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
RC: Vice-president (CC 97). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Mayor (CC 97). OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was a member of the Borshchiv district council (CC 97).
328. Tomashevsky, Luka(sh)
LOCATION:
Novosilky Kardynalski, Rava Ruska district.
OCCUPATION:
Cantor and scribe
(CC 149). POSITION IN RC: Vice-president 1 AUTHOR: CC 14, 191, 210. POSITION IN
LOCAL GOVT: Scribe in three villages (CC 14) and deputy mayor in Novosilky Kardynalski
(CC 79). ECONOMIC STATUS: He wrote that he was not poor (CC 14). OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He was a plenipotentiary for the village in servitude matters in 1879 2 He was
a founder of and activist in the reading club (CC 74). He may have done some teaching,
since he was referred to as a cantor-teacher (U diako-uchytel). He was elected to the Rava
Ruska district council and served on its administration (CC 79). "At a session of the
district council he spoke fervently against excessive and unnecessary expenditures that
overly burden our poor farmer. So now the Rava district authorities are expelling him from
the council, because, they say, as a village scribe he has no right to sit on the council." But
in the past, three scribes had belonged to the council (CC 163).
I) "0 chytalniakh," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 7 (13 [I] February 1885): 56. 2) TsDIAL,
146/64b/2936, pp. 6-6v.
329. Tomyn, Oleksa
LOCATION: Stopchativ,
RC: Vice-president (CC
Kolomyia district. OCCUPATION: (Peasant). POSITION IN
263). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the reading club
(CC 263).
330. Tsaryk, Fed
LOCATION: Vynnyky,
STATUS: Proprietor (CC
Zhovkva
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
262). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He served in the deputy administration
1
of the rrading club in 1883 and in the administration of the Pravda society in 1885 (CC
262).
I) Vynnychanyn, "Pysmo vid Zhovkvy," Batkivshchyna 5, no. 50 (14 [2] December 1883):
301.
33\. Tsipyvko, Symeon (Semen)
LOCATION: lazhiv Staryi, lavoriv district. OCCUPATION: Cantor, scribe (CC 192) and
peasant. I POSITION IN RC: Secretary2 AUTHOR: CC 192. POSITION IN LOCAL
GOVT: Scribe, from c. 1860' until at least 1899. 3 ECONOMIC STATUS: He did not consider
himself well off, but hired a farm hand to pasture his horses at an estimated cost of 120
gulden a yearl PUBLICATIONS: He contributed short notes to Batkivshchyna in 18842 and
1887 (on the two-hundred-fiftieth anniversary of the erection of Iazhiv Staryi's church)4
He also published an article in Svoboda in 1897. 1 OTHER ACTIVITIES: When a revived,
Prosvita-affiliated reading club was established in 1897, Tsipyvko joined. Soon, however, he
had a falling out with the administration and went on to found an independent reading
club with its own store. Tsipyvko said the reason for the conflict and split was that he
objected to the strict regulations on abstinence from alcohol imposed by the administration
of the Prosvita reading club. 3 (Tsipyvko himself, however, had abstained from hard liquor
[U horivka] since 1867 and from all alcoholic beverages since 1881.)1 The real cause of
the split probably lay elsewhere, since Tsipyvko's reading club was composed of wealthier
proprietors and supported by the mayor] Both sides denounced each other in the press 5
and in letters to the Prosvita administration in Lviv. The situation lasted until at least
1899]
312
Appendix IV
I Symeon Tsipyvko, "Slovo pro viitiv okruzhnykh," Svoboda I, no. 9 (27 February
[II March] 1897): 66-7. 2) Semien Tsipyvko], " ... vid Iavorova," Batkivshchyna 6,
no. 22 (30 [18] May 1884): 132. 3) TsDIAL, 348/1/6169, pp. 13-27. 4) Symeon
Tsipyvko, " ... z Iazhova-staroho (v Iavorivshchyni)," Batkivshchyna 9, no. 9 (4 March [20
February] 1887): 55. 5) Tsipyvko (not by name) and his reading club are denounced in:
Chytalnyky, "Dopysy. Z Iavorivshchyny," Svoboda 3, no. 3 (7 [23] January 1899): 20.
332. Tsurkovsky, Ihnatii (Hnat)
Liucha, Kolomyia district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC President
206). FAMILY CONNECTIONS: Father-in-law of Genyk, Kyrylol ECONOMIC
STATUS: He was pastor of a parish with 1,065 members, an endowment of 6 Joch of
arable land, 77 Joch of meadow, 22 Joch of pasture, 51 cubic metres of wood and a 3
gulden redemption-payment for milling privileges; he had a congruum of 227 gulden 57
kreuzer 2 The parish was considered a "poor" (U uboha) parish. Tsurkovsky had spent
more than two decades as an assistant and administrator, allegedly only because he refused
to beg for a decent post. 3 When Krushelnytsky, Maksym met him in the mid-1880s, he
wrote to Leonid Zaklynsky: "I liked Father Tsurkovsky very much, only it's obvious that
he's depressed by want" (U prydavlenyi rizhnoiu bidoiu).4 AGE: Born 1820, ordained
1846 2 DEATH: 9 September 1889 (0.S.).3 MARITAL STATUS: Widowed. 2 MOBILITY: He
served in various parishes from 1846 to 1868, and in Liucha from 1868 until his death 3
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He founded the reading club in Liucha (CC 206) in 1884. A national
populist, he was a member of the organizations Prosvita, Narodna rada and Shkilna
pomich. In spite of his poverty he donated to the national populist periodicals Pravda, Dilo
and Zoria. "He treated the people humanely.,,3
LOCATION:
(CC
I) Kaye, Early Ukrainian Settlements, 381-2. 2) Shem. Lviv. 1884,259.3) ... i ... [hard
sign], "0. Hnat Tsurkovsky," Batkivshchyna II, no. 41 (13 [25] October 1889): 506-7. 4)
Letter of 5 January 1885, in LNB AN URSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond Zaklynskykh,
192/31, p. 147.
333. Turkevych, Nykolai
LOCATION: Korelychi,
Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN
RC President (CC 84). ECONOMIC STATUS: Pastor of a parish with 1,747 members, an
endowment of 87 Joch of arable land, 13 Joch of meadow and 12 Joch of pasture and a
congruum of 51 gulden 14 kreuzer. 1 AGE: Born 1848, ordained 1872. 1 MARITAL
STATUS: Married. 1
I) Shem. Lviv. 1884, 108.
334. Tymchuk, Hryhorii
LOCATION: Kolodribka,
Zalishchyky district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. POSITION IN
(CC 76). AUTHOR: CC 67, 73, 76. POSITION IN LOCAL
RC: Vice-president
GOVT: Councilman (CC 76). AGE: He had been teaching in Kolodribka since 1865 (CC
76), and hence was born c. 1843. MOBILITY: He had lived in Kolodribka since at least
1865 (CC 76). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was vice-president of the reading club in 1890. 1
I) "Chytalnia v Kolodribtsi," Batkivshchyna 12, no. 24 (8 [20] June 1890): 311.
335. Tytsieiko, Hrynko
LOCATION: Dobrostany,
RC: Librarian, 1885 (CC
Horodok
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
245).
336. Vandrovych, Iosyf
LOCATION: Berezyna,
STATUS: Proprietor (CC
(CC 28).
Zhydachiv
28). OTHER
district.
ACTIVITIES:
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
He was an activist in the reading club
List of Activists
313
337. Vandych, Prokip
LOCATION: Kiidantsi, Kolomyia district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN LOCAL
mayor (CC 190). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 190).
GOVT: Deputy
MOBILITY: Two Vandych households lived in Kiidantsi in 1851-5: OTHER ACTIVITIES: He
donated a room in his home to the reading club (CC 190).
I) TsDIAL, 168/1/1503, pp. 5v, 44v, 68v.
338. Vasyliuk, Dmytro
LOCATION: Piznanka
Hnyla,
RC: Deputy administration (CC
Skalat district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION
238). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 238).
IN
339. Vertiukh, OIeksa
LOCATION: Tsebriv,
RC: Administration
Ternopil
(CC 44).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
340. Vidlyvany, Nykyfor
LOCATION: Fytkiv, Nadvirna district. OCCUPATION: Teacher. ECONOMIC STATUS: He had
been a teacher at a better school (U etatova posada), but for his activities in the
Ukrainian movement he was transferred to a worse position (U ji/iialna) in Fytkiv. 1 He
was a bee-keeper. 2 AGE: Born c. 1850. 1 DEATH: 18 (30) April 1885: MOBILITY: He had
originally taught in Pererisl, Nadvirna district, in the early 1870s. 3 He did not teach in the
late 1870s. 4 In the early 1880s he taught in Kaminne, Nadvirna district,S and in the
mid-1880s he taught in Fytkiv,6 where he died. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: For being active in the
Ukrainian movement he ran into trouble with the school board in the early 1880s. 1 "An
ardent enlightener of the people," he was active in establishing the reading club in Fytkiv
(CC 22).
I) Mykola Basaichuk, "Posmertni zhadky i podiaka," Shkolna chasopys 6, no. 15-16 (16
[28) August 1885): 124. 2) "Umerly," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 40 (2 October [20 September)
1885): 275. 3) Szem. kr. Gal. 1871, 414; ibid. 1873, 406; ibid. 1874, 437. 4) He is not
listed in ibid. 1877, 1878 or 1879. 5) Ibid. 1881,425.6) Ibid. 1884,405; ibid. 1885,405.
341. Vilkhovy, Dmytro
LOCATION: Komarno, Rudky district. OCCUPATION: (Artisan). POSITION IN RC: Secretary
(CC 9). AGE: He is referred to as "the younger" (CC 9). PUBLICATIONS: He probably
wrote an item of correspondence for Dilo, 1885: OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was an amateur
poet (CC 9).2
I) [Dmytro?) Vilkhovy, "Dopysy. Z Komarna," Dilo 6, no. 75-6 (II [23) July 1885): 3. 2)
"Dopysy. Vid Komarna," Dilo 5, no. 19 (16 [28) February 1884): 2.
342. Vilkhovy, Mykhailo
LOCATION: Komarno,
RC: Vice-president (CC
Rudky
9).
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Artisan).
POSITION
IN
343. Voinarovsky, Symeon (Semen)
Kovalivka, Kolomyia district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN RC:
Secretary (CC 260). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Scribe in 1885 (CC 260). In the 1870s he
had served as councilman, treasurer and tax-assessor ~U taksator); the community wanted
to elect him mayor, but he declined the nomination. ECONOMIC STATUS: After working
for twelve years as a teacher, he began farming in the 1870s2 with 2 Joch of land and a
house in poor condition left to him by his father-in-law. He had a debt to payoff as well as
the obligation to marry off his wife's sister. These burdens, the construction of a new house
with two large rooms (U s dvoma svitlytsiamy) and double windows (U podviini vikna)
and the acquisition of 5 more Joch of land and five cattle put him deeper into debt. He
had the additional misfortune of sowing too early one year and reaping a miserable crop.
After six years of farming, he was still deeply in debt. He had sold some books in the
LOCATION:
Appendix IV
314
village both to enlighten his neighbours and to earn money, and in 1876 he was considering
peddling New Testaments from village to village throughout Galicia, I AGE: He began
teaching c. 1864,2 and therefore was born c. 1842. PUBLICATIONS: He contributed to the
Russophile publications Russkaia rada, 1875 3 and 1878,4 Nauka, 1877,1 and Slov(), 1877 2
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He had been a plenipotentiary in servitude affairs in the 1870s. He
was the first peasant in Kovalivka to join the brotherhood of holy sobriety, in 1874- 5, and
he agitated against alcohol in his village I and in the press 2 He worked closely with the
pastor in the sobriety campaign and incurred some enmity in his own and the local Jewish
community for his efforts. I In 1877 he came into conflict with the mayor, Semen
Koltsuniak, over anti-alcohol reforms that he, as a councilman, wanted to introduce;
Koltsuniak took Voinarovsky to court before the district authorities, for slander 2 He sold
books in his village in 1874 and in 1876 dreamed of selling New Testaments throughout
Ukrainian Galicia. 1
At least in the late 1870s he had strong Russophile convictions. After he had read an
issue of the national populist journal Pravda, he stamped on it. He considered the editors
"a fanatical, separatist, petty party infected with the disease of Ukrainomatism [sic]."
Addressing the editors, he wrote: " ... You won't fool us with the poems of Shevchenko, for
they appeal only to the youth, but proprietors find in them neither counsel nor
salvation .... We are Galician, not Ukrainian, Ruthenians .... ,,4 He was a member of the
Kachkovsky Society2
In 1906 he was vice-president of the revived, Prosvita-affiliated reading club in
Kovalivka 5
I) Symeon Voinarovsky, "Dopysy. Pysmo iz Kovalivky," Nauka 6, no. I (I January 1877):
16-17.2) Semen Voinarovsky, "Iz Kovalevky," Siovo 17, no. 67 (18 [30] June 1877): 2-3.
3) Semen Voinarovsky, "Pysmo dlia vsikh selian umiiushchykh chytatyl," Russkaia rada 5,
no. 8 (15 April 1875): 60-1. 4) Semen Voinarovsky, "Dopysy. Z-nad Pruta," Russkaia
rada 8, no. 9 (I May 1878): 71-2. 5) TsDIAL, 348/1/2900, p. 42v.
344. Vozniak, Ivan
Chekhy, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (CC 271) and peasant. POSITION
Secretary (CC 271). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 262) PUBLICATIONS He
contributed an item of correspondence to RusskalQ rada, 1885 I OTHER ACTIVITIES He
was a founder of the Pravda society (CC 262).
LOCATION:
IN RC:
I) I[van] V[ozniak], "Dopys. Chekhy kolo Brodiv," Russkaia rada 15, no. 22 (16 [28]
November 1885): 170.
345, Vozniak, Mykhailo
LOCATION:
(CC 262).
Chekhy, Brody district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor
He was a founder of the Pravda society (CC 262).
OTHER ACTIVITIES:
346. Vyntoniak, Karpo
LOCATION: Buzhok, Zolochiv district. OCCUPATION: Priest. POSITION IN RC: President
(CC 42). ECONOMIC STATUS: He was chaplain of a community with 650 members, an
endowment of 36 loch of arable land and 10 loch of meadow and a congruum of 103
gulden 31 kreuzer. 1 EDUCATION: He was well read, had an impressive ~ersonal library and
maintained an interest in contemporary European intellectual trends. AGE: Born 1848,
ordained 1872. 1 MARITAL STATUS: Widowed. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was a founder of the
reading club (CC 42) and served on its first administration in 1881 3 He spoke at the
second annual general meeting of the reading club in Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district, in
1885 (CC 275). He was elected to the Zolochiv district council (CC 135).
I} Shem. Lviv. 1884, 112. 2} Tarnavsky, Spohady, 62. 3} Ivan Petryshyn [Liubomyr
Seliansky], "Pysmo z Hlukhoho Kuta," Batkivshchyna 3, no. 10 (16 May 1881): 80.
347. Vyshensky, Iakiv
LOCATION:
lavoriv
(district capital).
OCCUPATION:
Burgher (CC 142).
POSITION
IN
315
List of Activists
RC:
Administration (Ce 142).
AGE:
He was an elder brother in the church brothcrhood
(CC 142).
348. Vyshynsky, loan
LOCATION: Kolodribka, Zalishchyky district. OCCUPATION: Scribe and builder (U reient),i
i budivnychyi) (CC 73). POSITION IN RC: Secretary (Ce 76). POSITION IN LOCAL
GOVT: Scribe (CC 73).
349. Zablotsky (Zablocki), Feliks
Khrystynopil, Sokal district. OCCUPATION: Painter (U mafiar) and scribc. 1
Administration (Ce 278). DISTINGUISHING FEATURES: His first and last
names are typically Polish. No latynnyk community was recorded in Khrystynopil in
1880 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was denounced in the Ukrainian press in 1888 for abusing
his position as scribe in Khrystynopil to issue a building permit to a Jew in Silets Belzkyi,
Sokal district, who had bought land from a drunk. The district court in Sokal scntcnccd
him to 14 days in prison and a 5 gulden fine. I
LOCATION:
POSITION IN RC:
I) "Novynky. Z Krystynopolia," Dilo 9, no. 218 (I
Spec. Orts-Rep. 1880.
[13] October 1888): 2. 2)
350. Zabolotny, Mykhail
LOCATION: Piznanka
Hnyla, Skalat district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
RC: Librarian (CC 238). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: Deputy mayor (CC 238). ECONOMIC
STATUS:
Proprietor (CC 238).
351. Zabolotny, Pavlo
Piznanka Hnyla, Skalat district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION
Deputy administration (CC 238). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 238).
LOCATION:
RC:
IN
352. Zaiachuk, Vasyl
Stopchativ, Kolomyia
Librarian (CC 263).
LOCATION:
RC:
district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
353. Zakharchuk, Kindrat
Liatske
Male,
Zolochiv district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
ECONOMIC
Proprietor (CC 36). OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was one of the founders of the reading club in 1884 1 and allowed it to meet in his home (CC 36). After the 1885
parliamentary elections, he took the viceroy's office to court for electoral chicanery (allowing more so-called [U] viryfisty to vote than the law permitted). He won his case at an
administrative tribunal in Vienna. Not long after this, on II November 1885 (N.S.), he
spoke in Lviv at the general meeting of the Russophile political association Russkaia rada. 2
The main thrust of his speech was that the Ukrainian intelligentsia should not divide into
factions, but should be united (CC 268). "We are all," said Zakharchuk, "as sturdy
[U tverdyi; an allusion to the division into "hard" (Russophile) and "soft" (national
populist) Ruthenians] as an oak and no one can knock us over. If from us, from that oak,
grows a branch, then it will not be an oak, but a branch, which does no harm to the oak,
but it itself cannot exist without the oak. ,,2 Zakharchuk was especially disturbed by the
burial of a young radical (Adolf Narolsky) without clergymen officiating (CC 268) and by
the national populist satirical journal Zerkalo, which "slings mud at our most outstandin~
patriots and at our Ruthenian institutions.,,2 By 1887 he was running a store in Liatske.
In the late I 890s he was a prominent Russophile agitator. 4 In 1901 he was arrested on the
eve of elections as part of the usual Galician government policy of hindering Ukrainian
electoral activity.2
LOCATION:
STATUS:
I) "Iz Zolochevskoho," Novyi prolom 2, no. 190 (17 [29] November 1884): 3. 2) Lev493,
Z-57. 3) "Poriadky v Liadskom," Siovo 27, no. 35~6 (9 [21] and II [23] April 1887): 2.
4) Tarnavsky, Spohady, 212.
Appendix IV
316
354. Zanevych, Iosyf
LOCATION: Korelychi,
Peremyshliany district. OCCUPATION: Peasant. POSITION IN
RC: Secretary (CC 84). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 84). EDUCATION: Literate by
1
1897. MOBILITY: Two Zanevych families were listed among the Greek Catholic
parishioners of Korelychi in 1864 2 OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was among the founders of the
revived reading club in 1896. He served on the administration in 1897-8 (in both years as
secretary), 1905 (as vice-president) and 1906. 1
II TsDIAL, 348/1/3031, pp. 3, 18v, 23, 25v, 50v, 53. 2) TsDIAL, 146/64b/2294, pp. 55v,
56v.
355. Zarhny, Petro
LOCATION: Horodnytsia,
Husiatyn district. OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
RC: President (CC 115). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 115). OTHER ACTIVITIES:
IN
He
was a founder of the reading club (CC 115).
356. Zarytsky, D.
LOCATION: Kutkivtsi,
RC: Librarian, but not
Ternopil
district.
OCCUPATION: (Peasant).
POSITION
IN
on the administration (CC 69). DISTINGUISHING FEATURES: His
last name could be Polish; he may have been a latynnyk, since Kutkivtsi had a sizable
latynnyk population (see Bartetsky, Roman).
357. Zavidovsky, O.
LOCATION:
Bila, Ternopil district.
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION IN RC:
Treasurer
(CC69).
358. ZeIenko, "nat
LOCATION: Khotin, Kalush district.
administration (CC 121).
OCCUPATION:
(Peasant).
POSITION
IN
RC:
Deputy
359. Zeleny, Prokip
LOCATION:
Chortkiv district.
AUTHOR:
CC 124.
360. Zhmur, KIymentii
LOCATION: Mykulyntsi,
IN RC: Secretary (CC
Ternopil district. OCCUPATION: Master chimney-sweep. I POSITION
96). ECONOMIC STATUS: He was evidently a prosperous master
artisan, since he could donate the whole of a "spacious n house for the use of the reading
club. The house was remodelled on the inside to suit the purposes of the reading club
(furnished with benches, tables and a bookcase; decorated with images of the saints and
portraits/; and there were plans to set up a stage in the house. I AGE: He was a "young
master. n OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was librarian of the reading club in 1890. 2
I) "Dopysy. Z-nad Sereta,n Dilo 5, no. 71 (21 June [3 July] 1884): 2. 2) "Nashi chytalni,n
Batkivshchyna 12, no. 38-9 (21 September [3 October] 1890): 492.
361. Zhuk, Oleksa
LOCATION:
Zbarazh district.
AUTHOR:
CC 147.
362. Zhybchyn, Petro
LOCATION: Horodenka
RC: Administration (CC
(district capital).
UCCUPATlON: (Peasantr
POSITION
IN
15). POSITION IN LOCAL GOVT: City treasurer. EDUCATION: "He
is an educated man-he possesses quite a bit of knowledge, writes well, a reader, he was a
non-commissioned officer [V zastupnyk ofttsera] . ... nI AGE: Young. I MOBILITY: He had
serve!! in the army. I OTHER ACTIVITIES: Krushelnytsky, Maksym thought he would be a
good candidate to run for deputy to the diet. I
I) Letter of Maksym Krushelnytsky to Leonid Zaklynsky, 9 February 1886, in LNB AN
VRSR, Viddil rukopysiv, fond Zaklynskykh, 192/31, p. 155.
List of Activists
317
363. Ziembitsky, Hryhorii
LOCATION: Zhuravtsi,
IN RC: President (CC
Rava Ruska district. OCCUPATION: Nonpeasant (CC 137). POSITION
137).
364. Zukh, Maksym
LOCATION:
Berezhany district. AUTHOR: CC 265.
365. Zvarych, Havryshko
Dmytriv,
Kaminka
Strumylova
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
Five Zvarych households lived in Dmytriv in the early 1850s. 1 OTHER
A former vice-president of the church committee (U provizorochnyi vydi/), he
was an activist in the reading club (CC 52).
LOCATION:
MOBILITY:
ACTIVITIES:
I) TsDIAL, 168/1/1016, pp. Ilv, 31v, 36v, 84v.
366. Zvarych, Hryhorii
LOCATION: Piznanka Hnyla, Skalat district. OCCUPATION: Blacksmith and peasant (CC
238). POSITION IN RC: Vice-president (CC 238). ECONOMIC STATUS: Proprietor (CC 238).
OTHER ACTIVITIES: He was briefly arrested while agitating for the Ukrainian candidate
during the 1885 parliamentary elections (CC 218, 239).
367. Zvarych, Hrynko
LOCATION: Tsebriv,
RC: Vice-president and
Ternopil
district.
OCCUPATION: Peasant.
POSITION
IN
treasurer (CC 44). ECONOMIC STATUS: He was a fairly prosperous
proprietor, judging by the largess he displayed toward the reading club (CC 44). OTHER
ACTIVITIES: He hosted the inauguration of the reading club and sent horses to Ternopil to
pick up the guest speakers (CC 44).
368. Zvarych, I.
LOCATION: Piznanka Hnyla, Skalat district. OCCUPATION: Cantor (former); custodian
(U dvernyk) at the Ukrainian seminary in Lviv (CC 85). AUTHOR: CC 85. MOBILITY: He
was cantor in Piznanka Hnyla until 1883, when he started working at the seminary in Lviv
(CC 85). PUBLICATIONS: He contributed a brief note to Batkivshchyna in 1885 urging the
cantors of Skalat deanery to become active in the cantors' movement. I
I) I. Zvarych, "V spravi diakivskii," Batkivshchyna 7, no. 2 (9 January 1885 [28
December 1884]): 14.
V. Activists by Occupation
Peasants
1.
2.
4.
5.
6.
8.
9.
10.
12.
15.
16.
18.
20.
22.
23.
25.
27.
32.
34.
35.
36.
37.
45.
46.
47.
49.
51.
52.
55.
57.
61.
63.
64.
65.
Andriishyn, Hryhorii
Andrukhovych
Andrunyk, Ivan
Antoniv, Martyn
Babiak, Andrii
Bakuska, Vasyl
Balaban, I.
Balaban, R.
Balias, Havrylo
Barnych, Kornylo
Bartetsky, Roman
Berbeka, Levko
Bilan, Oleksa
Bilevych, Mykhailo
Bilokha, Vasyl
Boichuk, Vasyl
Boiko, Iurko
Brateiko, Luka
Buchma, Stefan
Burak, Ilko
Burak, Lev
Burak, Semko
Cherniak, Petro
Chornobai, Aleksander
Chuba, Maksym
Dachynsky, Iarema
Derkach, Panko
Diakiv, Danylo
Dmyterko, Semen
Dobriansky, Hnat
Domsky, Toma
Dragan, Iurko
Dragan, Konstantyn
Dragan, Nykola
320
68.
69.
74.
76.
77.
78.
79.
82.
84.
85.
86.
89.
90.
92.
96.
97.
101.
102.
106.
107.
108.
Ill.
115.
1 17.
121.
122.
125.
126.
127.
128.
130.
131.
134.
138.
141.
143.
145.
147.
152.
153.
155.
156.
157.
158.
160.
161.
163.
166.
169.
171.
172.
Appendix V
Dubovy, Ivan
Dushansky, Dymytrii
Dynsky, Toma
Fedun, I.
Filvarkiv
Forlita, Petro
Fyniak, Dmytro
Gelmas, Ivan
Genyk, Stefan
Gurnytsky, losyf
Halapats, Ivan
Hetman, Iosyf
Hetman, Stefan
Hladun, Nykola
Holodryha, Mykola
Holoiad, Adam
Holovka, Vasyl
Horak, Ivan
Hrabovetsky, Ivan
Hrabovetsky, Lavrentii
Hrabovetsky, Mykhailo
Hrynkiv, Ivan
Hupalo, Stefan
Iakoba, Aleksander
Iaskuliak, I.
Iasynsky, Vasyl
Iskra, Roman
Iurkiv, Roman
Iuzkiv, lliia
Iuzvak, Semen
Ivantsiv, Avksentii
Kalynsky, Iosyf
Karp, Kost
Kendiukh, Hnat
Kholevchuk, Dmytro
Khudoba, Vasyl
Kmet, Matvii
Koltsuniak, Vasyl
Kormyliuk, Ivan
Kostelnytsky, Kazymir
Kostiv, Ivan
Kotovy, F.
Kotyk, Petro
Koval, Ivan
Kovalsky, Mykhailo
Kovbuz, Vasyl
Krupnytsky, Antin
Kryshtalovych, Petro
Kulyk, Fedko
Kurylyshyn, Hryhorii
Kushchak, Fedor
Activists by Occupation
175.
177.
180.
181.
182.
186.
190.
192.
194.
196.
197.
199.
201.
203.
204.
207.
208.
209.
210.
21 I.
212.
216.
217.
218.
220.
221.
223.
224.
227.
229.
230.
232.
233.
235.
236.
237.
238.
239.
240.
241.
242.
249.
250.
251.
252.
254.
257.
260.
261.
262.
263.
Kvasnytsia, Vasyl
Kyrchiv, Kost
Kyzyk, Ivan
Kyzyk, Mykola
Lapchynsky, losyf
Levandovsky, Valentii
Liubynetsky, Ivan
Lototsky, lurii
Lun, Mykolai
Lypak, Petro
Maievsky, Hryhorii
Maksymovych, Dmytro
Mandii, Danylo
Maneliuk, Aleksii
Manila, Fedko
Martyshuk, Pavlo
Matsiakh, Mykola
Matviishyn, Ivan
Matviishyn, Petro
Mazur, Vavryk
Mazurchak, Tymko
Melnyk. Ivan
Melnyk, Petro
Melnyk, Tymko
Mikhas. Ivan
Mocherniuk. Iura
Mostovyk. Hrynko
Mozola. Vasyl
Mykhalevych, Symeon
Mykuliak. Hryhorii
Mykuliak, Petro
Nahirny. Andrei
Navrotsky. Ivan
Novosad. Semko
Nychyk. Dmytro
Nychyk, Maksym
Oleiniuk, Oleksa
Olenchyn. Andrii
Oliinyk. lurii
Olynets. Mykhail
Onyshkevych. Onufrii
Patsahan. Pavlo
Pavliv. Luka
Pavlychko. Ivan
Pelekhaty, Fedor
Petriv, Lev
Pidgursky. Antin
Pochapsky, Vasyl
Poliak, losyf
Polishchuk, M.
Polishchuk, P.
321
322
265.
267.
269.
270.
271.
272.
273.
274.
275.
277.
278.
279.
281.
283.
284.
285.
286.
287.
288.
289.
292.
294.
297.
299.
30 I.
302.
305.
307.
309.
310.
3 I I.
312.
313.
315.
316.
318.
319.
320.
321.
326.
327.
329.
330.
335.
336.
337.
338.
339.
343.
345.
350.
Appendix V
Popovych, Fedir
Proskurok, M.
Pryhodsky, Emil
Pukhalsky, H.
Pukhalsky, Ivan
Punda, Ivan
Punda, Lesko
Pundyk, Ivan
Pylypchuk, Hryhorii
Ripchuk, Ivan
Romaniv, Ivan
Romanyk, Petro
Sadovy, Ivan
Salitra, Oleksa
Semotiuk, Stefan
Seniuk, Mykhail
Senyshyn, Hryhorii
Serbyn, Ivan
Serediuk, Ivan
Serenetsky, Karol
Shchyrba, Luka
Shkraba, Vavryk
Shvets, Luts
Sirko, Antin
Skochylias, Iosyf
Skrehunets, Semen
Smolynsky, Vasyl
Soltys,Onofer
Stadnyk, Andrei
Staryk, I.
Stashkiv, Aleksander
Stefanko, Hryts
Stefanko, Petro
Susiak, Vasyl
Svidersky, Iosyf
Sych, Irynei
Sych, Stefan
Sydorko, Aleksii
Syvy, Mykhailo
Tarnavsky, Vasyl
Tetorniuk, Hryhorii
Tomyn, Oleksa
Tsaryk, Fed
Tytsieiko, Hrynko
Vandrovych, Iosyf
Vandych, Prokip
Vasyliuk, Dmytro
Vertiukh, Oleksa
Voinarovsky, Symeon
Vozniak, Mykhailo
Zabolotny, Mykhail
Activists by Occupation
351.
352.
353.
354.
355.
356.
357.
358.
362.
365.
367.
Zabolotny, Pavlo
Zaiachuk, Vasyl
Zakharchuk, Kindrat
Zanevych, losyf
Zarivny, Petro
Zarytsky, D.
Zavidovsky, O.
Zelenko, Hnat
Zhybchyn, Petro
Zvarych, Havryshko
Zvarych, Hrynko
3.
19.
75.
91.
119.
137.
154.
202.
215.
228.
231.
246.
306.
317.
331.
344.
366.
With more than one occupation
Andrunyk, Hrynko (and perhaps cantor)
Bernyk, Andrukh (and merchant)
Fedorovych, Vasyl (and cantor)
Hladii, Porfyr (and cantor and merchant)
larema, Ivan (or artisan)
Kekosh, Iurii (and cobbler)
Kostetsky, Ivan (or artisan)
Mandiuk, Vasyl (or burgher)
Melnyk, Atanas (and cantor)
Mykhaliuk, Mykhail (and merchant).
Myroniuk, Iliia (and soldier)
Parii, Vasyl (and scribe)
Soltys, Hryn (and cantor)
Svidersky, Ivan (and aspiring merchant-innkeeper)
Tsipyvko, Symeon (and cantor and scribe)
Vozniak, Ivan (and cantor)
Zvarych, Hryhorii (and blacksmith)
Priests
13.
21.
24.
38.
40.
41.
44.
56.
59.
60.
62.
66.
70.
71.
73.
93.
94.
95.
109.
Balytsky, Aleksander
Bilevych, Konstantyn
Bilynsky, Pankratii
Burnadz, Semen
Chemerynsky, Antonii
Chepil, Konstantyn
Chernetsky, Vasyl
Dnistriansky, Lev
Dolnytsky
Dolnytsky, Andrei
Dorozhynsky, Vladyslav
Dron, Teodor
Dutkevych, Evhenii
Dyhdalevych, Ivan
Dylynsky, Volodymyr
Hlibovytsky, Aleksander
Hlibovytsky, Konstantyn
Hlynsky, Teofan
Hrabovych, Ioann
323
324
110.
112.
I 16.
120.
146.
148.
159.
162.
164.
167.
183.
185.
191.
195.
198.
205.
213.
225.
234.
243.
244.
247.
255.
296.
298.
300.
314.
322.
323.
324.
325.
332.
333.
346.
Appendix V
Hrynevetsky, Apolinarii
Hrytsyna, Teodor
Hysovsky, loann
lasenytsky, Mykhail
Koliankovsky, Volodymyr
Koltuniak, Nykolai
Kovalsky, Emilii
Koziuk, Pavlo
Krushelnytsky, Amvrosii de
Kryzhanovsky, Roman
Lazor, loan
Lesiuk, Stefan
Lopatynsky, Vasylii Slepovron
Lutsyk, luvenal
Makohonsky, Stefan
Markevych, Ivan
Mazykevych, I.
Mudrak, Mykhail
Navrotsky, Severyn
Osmilovsky, L.
Pachovsky, Ivan
Pashkovsky, Atanazii
Petrovych, Emyliian
Shpytko, Ivan
Sichynsky, I1iarion
Skobelsky, loann
Stupnytsky, Havryil
Tanchakovsky, Aleksander
Taniachkevych, Danylo (elder)
Taniachkevych, Danylo (younger)
Tarchanyn, Amvrosii
Tsurkovsky, Ihnatii
Turkevych, Nykolai
Vyntoniak, Karpo
Burghers and Artisans
28.
30.
31.
33.
58.
72.
88.
98.
103.
113.
114.
135.
139.
140.
144.
Bokii, Kyrylo
Borys, Hryhorii
Borys, P.
Brytan, Antin
Dobrovolsky, Ivan
Dykevych, Pavlo
Herynovych, Petro
Holovatsky, Danylo
Horbachuk, Pavlo
Hunkevych, Hrynko
Hunkevych, Klym
Karp, Vasyl
Kharambura, Ivan
Kharambura, Stefan
Klymivsky, Pavlo
Activists by Occupation
149.
150.
173.
174.
179.
184.
187.
188.
226.
253.
268.
291.
341.
342.
347.
360.
Komarensky. Kuzma
Konashevych. Teodor
Kushniryk. Dmytro (miller)
Kuzma. Kyrylo
Kyzhyk. Pavlo
Leshnovsky, Stefan
Levytsky. Pavlo
Lishchynsky. Havrylo
Muzh. Petro
Pelensky. Oleksa
Prukhnytsky. Mykhailo (weaver)
Shchyrba, Hryhorii
Vilkhovy. Dmytro
Vilkhovy. Mykhailo
Vyshensky. lakiv
Zhmur. Klymentii (chimney-sweep)
119.
137.
154.
202.
348.
349.
366.
With more than one occupation
larema. Ivan (or peasant)
Kekosh. lurii (cobbler; and peasant)
Kostetsky. Ivan (or peasant)
Mandiuk, Vasyl (or peasant)
Vyshynsky. loan (builder; and scribe)
Zablotsky. Fcliks (painter; and scribe)
Zvarych. Hryhorii (blacksmith; and peasant)
Cantors
26.
39.
50.
54.
81.
100.
118.
142.
151.
168.
170.
219.
222.
264.
282.
295.
304.
308.
Boikcvych. lIiia
Byliv. losyf
Danyliv. Iliarii
Didukh, Ivan
Galat. Roman
Holovinsky. Stefan
lanishevsky. Teodor
Khoma, Ivan
Korchemny, Ivan
Kukhar. Antin
Kurovytsky, Atanazii
Menchakcvych. lIiia
Monchalovsky. Stefan
Polotniuk. Ihnatii
Saikevych, Danylo (former or aspiring)
Shostak, Semen
Sliuzar, Mykhailo
Spolitakevych, loan
With more than one occupation
3. Andrunyk. Hrynko (perhaps; and peasant)
43. Cherevatiuk (and merchant)
75. Fedorovych, Vasyl (and peasant)
91. Hladii. Porfyr (and peasant and merchant)
325
326
Appendix V
215.
266.
306.
328.
331.
344.
368.
Melnyk, Atanas (and peasant)
Posatsky, Havrylo (and scribe)
Soltys, Hryn (and peasant)
Tomashevsky, Luka (and scribe)
Tsipyvko, Symeon (and scribe and peasant)
Vozniak, Ivan (and peasant)
Zvarych, I. (former; and custodian at Lviv seminary)
II.
14.
17.
29.
42.
48.
83.
87.
104.
105.
133.
136.
165.
178.
206.
214.
248.
256.
280.
290.
293.
334.
340.
Balandiuk, Pavlo (retired)
Banakh, Mykhailo
Basaichuk, Mykola
Bolekhivsky, Andrei I.
Cheredarchuk, Vasyl
Chypchar, Vasyl
Genyk, Kyrylo
Havlytsky, Antin
Horodysky, Iakiv
Horutsky, Oleksander P.
Kamynsky, Ivan
Kavchynsky, Stefan
Krushelnytsky, Maksym
Kyrchiv, Pavlo
Martyniuk, Vasyl
Medynsky, Ivan
Pashkovsky, luliian
Petryshyn, Ivan
Rybachek, Antin M.
Serkes, Tymofii
Sheshor, Ilko
Tymchuk, Hryhorii
Vidlyvany, Nykyfor
Teachers
Scribes
53. Diakon, Mykhailo
193. Loza, lakiv
303. Sliusarchuk, Nykola
With more than one occupation
246. Parii, Vasyl (and peasant)
266. Posatsky, Havrylo (and cantor)
328. Tomashevsky, Luka (and cantor)
331. Tsipyvko, Symeon (and cantor and peasant)
348. Vyshynsky, loan (and builder)
349. Zablotsky, Feliks (and painter)
Merchants
129.
259.
276.
lvanets, Ivan
Pikh, Mykhailo
Pynkovsky
Activists by Occupation
19.
43.
91.
228.
317.
With more than one occupation
Bernyk, Andrukh (and peasant)
Cherevatiuk (and cantor)
Hladii, Porfyr (and cantor and peasant)
Mykhaliuk, Mykhailo (and peasant)
Svidersky, Ivan (aspiring; and peasant)
Seminarians
123. Iavorsky, Aleksander
124. Iavorsky, Ivan
176. Kyrchiv, Bohdar
University Student
245.
Pachovsky, Mykhailo
Physician
67.
Drymalyk, Sylvester L.
Soldier (with additional occupation)
231.
Myroniuk, I1iia (and peasant)
Custodian (with additional occupation)
368. Zvarych, I. (and former cantor)
Unidentified
7.
80.
99.
132.
189.
200.
258.
359.
361.
363.
364.
Babynets, Ivan (non peasant)
Gabrysh, Liudvyk
Holovchuk
Kamianetsky, Matvii
Lisovyk, K.A.
Maksymovych, Volodymyr
Pidrichny, Pavlo
Zeleny, Prokip
Zhuk, Oleksa
Ziembitsky, Hryhorii (nonpeasant)
Zukh, Maksym
327
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Index
Abrahamowicz, Dawid 152, 154
America, United States of 147, 202,
212,271
Andriishyn, Hryhorii 257
Andrukhovych (peasant activist) 257
Andrunyk, Hrynko 257
Andrunyk, Ivan 257
Antoniv, Martyn 257
Babiak, Andrii 257
Babynets, Ivan 257
Babyntsi, Chortkiv circle 21
Bach, Alexander 26, 36
Bachynsky, Aleksander 126
Badeni (count; marshal of Kaminka
Strumylova district) 207
Badeni, Kazimierz (early nineteenth
century) 17
B~kowski (count) 10
Bakuska, Vasyl 257
Balaban, I. 257
Balaban, R. 257
Balandiuk, Pavlo 258
Balias, Havrylo 258
Balyntsi, Kolomyia circle, Kolomyia
district 233, 276, 304
Balytsky, Aleksander 258
Banakh, Mykhailo 258
Barabash, Oleksa 208
Barani Peretoky, Sokal district 170, 279
Barnych, Kornylo 258
Bart, Shymkhe 154
Bartetsky, Roman 259
Bartetsky, Stefan 259
Barvinsky, Volodymyr 73, 257
Baryliv, Brody district 112
Basaichuk, Mykola 259
Batiatychi, Zhovkva circle, Zhovkva
district 43, 123, 232
Batiuk, Ivan 43-4, 47-8
Bauer, Otto 217, 219, 221
Baznykivka, Berezhany circle,
Berezhany district 227
Beheka, Ivan 14
Belei, Ivan 287
Belz deanery 264
Bendiuha, Sokal district 301
Berbeka, Levko 259
Berezhany 26; circle 229; district 317
Berezhnytsia, Kalush district 188, 291
Berezhnytsia, Stryi circle, Stryi district
180-2,187,233
Bereziv Vyzhnii,
Kolomyia/Pechenizhyn district
169-70,236,271-3
346
Kolomyia/Pechenizhyn district
169-70,273
Berezyna, Zhydachiv district 94, 100,
269, 280, 289, 294, 303, 307, 311
Bernyk, Andrukh 259-60
Bernyk, lats 259
Bernyk, Ivan 259
Bernyk, Stefan 259
Bernyk, Tymko 259
Bessarabia 156
Betanski (prince) 178
Biala, Rzesz6w district 258
Bibrka 26
Bila, Ternopil district 270, 278, 284,
300-1,316
Bilan, Oleksa 260
Bilevych, Konstantyn 260
Bilevych, Mykhailo 260
Biliavtsi, Brody district 230
Biliavyntsi, Buchach district 284
Bilka, Lviv circle 25
Bilokha, Vasyl 260
Bilyi Kamin, Zolochiv district 261, 269,
275,277,280-2,286-8,299, 314
Bilynsky, Pankratii 260
Bohachevsky-Chomiak, Martha 101
Bohemia 4, 12, 15, 59, 62, 167
Bohorodchany, Stanyslaviv circle,
district capital 10,26,274
Boichuk, Vasyl 260
Boikevych, Iliia 132, 260-I
Boiko, I urko 261
Bokii, Kyrylo 261
Bolekhiv, Stryi circle 26
Bolekhivska, Anna (Melnyk) 261
Bolekhivsky, Andrei I. 261
Bolekhivsky, Joann 261
Boratyn, Sokal district 300
Borkovsky, Oleksander 75-6, 78
Borky Dominikanski, Lviv district 230
Borshchiv district 114, 156
Borys, Hryhorii 261
Borys, P. 261
Bovshivets, Rohatyn district (region)
156,214
Bratash, Dmytro 43
Brateiko, Luka 262
Breslier, Khaim 163
Briukhovychi, Peremyshliany district
94-5, 100,236,265,274,286-7
Index
Brodky, Lviv district 147
Brody 26, 35, 167, 303; district 282;
deanery 282
Brovary, Buchach district 141,208,
236, 270, 289, 295
Bruckner, Anton 195, 297
Brytan, Antin 262
Brytan, Ostap 262
Buchach, Stanyslaviv circle 26
Buchma, Stefan 262
Budzynovsky, Viacheslav 80
Bukovyna 22, 24-5, 30, 49-50, 60, 62,
118,126,149,155,162,179, 195,
218,220,261
Burak, Danko 262
Burak, Ilko 262
Burak, Lesko 262
Burak, Lev 262
Burak, Semko 262-3
Burkaniv, Pidhaitsi district 112, 132,
263
Burnadz, Semen 263
Burshtyn, Rohatyn district (region) 188
Busk, Kaminka Strumylova district
45-6; deanery 260
Buzhok, Zolochiv district 90, 260, 288,
291,294,299,308, 314
Byblo, Rohatyn district 156
Byliv, losyf 132, 263
Canada 93, 202, 271-2
Catherine II 18
Chanyzh, Zolochiv circle 232
Chekhy, Brody district 230, 264, 281,
291,298,314
Chemerynsky, Antonii 263
Chepil, Konstantyn 263
Cheredarchuk, Vasyl 264
Cherevatiuk (cantor and merchant)
171, 264
Chernetsky, Vasyl 94, 264
Cherniak, Petro 264
Chernivtsi 261, 271, 287, 297
Chertezh, Zhydachiv district 261
Chlebowczyk, J6zef 204
Cholhany, Dolyna district 230
Chornobai, Aleksander 265
Chortkiv 26; circle 4, 8, 17, 24, 174,
231; district 316
Chortovets, Horodenka district 82, 163
Index
Chuba, Maksym 265
Chubei, Fedir 21
Chypchar, Vasy1 265
Cracow 108-9
Czajkowski, Maciej 152
Dachynsky, Iarema 265
Dalmatia 60
Danyliv, I1iarii 265
Darakhiv, Terebovlia district 99, 210,
261,279-80,291-2,296,298,
302-3, 308
Daszyilski, Ignacy 293
David, Zdenek V. 23
Davies, Norman 18,36,40
Demyche, Kolomyia circle, Sniatyn
district 228
Denysiv, Ternopil district 195, 202
Derkach, Panko 265
Derzhiv, Stryi circle 34, 122
Diakiv, Danylo 265
Diakon, Mykhailo 186, 266
Didukh, Ivan 266
Didyliv, Zolochiv district 310
Dmyterko, Semen 266
Dmytrie, Lviv district 154
Dmytriv, Zhovkva circle, Kaminka
Strumylova district 171, 232, 259,
265, 283, 291, 293-4, 297, 305,
317
Dnistriansky, Lev 266
Dobriansky, Hnat 266
Dobriany, Stryi circle, Stryi district 228
Dobrianychi, Berezhany circle,
Peremyshliany district 111, 227,
265, 309
Dobrivliany, Drohobych district 60, 293
Dobromirka, Zbarazh district 298
Dobromyl (district capital) 163; region
187
Dobrostany, Horodok district 95-6,
101,144,149,194-5,198,203,
257-8, 270, 277, 281, 287-8, 297,
311
Dobrotvir, Kaminka Strumylova district
40-9,51,54,123,154,179,230
Dobrovolsky, Ivan 266
Dobrowolski, Kazimierz 121
Dolnytsky (priest activist in Ripniv)
266
347
Do1nytsky, Andrei 266
Dolyna (district capital) 297
Dolyna, Kaminka Strumylova district
41
Domsky, Toma 267
Dorozhiv, Sambir circle 12, 118, 120
Dorozhynsky, Vladys1av 267
Dovhe, Stryi district 286
Dragan, lurko 267-8, 280, 286
Dragan, Konstantyn 268
Dragan, Nykola 268
Drahomanov, Mykhailo 71, 75, 102,
202
Drohobych 26, 140; district 306
Drohomyrchany, Stanyslaviv circle 233
Dron, Teodor 268
Drozdovychi, Horodok district 157
Drymalyk, Sylvester L. 256, 268, 310
Dubliany, Sambir district 276
Dubno, Rzesz6w circle 6
Dubovy, Ivan 268
Dunaiv, Permyshliany district 309
Dushansky, Dymytrii 269
Dutkevych, Evhenii 269
Dyhdalevych, Ivan 269
Dykevych, Pavlo 269
Dylewski, Marian 29
Dylynsky, Volodymyr 269
Dyniv, Sanok circle 119
Dynsky, Toma 270
Dynyska, Rava Ruska district 180
Dytiatyn, Rohatyn district 156
Dzhuriv, Kolomyia circle, Sniatyn
district 228, 284
Dzik6w, Tarnobrzeg district 56, 160,
183
Egypt 286
Engels, Friedrich 29
Fedorovych, Vasyl 194, 198,270
Fedun, I. 270
Ferdinand I 21, 57
Filvarkiv (peasant activist) 270
Fleischer, Siegfried 59
Forlita, Petro 270
Fraha, Rohatyn district 133
France 160,218
Franko, Ivan 75-6, 78-9, 86, 89, 108.
123, 164,214,271-3,284,287, 293
348
Franz I II
Franz Joseph I 43
Fyniak, Dmytro 270
Fyniak, Mykhailo 270
Fytkiv, Stanyslaviv circle, Nadvirna
district 94, 173, 180, 184, 227,
257, 259, 268, 275, 301, 305, 313
Gabrysh, Liudvyk 270
Galat, Roman 270-1
Garbowski, Julian 41
Gdansk 5
Gelmas, Ivan 271
Genyk, lurko 273
Genyk, Ivan 271
Genyk, Kyrylo 214, 256, 271-3, 312
Genyk, Stefan 214, 271-2
Germany 65
Gizejewski (son of Adalbert) 17
Gizejewski, Adalbert 17
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang 284
Goluchowski, Agenor 26, 36, 41, 48
Grimsted, Patricia K. 225
Grintal, Shmaie 154
Gurnytsky, losyf 272
Hai Smolenski, Zolochiv circle, Brody
district 227
Hai Starobridski, Zolochiv circle 229,
282
Halajkiewicz, Wiktor 42, 44
Halapats, Ivan 273
Halych, Stanyslaviv circle 26
Hankevych, lulian 125
Hannsmann, F. 4, 17
Hanusivtsi, Stanyslaviv circle,
Stanyslaviv district 227
Havlytsky, Antin 273
Herynovych, Petro 273
Hetman, losyf 273
Hetman, Stefan 273
Hirne, Stryi district 74
Hladii, Porfyr 271, 273-4
Hladun, Andrei 274
Hladun, Nykola 274
Hladylovych, Demian 102
Hlibovytsky, A1eksander 274
Hlibovytsky, Konstantyn 274
Hlubichok. Chortkiv circle, Borshchiv
district 227
Index
Hlubichok Velykyi, Ternopil district
181
Hlynsky, Teofan 274-5
Hnizdychiv, Zhydachivdistrict 149
Hodiv, Zolochiv district 99
Holeiko, Mykhailo 76, 79
Holhoche, Pidhaitsi district 230
Holodryha, Mykola 275, 292
Holoiad, Adam 275
Holovatsky, Danylo 275
Holovatsky, lakiv 127
Holovchuk (activist) 275
Holovinsky, Stefan 275
Holovka, Hrynko 275
Holovka, Vasyl 275
Hora, Sokal district 182
Horak, Ivan 275
Horbachuk, Pavlo 276
Horodenka (district capital) 14, 263,
270,272,283-5,290,295, 316
Horodnytsia, Horodenka district 274,
284
Horodnytsia, Husiatyn district 277,
285,291,316
Horodok 26, 33; district 281
Horodyshche, Ternopil district 100
Horodysky, Iakiv 276
Horoshova, Chortkiv circle 15, 20, 34
Horozhanna, Sambir circle 24-5, 29
Horutsky, Oleksander P. 276
Horutsky, Pavlo 142
Hrabiv, Stryi circle 121
Hrabivets, Stanyslaviv circle,
Bohorodchany district 227
Hrabovetsky, Ivan 276
Hrabovetsky, Lavrentii 276
Hrabovetsky, Mykhailo 276
Hrabovych, loann 276-7
Hrushiv 26
Hrushka, Zhovkva district 42-3
Hryhorovych, Stefan 14
Hrymaliv, Skalat district (region) 137
Hrynevetsky, Apolinarii 259, 277
Hryniuk, Stella 203, 206, 217
Hryniv, Berezhany circle 34
Hrynkiv, Ivan 277
Hrytsyna, Teodor 277
Huliuk, Demko 12
Hungary 8, 23, 156, 195, 221, 261, 264
Index
Hunkevych, Hrynko 277
Hunkevych, Klym 277
Hunter, New York 57
Hupalo, Stefan 277
Huryk, losyf 208
Hushalevych, Ivan 67
Husiatyn 171; district 114, 137,211,
280
Hvozd, Nadvirna district 259, 294
Hvozdets, Kolomyia district 65
Hysovsky, Ioann 277
labloniv, Kolomyia/Pechenizhyn
district 236, 271-2, 282
labloniv, Rohatyn district 156
labluniv, Chortkiv circle 234
Iakoba, Aleksander 278
lakoba, Pavlo 278
Iamnytsia, Stanyslaviv circle,
Stanyslaviv district 18, 57, 81-2,
140
Ianishevsky, Teodor 278
larema, Ivan 278
Iarema, Kindrat 278
lasenytsky, Mykhail 102,278
Iaskuliak, I. 278
lasynsky, Mykhailo 278
lasynsky, Vasyl 278
Iavoriv (district capital) 26, 261-2,
280-1, 305, 314
Iavorsky, Aleksander 278-9
Iavorsky, Ivan 279
Iazhiv Staryi, Iavoriv district 236, 311
Iazlovets, Buchach district 309
Ihrovytsia, Ternopil district 298
Ilemnia, Stryi circle 121
Ilyntsi, Sniatyn district 83, 133
Iskra, Roman 279
Istanbul 286
Iunashiv, Rohatyn district 291
Iurkiv, Roman 279
luzkiv, Iliia 279
luzkovychi, Zolochiv district 298
Iuzvak, Semen 279
Ivachiv Dolishnii, Ternopil circle,
Ternopil district 2, 6, 81, 136, 148,
152,173,181,206,234
Ivachiv Horishnii, Ternopil circle,
Ternopil district 81, 136, 148, 152,
181, 206, 234
349
Ivanets, Ivan 279
Ivano-Frankivsk (formerly Stanyslaviv)
225
Ivantsiv, Avksentii 279
Jagic, Vatroslav 297
Jaroslaw, Przemy§1 circle 26
Jaslo (circle capital) 264
Joseph II 3-4,7-10,16,19-20,23,37,
56,108,134,155,157,172,177
Kachala, Stefan 68, 125
Kadobna, Kalush district 258, 263, 280,
307
Kakhnykevych, Kyrylo 59, 102
Kalechynsky, Iosyf 45
Kalush, Stryi circle, district capital 26,
168; region 38, 191
Kalynivshchyna, Chortkiv district 180
Kalynsky, Iosyf 279
Kamianetsky, Matvii 279
Kamianka Lisna, Rava Ruska district
192, 194, 289
Kaminka Strumylova 42, 48; district
207
Kaminka Voloska, Rava Ruska district
186
Kaminne, Nadvirna district 271, 313
Kamynsky, Ivan 279
Kann, Robert A. 23
Kapushchak, Ivan 28-9, 34, 134
Karadiic, Vuk 20
Karp, Kost 280
Karp, Vasyl 280
Karpinsky, Andrii 29
Kaunitz, Anton 2, 7
Kavchynsky, Stefan 280
Kavsko, Stryi district 280
Kekosh, Iurii 280
Kendiukh, Hnat 267, 280
Kharambura, Ivan 280
Kharambura, Stefan 281
Khlivchany, Rava Ruska district 147,
301
Khmelivka, Stanyslaviv circle,
Bohorodchany district 227, 305
Khmelnytsky, Bohdan 309
Khodoriv, Berezhany circle 26
Kholevchuk, Dmytro 281
Khoma, Ivan 281
350
Khomyn, Tymofei 301
Khorostkiv, Chortkiv circle, Husiatyn
district 141, 234, 236, 280
Khotin, Kalush district 168, 267-8,
280, 286, 30 I, 316
Khreniv, Kaminka Strumylova district
291
Khryplyn, Stanyslaviv circle 231
Khrystynopil, Zhovkva circle, Sokal
district 114, 180, 229, 264, 273,
276,288,294,297,300-1,315
Khudoba, Vasyl 281
Khylchychi, Zolochiv district 149
Khymka, Datsko 43, 45-7
Khymka, Oleksa 43
Khyriv, Staryi Sambir district 163
Kielanowski (Polish parliamentary
candidate) 152
Kiev 74, 225
Kiidantsi, Kolomyia circle, Kolomyia
district 95, 98-9, 137, 156, 165,
188,233,313
Kiidantsi, Zbarazh district 236
Kliusiv, Sokal district 300-1
Klub, Danylo 186
Klymivsky, Pavlo 281
Klymkivtsi, Zbarazh district 200
Kmet, Matvii 281
Kniahynychi 230
Kniahynychi, Bibrka district 203
Knihynychi 230
Kobylytsia, Lukian 25, 118
Koliankovsky, Volodymyr 281
Kolodribka, Zalishchyky district 86-7,
126,164,174,190-2,236,257-8,
27~ 282, 299, 308, 311, 315
Kolomyia 26, 69, 92, 198,261,271-2,
297,299; district 80, 271-2, 282;
region 94, 136
Koltsuniak, Mykola 271, 282
Koltsuniak, Semen 282, 314
Koltsuniak, Vasyl 282
Koltuniak, Nykolai 282
Komarensky, Kuzma 282
Komarno, Sambir circle, Rudky district
12, 26, 266, 282, 288, 298, 302,
313; region 9,19,21,24,30,157,
178
Komorowski (count) 17
Konashevych, Teodor 282
Index
Koranda, Johann Christoph von 13
Korchemny, Ivan 282
Korchyn, Stryi district 164-5, 206, 233,
285-7, 298
Korchyn, Zhovkva circle, Sokal district
228, 232, 306
Korelychi, Berezhany circle,
Peremyshliany district 141, 184,
227, 23~ 257, 265, 27~ 272, 287,
296,309,312,316
Kormyliuk, Ivan 282
Korol, Mykhailo 268
Korsiv, Brody district 292
Korytowski, Juliusz 148, 152
Koshakivsky, Mykhailo 43
Kosice 264
Kosiv 272; district 63, 272
Kostarowce, Sanok district 170, 173
Kostelnytsky, Kazymir 282
Kostetsky, Ivan 282
Kostetsky, Vasyl 282
Kostiv, Fed 10
Kostiv, Ivan 283
Kostruba, Petro 47-8
Kotliarevsky, Ivan 28, 297
Kotovy, F. 283
Kotyk, Petro 283
Kotykivka, Horodenka district 284
Koval, Ivan 283
Kovalivka, Kolomyia/Pechenizhyn
district 99,141,236,271,273,
276, 278, 282, 28~ 293-4, 303,
307,313-14
Kovalsky, Emilii 283
Kovalsky, Mykhailo 283
Kovalsky, Vasyl 300
Kovbuz, Vasyl 283, 285
Kozara, Rohatyn district 258
Kozik, Jan 122
Koziuk, Pavlo 283
Kozova, Berezhany district 163, 210
Krasicki (count, owner of Monastyrets)
52
Krasicki, Kazimierz 15
Krasitsky (priest) 207
Kravets, M.M. 49, 51
Krizer (lumber dealer) 153
Kromeriz 178
Kropyvnyk, Kalush district 263
Kruhiv, Zolochiv district 299
Index
Krupnytsky, Antin 284
Krushelnytsia, Stryi district 280
Krushelnytska, Solomiia 284
Krushelnytsky, Amvrosii de 256, 284
Krushelnytsky, Maksym 237, 271,
284-5,295,312,316
Kryshtalovych, Petro 285
Kryve, Berezhany circle, Berezhany
district 163, 210, 232
Kryzhanovsky, Roman 285
Kudryntsi, Borshchiv district 52
Kukhar, Antin 285-6
Kukilnyky, Rohatyn district 156
Kukyziv, Lviv district 260, 267-9, 277,
279,303
Kulachkivtsi, Kolomyia district 65, 133
Kulish, Panteleimon 309
Kulyk, Fedko 285
Kulykiv, Zhovkva circle 232
Kunashiv, Berezhany circle, Rohatyn
district 3, 7, II, 228
Kunysivtsi, Kolomyia circle 14
Kupchanko, Hryhorii 194, 198
Kupche, Kaminka Strumylova district
258
Kurivtsi, Ternopil district 175
Kurovytsky, Atanazii 283, 285
Kurylyshyn, Hryhorii 285-6
Kurzweil, Rudolf 48, 154
Kushchak, Fedor 267, 286
Kushnir, Hryn 199
Kushniryk, Dmytro 286
Kutkivtsi, Ternopil circle, Ternopil
district 102, 210, 234, 259, 278,
283,288,292,296,316
Kuzma, Kyrylo 286
Kuzma, Tymko 164
Kvasnytsia, Vasyl 286
Kyrchiv, Bohdar 237, 286-7
Kyrchiv, Kost 286-7
Kyrchiv, Oleksa 286
Kyrchiv, Pavlo 286-7
Kyrchiv, Toma 286
Kyzhyk, Pavlo 287
Kyzyk, Ivan 287
Kyzyk, Mykola 288
Ladyshevsky, Mykola 46
Lanchyn, Stanyslaviv circle, Nadvirna
district 227
Lanivtsi, Chortkiv circle, Borshchiv
district 99, 227
Lapchynsky, losyf 288
Lavriv, Staryi Sambir district 310
Lazor, loan 288
Lazoruk, Onufrii 164
Leshnovsky, Stefan 288
Lesiuk, Stefan 288
Lestschinsky, Jacob 155
Levandovsky, Valentii 288
Levytsky, levhen 80
Levytsky, losyf 118
Levytsky, Ivan O. 74-6, 235, 237, 264
Levytsky, Kost 76
Levytsky, Pavlo 288
Levytsky, Volodymyr 76
Liagotsky, loan 2\0
Liashky Dolishni, Bibrka district 269
Liashky Horishni, Bibrka district 269
Liatske Male, Zolochiv district 315
Lishchynsky, Havrylo 288
Lishnia, Drohobych district 306, 308
Lisovyk, K.A. 289
Litynia, Drohobych district 99
Liubycha Kameralna, Rava Ruska
district 83, 181
Liubycha Kniazi, Rava Ruska district
273, 275, 288-9, 294, 297, 306
Liubycha Korolivska, Zhovkva circle
229
Liubynetsky, Ivan 289
Liucha, Kolomyia district 260, 271,
273,281,293,307-8,312
Liush, Hrynko 11-12, 18
Lolyn, Stryi district 123
London 215
Lopatyn, Brody district 149, 193
Lopatynsky, Vasylii Slepovron 289
Lopushanka Khomyna, Staryi Sambir
district 278
Lototsky, I urii 289
Lower Austria 269
Loza, lakiv 289
Lozivka, Ternopil circle, Zbarazh
district 303
Lozynsky, losyf 53-4, 123
Lubacz6w, Zhovkva circle 26
Lubyk, Ivan 163
Lun, Mykolai 289
Lutsyk, luvenal 289
351
352
Lviv 5,17,26,31,35,39,41,45-6,48,
53,67,74,80,82,90, 100, 102,
108,113,115-16,121,124,144,
167,186,194,199,208,214,
219-2~ 225-6, 229, 231, 235, 258,
260-1,263-4,269-72,275, 278,
284, 286-8, 292, 297, 300, 310-11,
315, 317; district 152; archeparchy
107, 109,269
Lypak, Petro 289
Lypynsky, Viacheslav 214
Lysets, Bohorodchany district 156
Lysiatychi, Stryi circle, Stryi district
13~ 228, 25~ 277, 286
Madeyski, Stanislaw 152
Mahler, Raphael 165, 173
Maievsky, Hryhorii 290
Maik, Panko 46
Maik, Petro 43, 46
Majbek, Piotr 17
Makhniv, Rava Ruska district 262, 265,
275, 277, 280, 292, 296, 308
Makohonsky, Stefan 290
Maksymovych, Dmytro 290, 296
Maksymovych, Mykola 290
Maksymovych, Volodymyr 290
Manaiv, Zboriv district 171
Mandii, Danylo 290
Mandiuk, Ivan 290
Mandiuk, Vasyl 290
Maneliuk, Aleksii 188, 291
Maniava, Stanyslaviv circle,
Bohorodchany district 227
Manila, Fedko 291
Mannheim, Karl 98
Mardarovych, I1iia 126
Maria Theresia 7, 9,19,37,124
Markevych, Ivan 291
Markiv, Stanyslaviv circle,
Bohorodchany district 227
Martyniuk, Vasyl 291
Martyshuk, Pavlo 291
Marx, Karl 29, 160-1, 205
Matsiakh, Mykola 291
Matviishyn, Ivan 291
Matviishyn, Petro 291
Mauthner, Mateusz 44-5
Mazur, Vavryk 210, 292
Mazurchak, Tymko 292
Index
Mazykevych, I. 292
Mechyshchiv, Berezhany circle,
Berezhany district 2, 227, 232-3
Medukha, Stanyslaviv district 156
Medynsky, Ivan 275, 292, 302, 305
Mehera, Andrii 174
Melnyk, Atanas 139-40, 186, 292-3
Melnyk, Ivan 293
Melnyk, Petro 293
Melnyk, Tymko 293
Melnytsia, Chortkiv circle 23
Menchakevych, I1iia 293
Mickiewicz, Adam 127
Miechocin, Tarnobrzeg district 195
Mikhas, Ivan 137-8, 213, 293-4
Miklosich, Franz 297
Milan 284
Mizun, Stryi circle, Dolyna district 233,
274, 306
Mocherniuk, Iura 294
Mocherniuk, Petro 294
Mokh, Rudolf 126
Moldavia 22, 156-7
Monastyrets, Lisko district 52
Monastyryska, Stanyslaviv circle 38
Monchalovsky, Stefan 294
Moravia 12
Morozovychi, Sambir district 65, 137,
213,293
Mostovyk, Hrynko 294
Mozalivka, Pidhaitsi district 263
Mozola, Vasyl 294
Mroczkowski (estate manager) 149
Mshana, Zolochiv district 92-3, 185,
206, 306
Mshanets, Staryi Sambir district 155,
163, 173,205-6
Mudrak, Mykhail 294
Mudryk, Pavlo 47-8
Mukan, Kaminka Strumylova district
152
Muzh, Petro 294,300
Mykhalevych, Symeon 294
Mykhaliuk, I1ko 294
Mykhaliuk, Mykhailo 294
Mykolaiv, Zolochiv circle, Brody
district 227, 257, 275,279,281-2,
291-2, 302, 305, 309-10
Mykuliak, Hryhorii 295
Mykuliak, Petro 295
Index
Mykulyntsi, Ternopil circle, Ternopil
district 94, 102, 136, 234, 278,
303,316
Mylkiv, Zhovkva circle 34
Mylna, Brody district 112
Myroniuk, Iliia 295
Nadorozhna, Stanyslaviv circle 233
Nahirny, Andrei 295
Nahirny, Vasyl 73-8, 80,130,144,169
Nahuievychi, Sarnbir circle, Drohobych
district 227
Naiberger, Shulirn 163
Nakonechny (teacher) 283
Nakryiko, Andrei 47-8
Nakvasha, Zolochiv circle, Brody
district 100,227,264-5,273-4,
284, 305
Naraiv, Berezhany circle 26
Narolsky, Adolf 315
Naurnovych, Ivan 69-70, 92
Navrotsky, Ivan 295
Navrotsky, Severyn 295
Neporadny, Havrylo 7
Neslukhiv, Karninka Strurnylova
district 265
Nestanychi, Zolochiv circle 17,232
New York 147
Ninovychi, Sokal district 266, 295,
307-8
Novosad, Sernko 296
Novosilka Iazlovetska, Buchach district
60, 185, 309
Novosilky Kardynalski, Zhovkva circle,
Rava Ruska district 97, 100, 132,
199,207,227,311
Novosilky Peredni, Rava Ruska district
199
Novyi Dvir, Sokal district 300
Novytsia, Kalush district 172
Nowy S~cz (circle capital) 264
Nychyk, Drnytro 296
Nychyk, Maksyrn 296
Nykonkovychi, Lviv circle, Lviv district
233, 270-1, 285, 290-1, 304-5
Nykorovych, Andrii 271
Nyniv Horishnii, Stryi circle 233
Nysrnychi, Sokal district 184
Nyzhni Hai, Lviv district 230
353
Nyzhniv, Stanyslaviv circle, Tovrnach
district 34, 197
Obelnytsia, Rohatyn district 258
Obertyn, Horodenka district 163
Obertynski, Leopold 149, 175
Ohliadiv, Zolochiv circle 232
Okhryrnovych, Volodyrnyr 80
Oleiniuk, Oleksa 296
Olenchyn, Andrii 296
Olesha, Stanyslaviv circle, Tovrnach
district 84, 99, 140, 164, 185-6,
233, 260, 266, 276, 286, 298, 304
Oleskiv, Iosyf 272
Olesko, Zolochiv circle, Zolochiv
district 26, 74, 232, 278, 282, 290,
298, 310; deanery 260, 288, 294
Olesnychi, Zhovkva circle 34
Olesnytsky, Evhen 116, 159, 179,295
Oliieva-Korolivtsi, Horodenka district
263
Oliinyk, Iurii 296
Olszany, Przernysl circle 268
Olynets, Anna 296
Olynets, Drnytro 296
Olynets, Hryhorii 296
Olynets, Mykhail 290, 296
Olynets, Stefan 296
Onyshkevych, Onufrii 297
Ordiv, Sokal district 265, 275
Orikhovets, Skalat district 303
Ortynsky, Soter 212, 214
Osivtsi, Buchach district 284
Osrnilovsky, L. 297
Ostriv, Sokal district 74, 210
Ozerianka, Zolochiv circle 34
Ozeriany, Berezhany circle, Borshchiv
district 99, 102, 232, 266, 303, 311
Pachovsky, Ivan 297
Pachovsky, Mykhailo 297
Pakhivka, Stanyslaviv circle,
Bohorodchany district 227
Palchyntsi, Zbarazh district 303
Palestine 286
Pankivsky, Kost 76
Parii, Vasyl 297-8
Partysovsky, Vasyl 199
Pashkovsky, Atanazii 298
Pashkovsky, Iuliian 298
Patsahan, Pavlo 298
354
Pavelche, Stanyslaviv district 167
Pavliv, Luka 298
Pavlychko, Ivan 298
Pavlyk, Mykhailo 74-80, 99,102,130,
149, 202, 284
Pechenizhyn 174; district 63
Pelekhaty, Fedor 298
Pelensky, Oleksa 298
Pennsylvania 147
Perehinsko, Stryi circle, Dolyna district
23,26,74,119, 121, 123, 153, 155,
157
Peremyshliany district 180
Pererisl, Nadvirna district 313
Pergen, Anton 23
Perviatychi, Sokal district 65, 94, 181
Petlykivtsi, Buchach district 284
Petriv, Lev 298
Petrovsky, Ivan 199
Petrovych, Emyliian 298-9
Petrushevych (priest) 207
Petryshyn, Ivan 299
Piasecki, Modest 41, 45-6
Piatnychany Volytsia, Stryi district
285-6
Pidgursky, Antin 299
Pidhaitsi, Berezhany circle 26
Pidhorodyshche, Berezhany circle,
Bibrka district 33, 174-5
Pidkamin, Brody district 264
Pidrichny, Pavlo 299
Pidtemne, Lviv district 235
Pikh, Mykhailo 55-6, 299
Pipes, Richard 10
Pi sky, Lviv circle, Lviv district 233
Pistyn deanery 277
Piznanka Hnyla, Skalat district 82, 100,
275,279,289,302,313,315,317
Plotycha, Ternopil district 81, 148, 152,
181,206
Pobeda, Alberta 93
Poberezhzhia, Stanyslaviv district 82
Pochapsky, Mykhailo 299
Pochapsky, Vasyl 299
Pochapy, Zolochiv district 257, 266,
299,302,307,310
Podillia 261, 272
Podliashetsky, Volodymyr 73-6
Pokuttia 261
Poliak, Iosyf 300
Index
Polishchuk, M. 300
Polishchuk, P. 300
Polonychna, Zolochiv circle 232
Polotniuk, Ihnatii 112, 114, 300-1
Polotniuk, losyf 300
Polotniuk, Ivan 300
Polove, Zolochiv circle 6-7, 232
Poniatowski, Ignacy 17
Popovych, Fedir 301
Posatsky, Havrylo 301
Potelych, Zhovkva circle 229
Potik, Stanyslaviv circle 30
Potochyshche, Horodenka district 290
Potocki (count; owner of Hryniv) 34
Potocki, Roman 152
Pozdymyr, Zhovkva circle, Sokal
district 228
Prague 31
Prdov 264
Proskurniak, Onufrii 133
Proskurok, M. 301
Prots, Stefan 46
Protsian, Andrus 32-3
Prukhnytsky, Mykhailo 302
Pry hod sky, Emil 302
Prysivtsi, Zolochiv district 287
Pryslip, Sambir circle 117-18, 120
Przemysl 8, 15, 26, 114, 116, 262, 264,
269; circle 5, 13, 21; eparchy 109,
301
Pukhalsky, H. 302
Pukhalsky, Ivan 302
Pukiv, Berezhany circle 232
Punda, Ivan 302
Punda, Lesko 302
Pundyk, Ivan 302
Pylypchuk, Hryhorii 292, 302
Pynkovsky (merchant activist) 171, 302
Pynkovsky, Mykyta 302
Pytel, N ykola 163-4
Pytel, Stefan 164
Radekhiv, Kaminka Strumylova
district/district capital 152, 171
Radvantsi, Zhovkva circle, Sokal
district 94, 98, 181 195, 228, 303
Rava Ruska district 153, 182, 265, 279,
299,311
Reiner, Johann 41, 46
Rejowski (gendarme) 199-200
Index
Repuzhyntsi, Horodenka district 263
Ripchuk, Ivan 303
Ripniv, Kaminka Strumylova district
149, 266
Rivnia, Kalush district 84
Rohale, Kaminka Strumylova district
41
Rohatyn (district capital) 26, 132, 260,
291
Rokyty, Kaminka Strumylova district
41
Romanchuk, luli;an 72-3, 75-7, 79
Romania 220, 261
Romaniv, Ivan 303
Romanyk, Petro 303
Rosdolsky, Roman 27
Rozdil, Zhydachiv district 26, 289;
deanery 267, 289
Rozhansky, Hnat 168
Rozhdzhaliv, Zhovkva circle, Sokal
district 228
Rozhniativ, Stryi circle 233
Roznoshyntsi, Zbarazh district 57-8,
209
Rozvadiv, Zhydachiv district 261
Ruda Bridska, Brody district 264
Rudenko Liatske, Zolochiv circle,
Brody district 227
Rudky (district capital) 276
Rudno, Lviv circle, Lviv district 80, 94,
198, 229, 233, 258, 269, 290, 296
Russian empire 10, 18, 51-2, 66, 98,
192, 197, 220-2, 261, 286
Rutkowski, Mikolaj Pobog- 13-14, 21
Rybachek, Antin M. 256, 303
Rybak, Symeon 300
Rzeszow (circle capital) 264
Sachavsky, Ivan 181, 187
Sacher-Masoch, Leopold von (police
chief) 198
Sacher-Masoch, Leopold von (writer) 5,
135
Sadovy, Ivan 303
Sadzhava, Stanyslaviv circle,
Bohorodchany district 227
Saikevych, Danylo 94, 98, 195, 303
Salitra, Oleksa 304
Sambir 26, 118, 293; circle 231; region
136,212-13
355
Sanok 26
Sapieha, Adam 277
Saranchuky, Berezhany circle,
Berezhany district 227, 232-3, 236
Sasiv, Zolochiv district 294
Savchynsky, Petro 133
Schiller, Friedrich 284
Schon, Johann 46-8, 54
Sembratovych, losyf 123, 126
Sembratovych, Sylvester 78, 264
Semotiuk, Stefan 304
Semyhyniv, Stryi circle 33
Seniuk, Mykhail 304
Senyshyn, Hryhorii 304
Senyshyn, Petro 304
Serafyntsi, Kolomyia circle 263
Serbyn, Danylo 304
Serbyn, Ivan 304
Serediuk, Ivan 304
Serenetsky. Karol 305
Serkes, Tymofii 305
Shakespeare, William 284
Shashkevych, Hryhorii 28, 33
Shashkevych, Markiian 31, 297
Shchepiatyn, Rava Ruska district 199
Shchyrba, Hryhorii 305
Shchyrba, Luka 305
Shekhovych, Severyn 68
Sheshor, I1ko 305
Shevchenko, Taras 28,194-5,271,281,
284,289,297,299,309,314
Shkraba, Vavryk 305
Sh1iakhtyntsi, Ternopil district 187,
257, 266, 275, 295, 304
Sholomyia, Bibrka district 276
Shostak, Semen 292, 305
Shporn, Moshko 156
Shpytko, Ivan 306
Shumiach, Turka district 114
Shvets, Luts 306
Shydlivtsi, Husiatyn district 146
Shyshka, Fedko 42
Sichynsky, I1iarion 306
Sighet 156
Silesia 12
Silets, Stanyslaviv district 308
Silets Belzkyi, Sokal district 264, 315
Siltse, Kalush district 148
Si1tse, Sambir district 213
Sirko, Antin 306
356
Skalat district 70, 80, 84; deanery 317
Skobelsky, loann 306
Skochylias, losyf 185, 306-7
Skomorokhy, Zhovkva circle, Sokal
district 228
Skrehunets, Semen 307
Sliusarchuk, Nykola 307
Sliuzar, Mykhailo 307
Siobidka, Rohatyn district 156
Siobidka lanivska, Ternopil district 298
Slomka, Jan 56,160,183,190-1,193
Slovakia 264
Smarzowa, Tarnow circle 18
Smolynsky, Vasyl 307
Smorzhiv, Zolochiv circle, Brody
district 227
Smytsniuk, Ivan 18, 57
Sniatyn district 63-4
Snihursky, Ivan 15, 114
Sokal 264; district 153-4,264,306
Solotvyna, Stanyslaviv circle,
Bohorodchany district 227
Soltys, Hryn 307
Soltys, Onofer 307
Sosnicki, Felix 44
Spas, Stryi circle 121
Spasiv, Sokal district 82, 148, 181
Spolitakevych, loan 307
Stadion, Franz 22, 30-2
Stadnicki, Jan Kanty 17
Stadnyk, Andrei 307
Stanyslaviv 82, 114-16, 144, 300-1,
304; circle 14, 38; district 183;
eparchy 301; region 167, 191; see
also lvano-Frankivsk
Stariava, Mostyska district 55-6, 170,
299
Staryi Sambir (district capital) 163;
region 187
Staryk, I. 308
Starzenska, Sofia 149
Stashkiv, Aleksander 308
Stefanko, Hryts 308
Stefanko, Petro 308
Steniatyn, Sokal district 282
Stoianiv, Belz circle 12
Stopchativ, Kolomyia district 84, 271,
276, 298, 30~ 307, 311, 315
Strachocina, Sanok circle 233
Stremilche, Zolochiv circle, Brody
district 227 .
Index
Strilbychi, Staryi Sambir district 279
Strilkiv, Stryi circle, Stryi district 82,
164, 200, 233, 276, 283, 30~
306-7
Stroniatyn, Lviv district 264
Strusevych, Mykhailo 76
Strusiv, Terebovlia district 210
Stryi 26, 33, 259; circle 39, 118
Stryivka, Zbarazh district 303
Stupnytsia, Sambir district 213, 276,
278-9
Stupnytsky, Havryil 308
Suchodolski (leaseholder) 11
Susiak, Vasyl 308
Svarychiv, Dolyna district 87, 101, 141
Svidersky, Iosyf 308
Svidersky, Ivan 308
Svystilnyky, Rohatyn district 182
Switzerland 74
Sych, Irynei 308
Sych, Stefan 308
Sydorko, Aleksii 308
Symotiuk, Ivan 133
Synkiv, Zalishchyky district 258, 308
Syvy, Mykhailo 309
Szela, Jakub 18
Szparer, Kohos Leib 174
Taaffe, Eduard 300
Tanchakovsky, Aleksander 309
Taniachkevych, Danylo (elder) 309
Taniachkevych, Danylo (younger) 134,
256, 288, 309-10
Tarchanyn, Amvrosii 268, 310
Tarnavsky, Fylymon 110, 113
Tarnavsky, Vasyl 310--11
Tarnawka, Lancut district 282
Tarnawka, Sanok circle 264
Tenetyska, Rava Ruska district 289
Terebovlia 26, 210; district 137
Terletsky, Ostap 271
Ternopil 17,26, 115, 130, 140, 169,
181, 194, 202, 225, 284, 295, 317;
circle 4, 8, 231; district 259;
deanery 295
Tetevchytsi, Kaminka Strumylova
district 81,185
Tetorniuk, Hryhorii 311
Thomas, William 83
Index
Toky, Zbarazh district 260
Tomashevsky, Luka 132,207-8,210,
328
Tomyn, Oleksa 311
Torky, Sokal district 304
Torosiewicz, Emil 147
Tovstenke, Stryi circle 233
Trach (priest) 141
Transcarpathia 93, 221, 264
Transylvania 32
Troscianiec, Przemysl circle 34
Trostianets, Sniatyn district 81
Trudovach, Zolochiv circle 232
Trybukhivtsi, Chortkiv circle, Husiatyn
district 102, 171, 234, 264, 289,
302
Tsaryk, Fed 311
Tsebriv, Ternopil district 211, 263, 281,
288-9,296,313,317
Tsipyvko, Symeon 311-12
Tsurkovsky, Ihnatii 271, 312
Tsvitova, Buchach district 136, 180,
201,257
Tsyhany, Chortkiv circle, Borshchiv
district 227, 277
Tukholka, Stryi circle 233
Turia Velyka, Dolyna district 180, 185,
283
Turie, Zolochiv circle 12, 21, 23
Turka 26; district 63
Turkevych, Nykolai 312
Tymchuk, Hryhorii 86, 312
Tyrol 62
Tysiv, Dolyna district 284
Tysmenytsia, Tovmach district 203
Tytsieiko, Hrynko 312
Uhniv, Zhovkva circle, Rava Ruska
district 199-200, 228-9
Ustie Zelene, Stanyslaviv circle 10
Ustiianovych, Mykola 31
Ustrzyki, Lviv district 163
Utishkiv, Zolochiv district 26, 60, 149,
175, 258, 260, 266, 279, 286, 290,
298
Uvysla, Husiatyn district 184
Uzhhorod 264
357
Vakhnianyn, Natal 59
Vandrovych, Iosyf 312
Vandych, Prokip 313
Vano (burgomaster) 207
Vasyliuk, Dmytro 313
Veldizh, Dolyna district 280
Velychkovsky, Iuliian 27
Verbiv, Pidhaitsi district 158,207
Verbytsia, Rava Ruska district 52, 230
Verkhrata, Zhovkva circle, Rava Ruska
district 227
Vertiukh, Oleksa 313
Vidlyvany, Nykyfor 259, 313
Vienna 18,21,26-7,31,42-3,45-6,
66, 115, 124-5, 148, 167, 195,225,
261-2,268,284,295,297,310,
315
Vilkhovy, Dmytro 313
Vilkhovy, Mykhailo 313
Vilshanytsia, Stanyslaviv district 99
Vistova, Kalush district 283
Vitoshynsky, Iosyp 195
Vivnia, Stryi circle, Stryi district 228
Voinarovsky, Symeon 313-14
Volchukhy, Horodok district 135
Voleniv, Zhydachiv district 280
Volhynia gubernia 192
Volia Iakubova, Drohobych district 99,
117,139-40,142,186,213,292-3
Voltsniv, Zhydachiv district 267
Voltsniv, Zolochiv district 306
Volytsia, Sanok district 100, 236
Volytsia, Stryi circle, Stryi district 3,
228, 233, 285
Volytsia, Zhovkva district 236
Vorarlberg 62
Vorobiivka, Ternopil circle, Ternopil
district 234, 263
Vorobkevych, Sydir 195
Vorotsiv, Horodok district 258
Vovchok, Marko 309
Vovkiv, Lviv district 235
Vozniak, Ivan 314
Vozniak, Mykhailo (peasant activist)
314
Vydyniv, Kolomyia circle, Sniatyn
district 141, 228, 236
Vyktoriv, Stanyslaviv circle, Stanyslaviv
district 166, 171, 233, 304
Vynnyky, Lviv district 235, 258
358
Vynnyky, Zhovkva circle, Zhovkva
district 3, 82-3, 90, 97, 99,174,
232,235,265,268,273,310-11
Vyntoniak, Karpo 314
Vyshatychi, Przemysl circle 13-14, 23
Vyshensky, lakiv 314-15
Vyshnevsky, I. I 18
Vyshynsky, loan 315
Vysloboky, Lviv district 99-101,141,
236
Vysotsko, Sambir district 26, 32
Vyspa, Rohatyn district 82, 136
Vytkiv, Zolochiv circle 310
Vyzhnie Synevidsko, Stryi circle 51
Wallachia 16
Wasilewski, Tadeusz 5, 9, 10,22
Winnipeg, Manitoba 271-2
Wolanski, Erazm 147
Wyslouch, Boleslaw 78
Zablotsky, Feliks 315
Zabolotny, Mykhail 315
Zabolotny, Pavlo 315
Zagorze, Sanok circle 29, 39
Zahirie, Kalush district 168
Zahirie, Lviv district 235
Zahirie, Rohatyn district 156
Zahorodky, Lviv circle 233
Zaiachuk, Onufrii 84
Zaiachuk, Vasyl 315
Zakharchuk, Kindra t 315
Zaklynsky, Leonid 237, 312
Zakomarie, Zolochiv district 100, 194,
309-10
Zalishchyky district 63-4
Zaliztsi 26
Zaliztsi Novi, Brody district 288
Zaluche, Kolomyia circle 14
Zanevych, losyf 316
Zapytiv, Lviv circle 233, 264, 283
Zaremba, Erazm 42, 48
Zarivny, Petro 316
Zarvanytsia 26
Zarytsky, D. 316
Zaszkowce 230
Zavaliv, Pidhaitsi district 112-14
Zavidovsky, 0.316
Zbarazh 26, 121, 134, 200; district 316
Zbarazh Staryi, Ternopil circle 234
Index
Zboriv, Zolochiv district/district capital
26, 166, 278; deanery 112
Zelenko, H nat 3 16
Zeleny, M. 99
Zeleny, Prokip 316
Zhabie, Kolomyia circle 118
Zhelekhivsky, Markil 73, 76
Zhelentsi, Chortkiv circle 277
Zheniv, Zolochiv circle 232
Zhmur, Klymentii 316
Zhovkva 26, 152, 235, 260, 265, 268,
310; circle 229; district 310; region
122
Zhuk, Oleksa 316
Zhulychi, Zolochiv circle, Zolochiv
district 60, 141,232
Zhuravno, Zhydachiv district 26, 289
Zhuravtsi, Rava Ruska district 277,
317
Zhuzhil, Sokal district 157,236,301
Zhybchyn, Petro 316
Zhydachiv district 80
Zhydiatychi, Lviv circle, Lviv district
227
Zhyravka, Lviv district 235
Ziembitsky, Hryhorii 317
Ziemialkowski, Florian 32
Znahiecki, Florian 83
Zolochiv 26, 41, 45; circle 13,35, 167;
district 134, 293, 309, 314; deanery
266
Zozulia, Zolochiv circle 232
Zukh, Maksym 317
Zurich 74
Zvarych, Havryshko 317
Zvarych, Hryhorii (Piznanka Hnyla)
317
Zvarych, Hrynko (Tsebriv) 317
Zvarych, I. 317
Zymna Voda, Lviv circle 229
John-Paul Himka