r;40

PLATE 1. PLATE 2. PLATE 3.

Fum:. PLAT 5.

FLATE4. PLATE 5.

24A
PLATE8A. PLATE8B. PLATE9.

PLATE 10. PLATE 11.

PLATE12A. PLATE12B. PLATE12C. PLATE12D

24B
 v > v :^^:P '.' WO';Rbd
e~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~- FFiA'

PLATE 13. PLATE 14.

P LATE 1 5 P LATE 1
6.'
PLATE15. PLATE 16.

PLATE 17. PLATE 18.

24C
PLATE 19. PLATE 20.

PLATE 21. PLATE 22.

PLATE23. PLATE24A. PLATE24B.

 CAPTIONS TO PLATES (PENIS SHEATHS)

PLATE 1. Plaited sheaths: Jos plateau and Verre (Pitt Rivers PLATE 13. Horn sheath:Kaleri(BritishMuseum1964Af 23.17).
MuseumNos. 1920. 58.3, 1920. 58.4, 1921. 28.5).
PLATE 2. Plaitedsheath:Akwe Shavante(BritishMuseum1959 PLATE 14. Kynodesme: Greek, 5th century B.C. (British
Am 10.28). Museum 1898 7-16 6).

PLATE 3. Basketry sheath: Zulu? (Alexander MacGregor PLATE 15. Mimika wearing a bamboo sheath (Cambridge
MemorialMuseum,Kimberley). Museumphoto: Wollaston).
PLATE 4. Gourd sheaths:Tapiro (BritishMuseum 1939Oc 52,
53). PLATE 16. Basketrysheath:Zulu (BritishMuseumSA 12).
PLATE 5. Gourdsheath:Nguni (BritishMuseum19224-13 69). PLATE 17. Gourd sheath with brush: Namchi (Pitt Rivers
PLATE 6. Gourd sheaths:Telefomin(BritishMuseum 1964 Oc Museum No. 1932. 59.15).
266, 268).
PLATE 18. Horn and wooden sheath with cords: Hill Miri
PLATE 7. Aluminium sheaths: South Africa (British Museum (Museum of Arch. & Eth. Cambridge52 258 A/B).
1954Af 23).
PLATE 8. Bamboo sheaths: Mimika (BritishMuseum 1939 Oc PLATE 19. Gourd sheath: Telefomin (photo: B. A. L. Cran-
5.42, 52). stone).
PLATE 9. Bamboo sheath: Mimika(Museumof Arch. & Eth. PLATE 20. Penis wrappers: New Caledonia (photo: Royal
Cambridge24.1176 P). AnthropologicalInstitute).
PLATE 10. Shell sheaths:AdmiraltyIslands(Pitt RiversMuseum
Nos. 1921. 93.192, 1921. 93.193, 1931. 86.322, PLATE 21. Penis wrappers:New Hebrides(Museumof Arch. &
1902. 4.3). Eth. Cambridge 1916 126 34, 35, 36).
PLATE 11. Skin and brass sheaths:Xhosa (Pitt Rivers Museum
Nos. 1900. 77.13, 1900. 77.14, 1878. 1.77). PLATE 22. Penis wrapper on an effigy of the dead: Malekula
(Pitt Rivers MuseumNo. 1900. 82.633).
PLATE 12. (A) Cocoon sheath: Pondon (Pitt Rivers Museum
No. 1923. 34.56). PLATE 23. Gourd sheaths with tassels: Bomvana (The Board
(B) Wooden sheath:Zulu (Museumof Arch. & Eth. and Director of the AlexanderMcGregorMemorial
Cambridge1876). Museum and Duggan-Cronin Bantu Gallery,
(c) Wooden sheath: South Africa (Pitt Rivers Kimberley).
MuseumNo. 1919. 29.98).
(D) Skin sheath: South Africa (British Museum 59 PLATE 24A, B. Wooden carving: Zulu (British Museum 1919
9-8 53). 12-5 1).

25
 PENIS SHEATHS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY
The Curl Lecture 1969
PETER J. UCKO
University College London

As far as I know the last lecture to be given on the the anthropological field. The essential difference
topic of penis confinement took place in about 1537. between studies of past cultures and modern ethno-
Fabricius discussed 'infibulation before his class .. .. graphic ones is that for the former material culture is
showed them a fibula and demonstrated before his often the major data available for study, whereas for
pupils how, when it was applied, sexual intercourse the latter material culture is just one aspect of what
became impossible' (Dingwall 1925: 44). I must make can be observed in the field or gathered from infor-
it clear that no such contortionist demonstration will mants. One result of this has been for much of the
be attempted here tonight. Instead I hope to discuss ethnographic study of material culture to become
generally some of the problems involved in any study concerned with ordering and morphological classi-
of material culture and at the same time I hope to fication,whereas archaeological study,besides directing
explore various aspects of a particular example of its attention more and more to field investigations, has
human ingenuity-the penis sheath.t made great progress in refiningconcepts and designing
new analytical methods with which to squeeze all
The study of material culture possible information from inanimate axes and pot-
As most of us are aware, the climate of anthro- sherds. The rather static museum studies of material
pological opinion in this country has tended in the culture ignore much of the sophistication and detail
recent past towards fission rather than fusion; in more of available anthropological data, while most social
and more university departments the classic subjects anthropologists nevertheless leave this area of
making up an anthropological degree have drawn investigation to their museum colleagues and con-
away from each other. In most cases it is the social centrate instead on theoretical abstraction. In so
anthropologists, preoccupied with their relationship doing, and by their tacit acceptance that archaeology
to sociology, who are in the positions of power and to is an independent discipline and no longer simply
whom belong the burdens of directing future a particular method of approach dependent on
developments of academic anthropology. For a excavation, anthropologists condemn the few remains
considerable time now the study of the material that we have of many peoples to sterile disintegration
cultures of small-scale societies has been primarily in museums. As more and more 'primitive' societies
confined to museum studies; the study of the material become part of 'literate empires' so the social anthro-
cultures of past peoples has become the field of pologist is becoming more and more preoccupied with
archaeology, a subjectwhich is now considered to have 'complex' societies, peasant communities and urbanisa-
its own discipline and which has achieved independence tion. He will soon be leaving the one tangible evidence
in many universities in this country. of 'primitive' societies to the curiosity of museum
I do not want to spend time reviewing the history visitors, to art historians and to archaeologists; he will
and causes of these developments but I do want to have failed in the task of analysing cultures as inte-
stress the general result of the present academic grated economic, technological, social and political
position. In remarkably few university departments systems. The material recorded by ethnographerswill
of anthropology in Britain is it thought necessary to simply have become more 'archaeological' material-
focus attention on the artefacts of the peoples whose more 'type fossils', analysable only by archaeological
social organisation, and occasionally whose physical statistical methods; and the pendulum will have swung.
make-up, are deemed essential knowledge for the As Clarke has recently put it: '. . . with the current
undergraduate student. Museums of ethnography demise of ethnology in academic circles it is interesting
and archaeology, once the pride of some lucky univer- to notice that archaeology is taking on many of the
sity departments, have become academic embarrass- tasks and problems formerly left to the ethnologist'
ments-their futures unclear and the space that they (Clarke 1968: 13). As it is inevitable that the small-
occupy coveted. In short, despite the works of such scale societies will continue to disappear, so it is all
authors as Malinowski (e.g. 1922: 105-224; 1931) the the more important that they should be studied now.
study of material culture has in general become the At the moment it is still possible to claim that to be a
poor handmaiden of other aspects of anthropology good prehistorian one must also be an anthropologist
and its methods and aims are in some way considered but in the future it may well be that to be an anthro-
less sophisticated than are those of modern social pologist, as opposed to a sociologist, one will have to
anthropology. be an archaeologist (e.g. Ucko 1968: 420; 1969: 264).
This present situation is, to my mind, as dangerous It is the major aim of this paper to suggest that at
and as much in need of urgent review as any other in this time when social anthropologists are concerned

27
 with redefiningthe aims of their subject it is vital that embark on detailed discussion of penis sheaths I
they should recognise the rightful place of studies of should like to stress two particular points. First, that
material culture within anthropology. To my mind my aims in this paper are strictly limited; I wish
the strange assumption that an expert on primitive primarily to indicate how wide and multifaceted any
pottery or weaving is somehow less of an anthro- useful study of a human artefact must be. This
pologist than the expert on plural societies is a limited aim almost inevitably implies that various
dangerous and illfounded one, which holds out little parts of this paper will appear obvious and perhaps
hope for the future development of anthropology as simplistic to different sections of its readers;I can only
an integrated academic subject. As I hope to show hope that the general picture resulting from a study
here, the study of human artefacts can act as a bridge of penis sheaths will be to some extent novel.
between most other aspects of anthropology; in this The second point that I would like to stress is that
sense it should be a central interest of any anthro- this study is not based on any new fieldwork, and the
pological department. Any subject which can provide nature of the literature is such that much of the
common ground for the varying and disparate information which would be needed for reasonable
interests of anthropologists, and which at the same analysis of myth or for reasonably based inductions
time commands the interests of the public, must be regarding culture history simply does not exist. I will
considered invaluable at this time. No one can tell therefore be able to give little of the social, political or
at the present moment where the various interests of economic background which would be required for
sociology, human biology and archaeology will lead any satisfactory social anthropological study. There
the integrative subject of anthropology, but acontinued are large gaps in the literature and, furthermore, some
or increasing emphasis on the relation of environ- of what does exist is contradictory even on quite
ment to culture seems certain. A central basis in specific points of fact. It is remarkable, for example,
material culture from which all these interests can that Miklucho-Maclay (1878: 113) maintains that the
develop can only benefit the whole subject. To be inhabitants of Taui Island in the Admiralties urinate
central is often to be ignored and it is uniquely to the through a small hole in their penis shell, whereas
credit of the Royal Anthropological Institute that a Thilenius (1902: 129) claims that they are always
lecture exists whose content is specifically decreed to removed for this purpose; similarly the explicit claim
be non-sociological and which is nevertheless spon- that the Unkia of New Guinea urinate through their
sored by anthropologists. penis gourds has been challenged because of the
In a recent article in Man it has been argued that observation that not all the gourds used have the
the present lack of interest in material culture is end cut off (Karius & Champion 1928: 95, 101).
primarily due to a change in fashion (Heider 1969: Perhaps even more disturbing is the fact that the
379); I suggest, rather, that the social anthropologist's most detailed statements regarding social status and
lack of interest in this subject is primarily due to his the wearing of particular sheath types are found in a
ignorance of what such studies are, or at least should recent popular book on New Guinea. It is said about
be, all about. Classically, studies of material culture an unspecified tribe in an 'unknown valley' that the
and primitive technology have been involved with women have exclusive control of the cultivation of
several different aspects of man's adaptation to his gourds and that it is they who choose the gourds and
environment, analysis of the processes of innovation fix them correctly on to the penis. These gourds 'must
and diffusion, and the understanding of the techniques not be a fraction of an inch too long . .. the wives of
employed in the manufacture of cultural artefacts. the men who have the biggest gourds . . . swell with
From here studies of material culture proceed to pride as they measure up their husband's against the
analysis of the function of the artefacts and/or lesser fry . . . I shall always remember the admiring
classification of these artefacts, a classification based glances of a young husband as his wife looked at him
most usually on morphology but sometimes on with that ambiguity common to all women, but here
function. Most active work by ethnographers on ma- you could hardly tell whether he was admiring his ...
terial culture has in the recent past been based on gourd or was gazing lovelornly into her eyes, for they
museum studies and their classifications have been were both in the same place. His gourd was so large
primarily exercises in ordering material. Previously, that it extended to the face' (Davis 1969: 164-5).
however, and currently as far as the material culture Almost every specific point in this account is contra-
of past populations is concerned, the primary aim of dicted in more serious literature. The deplorable state
such classifications is to study distributions with a of much of the literature2 can, I think, be largely
view to understanding culture history and culture explained by the lack of interest in material culture of
contacts. many of the social anthropologists who have occasion-
I make no apology for mentioning these methods ally merely recorded the existence of such, to my mind,
and aims nor for considering them to be vital aspects striking penial appendages. It is certainly clear that
of anthropological investigation. I will, however, the literature on penis sheaths, despite its interest for
seek to show in the context of penis sheaths that such those concerned with economic anthropology, with
analysis should lead to a consideration of a much primitive art, with status organisation and with
wider range of anthropological topics. Before I medical anthropology, is largely unknown. Another

28
 of my aims is, therefore, to review and to attempt to enquiry.5 Thus shell plaques and even whole shells
ordera large, scattered and confusing literature. The which serve simply as hangings in front of the penis
one positive aspect is the excellence of many of our are not included in this study for they do not conform
museum collections which include a wide, although to the whole meaning of my initial definition;6 shells
sadly neglected,3variety of specimens of penis sheaths into which the penis is actually placed are, of course,
from different areas of the world. included.7 Possibly the main rationale for the
Penis sheaths. The first important step is to define exclusion of general pubic coverings and the inclusion
the area of investigation in this paper and, perhaps only of techniques involving confinement of the glans
surprisingly,this is by no means an easy step to take; penis is to introduce a further element into this study,
nor is it one without important consequences for it namely the important distinction between penis and
immediately brings to the fore a distinction to which glans penis on the one hand and scrotum on the other.
I will return several times in this paper; the distinction Whereas in many small-scale societies it is either the
between morphology and function. One dictionary penis or the glans penis which is singled out for
definition of a sheath is that it confines something, sheathing practices, the scrotum in the vast majority
in the context of this paper the glans penis; in this of cases is left unconfined and open to view.8 Clearly
sense all clothing of the lower part of the body could this further functional restriction has morphological
be called a sheath but a second dictionary definition implications for the main element under analysis here
states that a sheath is a close-fitting cover. The is a penis/glans penis cover, and specifically such.
starting point of this investigation will be a close Inclusion of any scrotum covering is secondary, and
fitting cover of the glans penis, but an immediate only occurs when it forms part of a penis sheath.
refinementmust be acknowledged; not all sheaths are Function and morphology. Recent argument by
necessarilymanufacturedobjects although the methods those studying material culture has centred on the
of fastening them must involve the use of an artefact. problem of whether analysis should be based
As will be seen later in some detail, some people exclusively on function or morphology (e.g. Tippett
'sheath' the glans with the prepuce which is fastened, 1968). To my mind such extreme positions are not
in many differentways, so as to confine the glans penis required at the present time; material culture can be
with a tight fitting cover. These practices, when they studied from two complementary starting points-
include manufactured artefacts securing the end of the first, as part of a larger cultural activity and second as
prepuce, will all be included for analysis in this a system of its own (see Clarke 1968: 649). The fact
paper. that this investigation starts from a functional basis
My initial starting point is thus primarily a non- with restricted morphological implications makes any
morphological one, but one which depends on a morphological pattern which may emerge from cross-
particular function, sheathing the glans penis. That I cultural investigation, whether synchronic or dia-
am able to start from function is the virtue of dealing chronic, all the more worthwhile and possibly
with ethnography; the prehistorian who studies significant (and this view is, I would maintain, valid
material culture must, except in the most rare cases, despite the views of such authorities as Steward
start from a purely morphological basis. This is a (1954: 54) who have over-simplified and over-stressed
most important point for, as Steward has argued the superficial differences between morphology and
(1954: 55-6), it is at the functional and not the function). If there is one thing which distinguishes
morphological level that cross-cultural comparisons the study of material culture from most other aspects
are at their most useful. Nevertheless it is important of anthropological investigation, it is that its data are
to realise that my narrow functional definition implies manufactured objects, the result of some technological
nothing with regard to the wider functional meaning process, and I therefore make no apology for insisting
(or meanings) of the particular practices. In other on the potential importance of morphological studies.
words although the function of all these artefacts is to The essential quality of material culture studies is
confine the glans penis, this definition does not define that re-analysis is possible at all times; in other words,
the context of use. It can include everyday wear as with changing attitudes and interests the basic material
well as special accoutrements which confine the glans can be re-investigated at any time without the charge
penis during sexual intercourse. However this being levelled, so common in the social anthropological
restricted functional definition does have several field, that the societies themselves will have changed
necessary morphological concomitants; the sheath considerably between the time of first recording and
must be shaped so as to cover the whole penis (i.e. it subsequent re-investigation. It is at this point that
must be roughly cylindrical) or it must be shaped so as the artificiality of the present academic division
to fit directly on to the glans (i.e. globular, cubic or between the study of present day and past material
pyramidal), or it must be designed to fasten the end culture becomes evident, for the qualities of the
of the prepuce (i.e. clamp, ring, or thread). Arbi- material under consideration are exactly the same in
trarily, perhaps, all general covers, binding, painting both cases and the methodology and many of the
or even tattooing4 of the pubic area which are without aims coincide. Despite all the sophistication of
special elements designed especially to confine the modern analysis of prehistory the essential tenet of
glans or the whole penis, are omitted from this any material culture investigation is, and must be,

29
 that the morphology of artefacts is a reality which a hip/waist girdle. Many peoples cover themselves in
reflects some cultural situation and that this level of substantial artefacts, varying from the fully tailored
social reality is no more or less meaningful than any outfit of the Eskimo or the robeS of the Muslim Hausa
other that may be discerned by analysis. It is the job to the few skins of the Tierra del Fuegians. Penis or
of those who study material culture, whether in an glans confinement by means of some sort of sheathing
ethnographic or in an archaeological context, to try device occurs among certain groups of people irres-
to establish how social and cultural realities are pective of the amount, or nature, of other clothing used
reflected in the material evidence (see Deetz 1967: 7, by them. Thus, although the majority of peoples to
11, 52). To dismiss the importance of morphology by be discussed wear nothing or little else besides the
stressing that the same morphological club type may penis sheaths, some combine their use with headdress,
serve very different purposes (Tippett 1968: 76) is to loin cloth and elaborate clothing. Since European
ignore the main point and fascination of material contact, several cases occur where their use accom-
culture studies. In the words of Clarke (1968: 120, panies the wearing of shirts and even, as will be seen
364) 'artefacts . . . embody information-congealed later, of trousers. Despite several statements in the
information about the orientation of a culture's literature, the use of penis sheaths is not confined to
perceptor, information about the actions integrated in New Guinea. In fact penis or glans sheaths are, or
their fabrication, information about their intent, and were, found also in Africa, various Pacific islands,
information about the "sensory" level of the culture's North and South America and the Himalayas (see
technology . .. artefacts represent coded information pl. 18) (e.g. Mills 1926: pl. 35; Haimendorf 1947: 110,
of great variety and capable of direct interpretationor 118, 120; 1955: pl. 29). From representations it
misinterpretation by individuals both inside and appears that some forms of penis confinement were
outside the manufacturing culture . . . [Material] used in ancient Egypt, north and east Africa, Minoan
culture maps a real entity that really existed . . . that Crete and the Cyclades; actual discoveries confirm
this entity is not identical to the historical, the political, their existence in ancient Egypt and suggest their
the linguistic or racial entities does not make it the possible use in some parts of the prehistoric Near
less real or important . .. the entities in all these fields East (see Hole et al. 1969: 232-3). Representations
are equally real, equally arbitraryand simply different' and literature show that they were in use in ancient
(and see also Ford 1954: 47). Morphological con- Greece and in Etruscan and Roman Italy. In more
tinuity or discontinuity will sometimes correspond to modern times, the use of codpieces from the late
functional continuity (e.g. Tippett 1968) and dis- fourteenth to the late sixteenth or early seventeenth
continuity but not necessarily so; where such centuries is well known. Certain isolated cases of
correspondence is not found the morphological status glans confinementmay have existed among the modern
of the investigation is as deserving of the anthro- Eskimo and the Japanese. Before looking at this
pologists' interest as is the functional situation. It is distribution in some more detail, there is yet another
simply not good enough to dismiss the importance of important theoretical consideration to be kept in
morphological studies in the terms adopted recently mind.
by Tippett (1968: 25) who maintains that mor- It has recently been claimed, admittedly in a rather
phological classification, where it does not coincide different context, that it is to Levi-Strauss's 'lasting
with functional analysis, is simply a reflection of over- credit that . . . it . . . is once again intellectually
objectivity on the part of the modern western observer. respectable to indulge in broad cross-cultural com-
In terms of the clubs, mentioned above, it is as parisons, especially in areas where sophisticated
pertinent to ask why the same club types are used in anthropologists have been evading comparison ever
certain different contexts and why different club types since the days of Sir James Frazer' (Leach 1967: xvi).
are used in the same contexts, as it is to concentrate on Leach in this statement ignores the fact that cross-
function and context to the exclusion of morphology. cultural comparisons have always been the mainstay
It is for this reason that social anthropologists cannot of sophisticated studies of material culture and that
simply dismiss the sophistication and results of some they are implicit in the avowed aim of studies of
attempts at classifying material objects by maintaining material culture to show human reactions to different
that all this evidence could be obtained from observa- environmental and cultural situations. As I have
tion of actual practice or from informants. Nor, for tried to show elsewhere (Ucko 1969: 263-4), it is in
the same reason, can one simply maintain, despite all the realm of cross-cultural comparisons that some
the archaeologists' classifications and typologies, that serious divergence has begun to appear between the
they can never reach a position more advanced than work of those studying modern material culture and
that from which the ethnographer starts his observa- those concerned with archaeological material culture.
tion. These different levels of analysis inherent in the I have argued that in the context of studies of material
study of any material culture should not appear culture, the comparative method focuses attention on
strange to those working in social anthropological a variety of cultural responses to what may appear to
fields. be similar situations. In such cases, and especially
Cross-culturalanalysis. There are many people who where one is dealing with a universal human predica-
do not clothe themselves at all; some are content with ment and one which allows only a limited range of

30
 solutions, cross-cultural similarities and differences studies to concentrate not only on gross morphological
are at their most interesting, and at the same time are analysis but also on less obvious morphological dis-
most difficult to interpret. I was prompted to make tinctions (such as pre- and post-usage), on the details
these observations in the context of burial rites, and of the construction of the artefacts, as well as on such
it may appear far-fetched to argue the same with vital aspects as their social contexts, in order to
regardto glans sheathing but, in every society, whether distinguish between those similarities which may
or not it recognises physiological paternity, the penis reflect cultural contact and those which may be the
must, at the very least, have served to define half of result of independent or convergent evolution.
the population. For any society which does not I have spent considerable time in discussion of both
simply hide the male organ beneath a garment cover- the definition of the objects and practices to be dis-
ing the whole of the lower part of the body there are cussed in this paper and the aims of material culture
only a few possibilities left; to allow the penis to remain studies. I hope that from this starting point I have
unencumbered in its natural state, to place it within avoided the pitfalls against which Heider (1969: 380)
some form of sheath, or to anchor it in some unnatural has warned when discussing Dani attire; namely, the
position. Where the penis is not allowed to hang restrictive pressures involved in starting from a purely
loosely in its normal flaccid state the various possi- 'exclusive category'. As far as I am concerned, to
bilities for human ingenuity are limited and at the start from limited functional-morphological criteria
same time they are concerned with an area of the leaves open all options regarding subsequent method.
body which can be assumed to be of universal sexual
significance. In other words, I am dealing with a Distribution
situation where the common denominator is the penis/ We have seen that one of the established aims in
glans which can be assumed to be associated with studies of material culture is to investigate processes
ideas of virility (and all the symbolism and emotion and results of cultural diffusion and innovation, and
which may go with this concept) and at the same time one of its main tools has been the use of distribution
with an area of human activity which, for those people maps. Clearly I have not the time here to enter into
who do not simply leave the penis to its own devices, the details of argument which make up the distribu-
allows only limited ingenuity. It is exactly this tions that I have prepared and I must content myself
situation of restricted solution to a universal human with saying simply that these maps extend in several
predicament which offers the challenge to so many ways previous attempts to plot distributions of penis
studies of material culture. It should force such sheaths.9

A,

DAUCWAEOLQ6GCAL EVIDENCE
<
~~~~~~~~*
*
*
*
Sn*rH
U[ GouRzSEf>

* LEAF

AV r.GRQ,\ssSa4EVAT?
g ) s~~~~PENtS
ISiELL

FIGURE 1.
Distributionof sheathingpracticesin South America.

31
 South America mountainous areas of Peru which are characterisedby
The cultural distribution in the Americas (fig. 1) of the relatively widespread practice pf prepuce tying
the practice of confining the glans penis is concentrated (Steward & Metraux 1948: 571). All that can be said
in the Amazonian basin and along the north coastal about this restricted South American distribution is
region of South America. In the vast majority of that glans confinement is common in the mountainous
cases the South American practice consists of binding areas, in areas of tropical forest and in various isolated
the prepuce over the glans and placing the penis erect tribal groups, and that this practice has a remarkably
under some form of belt; in a significant minority of limited distribution in eastern Brazil. Most attempts
cases some form of manufactured sheath is used; and to characterise particular tribal groups otherwise
among a few peoples the prepuce is tied over the glans defined by language, on the basis of the absence or
and the penis is left in its natural flaccid position. presence of glans confinement have been shown to be
As was said long ago by Friederici (1912: 155), the inadequate by more recent observation (e.g. Zerries's
South American distributions of different ways of (1964: 120) now outdated claim that only one Ge tribe
confining the glans penis overlap considerably; and, had such a practice). There are a few more specific
in general, sheathing which itself has been occasion- suggestions concerned with the relationship between
ally used to define a culture area, does not in fact individual tribal groups rather than with general
conform very closely to culture areas which have been distribution. Polykrates (1962: 86-7) suggests some
distinguished on quite different criteria. When we possible cultural affinity between the Kashuiana, the
look at the materials used for the manufacture of Parantintin and the Tupi, for they alone wear long
sheaths we find a northern distribution for the use of manufactured sheaths of various vegetable fibres, and
gourd and the occasional grass example, and an he draws attention to evidence that the Kashuiana
eastern distribution (south of the Amazon) for the formerly lived at the mouth of the Tapajoz and might
use of leaves and the occasional grass example. therefore have been in contact with the Tupi.
Nordenskiold (1924: 148) had already observed this Similarly Caspar suggests cultural affinity between
discontinuous distribution and had suggested that those Brazilian tribes of the Guapore and Mochado
those tribes who now wear aprons had previously used rivers who wear a particular distinctive leaf sheath
penis sheaths or had tied the prepuce beyond the (1952: 155; 1953: 209). Outside the mainland of
glans. The gaps in distribution (many of which South America, northwardsto the Gulf of Mexico, the
cannot be ascribed to lack of recording) point the penis is occasionally bound'upright under a belt. In
lesson that we must be cautious in assuming that this North America the Mandans bound the prepuce over
trait is particularly useful for assessing culture con- the glans with deer sinew at least for the performance
tacts; such gaps are found, for example, within the of certain rites (see Catlin 1967: 58).1o

* ~~~~~&AA?

A*

't
ovmD1
'.tt*X

JAMBOO~~~~

O OU94, IA, \* l

A SIAE ALL
HONA N
A VEGAThlE~- 1*b1?, IlE1 ?_ ';;
* HORN*lSll9 , C

Sn
o 0ons

FIGURE 2.
Distributionof sheathingpracticesin New Guinea.
New Guinea
The practice of tying up the penis under a belt is also other form of glans confinement. The best known
found widely scattered in New Guinea (fig. 2), of New Guinea methods of penis confinement is the
extending further eastwards in New Guinea than any one isolated by Graebner as part of his Oceanic

32
'totemic' complex (e.g. Graebner 1924: 49): the use of whereas, rather more convincingly, other authors have
manufactured sheaths. Bamboo, and also nets, are stressed the scattered nature of the present day
restricted to a few isolated areas, whereas the use of distribution, have insisted on the speed of change of
nuts is widespread and scattered. Concentrations are such practices, and have postulated previous culture
evident in the use of shell sheaths on the south coast areas whose identity is now disguised by changes in
and along many of the south-draining rivers such as custom. Some authorities have focused on the details
the Fly, Baliem and Digoel and in the use of gourds of sheathing practices, particular decorative devices
on the north coast, but almost exclusively in the and technological features such as the position of the
Highlands. The distribution of the use of gourd opening into which the penis is inserted. These
sheaths is now known to be quite extensive from the attempts have met with only limited success in charac-
April and Strickland rivers in the east to the Wayland terising cultural areas, the most convincing being the
mountains in the west." Most authorities have identification of the coastal New Guinea Mimika
correctly taken the use of the gourd sheath as a peoples with the use of distinctive bamboo sheaths.
Highland trait and the use of some other form of penis Detailed analysis of bamboo sheath designs led
concealment, especially shells, as a Lowland one; Haddon and Layard (1916: 35) to isolate three different
Le Roux (1948) and Reisenfeld (1946) identify types of sheath whose geographical distribution is not
particular areas as intermediate regions where well defined. A stone figure from the Huon peninsula
gourds and shells, shells and nuts or gourds and net/ with the representation of a figure with penis held
aprons occur together. In general some authors have upwards suggests that some of these practices may in
stressed the cultural continuity of the areas across the past have extended further eastwards (Neuhaus
which the use of a particular type of sheath is found 1911: fig. 59, 1).

I ?gNI$ 1I6ip uPWACP5

'-f~. PENTE osr

MLROEMf AM8 RY

LEPINNNJ1 Of AN4WA

HEo - PtA
LMA

NEWCAI.EtON4 LILA 'TV| U

e CPF A9 S h~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~IE
DP.$ FIRS5

AAVANEW vNtrctI 0

F-N BRI
j4EW q'LAI 3TAIN

0 S 0O I$LAN

~~cSO~~.OM0N ~SANTIA
C) 'O

,EBAUS W gS
A SHEAIt I
a GouRD O tePAUSTALIA FIT
U.
ASWELL + Wj +ip UP OFrTi

-j
CXQ^sS i AYES \tNEW CALEDOtAIA 4>eat% St

o 6O0aes

FIGURE 3.
Distributionof sheathingpracticesin the South West Pacific.

33
 South-westPacific formerly often called Papuan. Within so-called
In the Gambier Islands and in several of the Mar- Melanesian areas we find three possibilities: either
quesas the prepuce was tied beyond the glans and the no practice of penis confinement exists, or the penis is
penis allowed to hang naturally, a practice known occasionally bound up to a belt, or a penis wrapper
from the South Americas but not from the south-west is used. That the prepuce bound and held up to a
Pacific. Within the islands of the south-west Pacific waist belt also occurred in Polynesia is clear from
(fig. 3) the distribution of penis confinement is classical Maori practice (e.g. Best 1940: 296; Biggs
strikingly discontinuous. Shell sheaths are worn in 1960: 15; Mead 1969: 37).
most of the Admiralty Islands, whereas New Britain On the basis of certain particular similarities in
and New Ireland, except apparentlyfor very occasional penis covers several more specific theories were
tying up of the penis under the belt in the former, developed. Thus, despite differences in modes of
practise no penis confinement. With the probable attachment and materials, Speiser (1933: 189) deduced
exception of Ulawa Island no penis confinement exists that diffusion to New Caledonia came from the north
in any of the Solomon Islands, Santa Cruz or Tikopia. and not direct from Arue. The existence of penis
Further south, however, many varied practices occur, sheaths throughout Malekula was taken by Deacon
particularly the penis tied up under the belt both with (1934: 10), although he distinguished different forms
and without previous wrapping of the penis in of penis wrappers, as evidence of the overall cultural
different materials, and these practices are concen- identity of the island. For the whole region of the
trated in the New Hebrides, the Loyalty Islands and New Hebrides Deacon stresses that the custom of
New Caledonia. The majority of attempts to deduce wearing a penis sheath is restricted to the islands with
culture history from practices of penis confinement patrilineal descent, and he explained the current
have been concerned with this discontinuous Melan- distribution in terms of various influxes of different
esian distribution and many suggestions have been peoples. At first the organisation of the islands was
made regarding the relation between sheathing and matrilineally based; under the influence of immigrants
circumcision. The two main general explanations are who practised incision and who wore penis sheaths
those by Rivers (1914: 432-6) and Speiser(1934: 138-9), the organisation changed to a patrilineal one. A
both making free use of postulated incursions of further invasion occurred this time of a 'mat-skirt
different peoples into the area. For Rivers some culture' which occupied matrilineal areas and did not
form of operation on the foreskin was an indigenous extend very far southwards. However this mat-skirt
Polynesian practice; when the later Kava peoples came culture did reach 'the coastal areas of Malekula, where
into the area they came without their own women. although the man's penis sheath survived the fringed
In order to be accepted by the indigenous women the petticoat of the women gave place to the mat-skirt'
Kava men had to be circumcised and yet they had a (Deacon 1934: 706).
dread of exposing the glans; to neutralise the results It is worth noting that none of these cultural
of such exposure they adopted penis covers. Layard reconstructions makes any reference to reports that
(1942: 478), in rejecting this explanation for the New either in the past or still today the Maoris of New
Hebrides, nevertheless accepted the association Zealand, some groups in the Philippines, certain
between penis wrapper and incision/circumcision. Japanese and the natives of Nias Island, west of
According to Speiser nakedness was originally a Sumatra, all tied or tie the prepuce to cover the glans
Papuan trait whereas both clothing and circumcision or tie the penis up to the belt.
derived from Melanesia; before circumcision was
introduced the penis was allowed to hang freely. Africa
Speiser's two main tenets are 1) that when Melanesian Penis confinement in Africa (fig. 4) is restricted
circumcision spread into areas where loin cloths were ethnographically to large areas of west Africa, many
worn the practice developed of placing the penis under South African tribes'2 and some parts of the Congo
the belt; and 2) when circumcision spread into areas (the apparent scattered distribution in the Congo is
without clothing the penis was placed either into a probably the result of inadequate recording). In the
shell or into some sort of wrapper. To explain the vast majority of cases the confinement takes the form
whole distribution, however, Speiser had to postulate of manufacturedpenis or glans sheaths. The literature
that in a certain few areas where circumcision was deals with this African distribution in two rather
adopted, the penis was nevertheless left hanging; such different ways, either concentrating on local group or
areas of circumcision and nudity were, according to tribal affiliations or stressing the great antiquity of the
Speiser, marginal. But the complexity is still greater, African penis confinement trait and pointing out the
for Speiser had to admit that in certain areas of nudity major lines of development and distribution. In the
circumcision was rejected, and yet penis covers were local west African context interest has centred on
adopted and, besides, he gave no explanation as to showing how certain tribal groups, such as the Bafia
how a penis shell could be fastened onto a circumcised in what is now East Cameroon are distinct from other
penis. Furthermore the distribution of penis confine- groups within the same supposed culture areas
ment in this area shows a remarkable association (Tessmann 1934: 83). For the Bafia the suggestion is
between the use of manufactured sheaths and areas that they fall within the cultural influence of the

34
 A AA
4ogAt A

Is 'h9 OA AA

A SIAEPTHs

g 4P1A9
PsREPU TIE N *oB*JL
A IO

FIGURE 4.
Distributionof sheathingpracticesin Africa.

central Sudan, while the use of sheaths in Adamawa in and the semi-Bantu. For the Bantu-speaking tribes
Nigeria is accepted by many (e.g. Meek 1931: 378; of southern Africa the emphasis has been on con-
1925: 41) as showing an ancient connexion with nexions between specific tribal groups and the
the Plateau. Such observations are elaborated in two borrowing of differentsheath types (defined morpholo-
different ways which may appear somewhat con- gically) by one group from another. Frequently the
tradictory; one line of argument accepts the custom of suggestion is that tribal groups who originally had
wearing penis sheaths as a mark of certain tribes such their own distinctive penis confinement practices
as the Chamba of Adamawa Province, the Guisiga of eventually adopted a Zulu type of glans cover (e.g.
Northern Cameroon and the Zango Verre of Yibango, Junod 1927: 95); but, unfortunately, this sequence of
distinguishing them from surrounding tribes of other- events in the majority of cases is difficultto authenticate
wise similar cultural traditions. The other approach in view of the wide variety of practices of the Zulu
is to equate the use of sheaths with wide cultural or themselves and the confusion of terminology in the
linguistic groupings; thus for northern Nigeria Meek literature. The most elaborate scheme is that offered
(1925: 41) claims that all sheath wearers are semi- by Junod (1927: 626) for the Thonga who, it is
Bantu peoples, while those of the French Sudan are suggested, may already have worn a cylindrical or
taken to belong to the Volta family. Following this conical glans cover made of plaited palm leaf (the
line of argument the use of sheaths is taken as evidence Mbaya) in a pre-Bantu period. Later, until c. 1500,
of an ancient connexion between the Plateau Bantu they may have continued to wear the same mbaya.

35
 In the third period, from 1800 to 1820, Junod claims Ucko 1967: 351-3), been completely overlooked.
that they definitely wore the mbaya while, after 1820 Elliot Smith, himself, saw the penis sheath distribution
(but see below for comments on this date), and until as reflecting cultural continuity from Pre-Dynastic
they adopted European dress they wore a polished Egypt into historical times; from Egypt he considered
round glans cover made of gourd or wood (the the practice to have spread into Nubia and hence,
shifado) which Junod claims was derived from the after a considerable lapse of time, into east Africa.
Zulu. In some cases these two approaches have been
Some suggestions have been made for Africa, as reconciled, the ancient Libyans being considered as
also for Melanesia, that circumcision and penis representatives of basic African culture and historic
sheathing have a parallel distribution. More recent Egyptian representations of people wearing sheaths
study, however, has shown that confinement of the therefore being interpretedas depicting either Libyans
penis/glans is found both amongst tribes who do or Nubians (see Fischer 1961: 74). The views of those
practise circumcision and those who do not. No one who have stressed that the Egyptian sheath might have
has suggested for the African data, as they have for had a restricted function, such as for use in hunting
Melanesia, that this distribution was the result of (e.g. Fischer 1961: 68) or that the Libyan sheath
partial adoption of practices introduced by incoming might have served a quite different purpose from that
peoples. of sheaths worn elsewhere (e.g. Bates 1914: 122) have
been largely ignored. Suggestions of some kind of
meaningful similarity between the sheaths of such
Egypt diversepeoples as the Libyans, Pre- and Proto-Dynas-
The wider interest in African sheaths has focused tic Egyptians, Minoans, Myceneans, modern Moba,
on the long antiquity of penis confinement in the modern Thonga and New Caledonians gained much
African continent as well as its modern distribution. more attention (e.g. Evans 1927: 20-1; Legge 1900:
Penis sheaths of several forms are known from repre- 133-5; 1909: 300; Luschan 1900: 505; 1901: 197-200,
sentations dating from the Pre- and Proto-Dynastic and see Pendlebury 1939: 268).
(before c. 3000 B.C.) periods of Egypt until at least
the end of the Middle Kingdom, c. 1780 B.C. while Interpretationof distribution
the evidence of rock art from some stage of prehistory At the beginning of this paper I made no apologies
reveals similar practices in Algeria, Upper Egypt and for the continued interest in distinguishing indepen-
Rhodesia (e.g. Flamend 1921: 82; Winkler 1938: 20; dent invention from convergent and parallel evolution
Lee & Woodhouse 1966: 115). There have been two and from diffusion. I must stress, however, that the
major arguments concerning the antiquity of this correct distinction between these processes is vital and
practice. According to the first the similarities only when this has been satisfactorily accomplished
between the ancient and modern custom indicate the can historical inferences and deductions be usefully
basically African nature of early Egyptian culture, an undertaken. I would suggest that these distinctions
African basis which continued well into historic times were sadly missing from the works of the majority of
(e.g. Junod 1927: 93, note 1; Luschan 1900: 505). authors reviewed so far. In the first place, we are
The second view, which is by far the more popular, is confronted with a highly discontinuous distribution,
that the wearing of a sheath in ancient times was a worldwide but with the trait separatedby vast distances
Lybian characteristic (e.g. Bates 1914: 122; Naville and enormous time spans, a distribution which may
1900: 68; Winckler 1938: 20). According to this view lend itself to explanation in terms of independent
the Pre- and Proto-Dynastic representations are evolution, assuming that the same solution has been
evidence of original Libyan contact (or even identity) found to satisfy a basic need for protection which has
with ancient Egyptians; later historic representations arisen at different times and in different areas (e.g.
are in the majority of cases interpreted again as Chauvet 1936: 99) (and see Luschan 1901: 117-200).
Libyans. This almost universal equation between the Secondly, we have a practice which can be considered
wearing of a penis sheath and the Libyan identity has specific and unusual enough to suggest cultural con-
led to several ingenious attempts at deciphering the nexions. This last view is supported not only by
meaning of several Proto-Dynastic ornamented numerous archaeologists who have postulated some
palettes in terms of invading populations and the cultural connexions between ancient Egypt (with or
enslavement of indigenous peoples (Legge 1900: without the Libyans), Minoan Crete and ancient
125-39; 1909: 297, 300, 309). Recent re-analysis, Greece, on the basis of representations of the sheath-
however, of several of the historic representations has ing practice, but also by some ethnologists who, in
made it quite clear that many of the individuals shown perhaps the most extreme form, have seen in this
wearing sheaths are in fact Egyptians (see e.g. distribution (excepting the Himalayas (plate 18)
Blackman 1914: 3; 1915: 19; Fischer 1961: 68, 74). about which they were apparently unaware) evidence
Furthermore Elliot Smith's observation (1923: 83) of the diffusion of a negro trait not only across Africa
that there was undeniable direct evidence for Pre- from the western Sudan but also from Africa to
Dynastic Egyptian peoples themselves having worn Melanesia, New Guinea and South America (Jeffreys
penis sheaths has, until recently (Holscher 1955: 37; 1968: 305-17).

36
 In other words, I insist on the continuing importance take one of the more convincing of the suggestions
of the old familiar questions posed by at least the reviewed above, before we can assess the likelihood of
cultural and physical anthropologists; how similar do the Kashuiena, the Parantintin and the Tupi having
traits have to be to constitute possible evidence of past previously been in contact because all these groups
contact and how can one distinguish such similarities wear sheaths we must attempt in several differentways
from those derived from other factors such as the to evaluate how close the similar practice of sheathing
situation to be dealt with, or the chance appearance really is amongst these peoples. In this specific case,
of similar traits. And I insist too on the importance Polykrates has started from an overall morphological
of Forde's emphasis on the specific similarity of form similarity based primarily on size and has, rightly or
or content as opposed to what in this context we can wrongly, taken this similarityas being more significant
call general morphological or sociological parallelism than other differences in morphology, the use of
(Forde 1959: 199). In studies of material culture different vegetable materials in their construction and
(and I am not at all sure that this does not equally the very different techniques involved: the Parantintin
apply to other studies of anthropological interest) it folding some twelve arumaleaves on top of each other
is clear that different facets of activity may develop or (Nimuendaju 1924: 254-5) to form conical tubes to
remain relatively static independently of each other hang down from the penis, the Kashuiana plaiting their
(e.g. Ucko 1969: 263). This is an important and sheaths with an opening in the side for the insertion of
complex point for it can be argued with equal logic the penis which is then attached by cords round the
that on the one hand it is the specific non-generalised waist, and between the legs and up across the buttocks
parallel between cultures that is the really meaningful (Polykrates 1962: 86-7).
clue to cultural contact (Ucko & Rosenfeld 1967: 153;
and see Jeifreys 1968: 315-16) and on the other hand Relative stability
that it is the number of similar traits shared by different Within the context of the relative stability of the
cultures that can distinguish between homology and trait we may distinguish 1) the attitude of the peoples
analogy (Balfour 1936: 11; and see Jeffreys 1968: 309), concerned, 2) the speed of change associated with the
or it can be argued that both kinds of similarities have trait, and 3) the variety of practices within a tribe or
their own value (e.g. Ucko & Rosenfeld 1967: 153-8). culture area.
Following Rowe (1965-6: 336), we may go a stage Attitudes towardssheaths. It is, I think, relevant to
further and say that even in situations where the realise that my insistence on the importance of study-
details of form or content may be similar we need ing human artefacts at the beginning of this paper was
not even then postulate diffusion. But we are then, not solely the view of an outside observer wishing to
and this is the important point, confronted with a study culture history but is also an attitude held by
crucial question-why have two or more peoples, in many of the peoples concerned. Their interest in
widely dispersed areas or at widely different dates, material objects is of course partly to be explained in
adopted the same solution to a particular problem or terms of time, labour and economics (see below) but
why have they responded in the same particular way it is also a reflection of the fact that they themselves
to a specific situation. If we rephrase these possi- often find artefacts the most convenient distinctive
bilities with reference to penis confinement practices, signs of a person's tribal or cultural allegiance. The
we may say that to reject any diffusionist explanation Apapocuva of Brazil have a creation myth in which
of the detailed similarities in the sheathing practices are related the exploits of some brutish but not
of different peoples is to say that we have eliminated particularly terrifying creatures and their relationship
any cases of convergent evolution, and that we accept to the twins born of God. One of these creatures
the likelihood of processes of independent invention, disturbs the twins while they are out hunting and is
with the added rider that the range of possible penis thereafter at the receiving end of numerous of the
confinement practices is, by definition, limited. twins' practical jokes. Normally this creature wears
Furthermorewe must acknowledge, as has been stated his penis tied up to the body with a long hip cord
before, that to confine the penis by some sheathing which he removes while bathing. One day the twins
practice is to choose only one of several different put pepper into the water and the more the creature
possible responses to the problem set by the 'shame- washes his penis the more it burns when tied up to the
display' situation, which may or may not include the belt. Finally he runs away and falls into the ever-
use of some form of manufactured sheathing device. lasting abyss. The Apapocuva do not themselves tie
There are several aspects of penis confinement up the penis and Nimuendaju (1914: 320) explains
which must therefore be investigated in order to assess this part of the creation myth as a means of making
the usefulness of these possible lines of interpretation. fun of those nearby tribes who do practice this form
We may consider these features under several major of penis confinement, amongst whom are found their
headings: evidence for the relative stability of the trait; own arch enemies.
details of techniques of manufacture and methods of The use of some form of penis confinement as a
attachment; overt explanation of the trait by the users; distinctive tribal sign is also reported from other parts
and contexts of its use, each of which will help us to of the world. The use of a sheath by the chief of the
form an opinion about the nature of this practice. To Nioka of the Congo is taken by them as distinguishing

37
 them from other Pende (Sousberghe 1954: 216-19). others. There is of course no problem about assessing
In New Guinea the situation seems to vary from people the speed of change associated with penis confinement
to people; there are several reports of native porters when the assessment is based upon directly observed
collapsing in laughter at the varying methods of penis evidence, except that most of these observations tend
confinement encountered during the journey when to be derived from trading centres and are therefore
accompanying travellers in New Guinea. In some subject to special conditions of strong external
areas of New Guinea the distinction is not simply influence. In this way we know of the changes of
between those who do and those who do not wear custom both at Leitere and in the general Humboldt
some form of penis confinement; different groups of Bay region of New Guinea. We also know from direct
Dani are distinctively recognisable according to the observation of the decrease of the use of penis shells
width and length of their penis sheaths as well as by on the Pacific Islands of Pak, Lou and Paluan. In
the angles at which they are held (Heider 1969: 386). certain ares of Malekula a far greater number of
Similarly, the Simori never have the sheath decorated wrappers had'names than were actually used. From
with plumes or held up to the stomach, while the Dem this Deacon (1934: 341) deduced that the custom of
never have the sheath protruding straight forwards wrapping the penis was breaking down, a conclusion
with the point curving upwards (Le Roux 1948: 143). which is supported by the fact that there has been acute
In several cases in New Guinea different districts are depopulation in Malekula. We have similar observa-
characterised by the wearing of different types of tions from Africa, for Meek (1931: 504) reports that
sheath: some may be decorated, others plain; some when he visited the Kugama the wearing of sheaths
may be elongated and others egg-shaped; some curved, was then in the process of becoming obsolete. Occasion-
some peanut in shape and size (Willey 1966: 185). ally it is even possible to assign rough dates to different
A typical New Guinea situation is described by forms of sheaths; the last South African Thonga
Reche (1913: 75-6); as he journeyed along the foot- mbaya was seen about 1894, having been still common
hills of the Sepik river, at first the majority of the among the northern clans until about 1835 (Junod
people in most villages were naked, then in one 1927a: 516; 1927b: 93), while Zulu aluminium sheaths
particular village the majority of people were clothed cannot have been introduced before c. 1890. There
in a variety of sheaths and eventually in the mountains are also the first reports of European voyagers, giving
more or less everyone wore gourds. Le Roux (1948: us some idea of the longevity of penis confinement
143) summarises the position for New Guinea by practices (e.g. Vasco da Gama's observation at the
stressing that there is some regularity in the fashions end of the fifteenth century that the inhabitants around
of penis confinement in each tribe, but that these St Helena's Bay wore sheaths (Ley 1947: 4)). In
fashions often overlap. There is some suggestion in Venezuela also some direct observation records that
the literature that this picture may also be true for gold and pearl decorated sheaths were greatly desired
other areas apart from New Guinea; thus in different by the Spaniards and that the natives took to wearing
parts of New Caledonia, penis wrappers vary greatly gourds (Friederici 1912: 156; Nordernskiold 1924:
in length, from the short wrapper bound up to the 148). We can also accept the antiquity of tying up the
stomach to wrappers of some 60 cm. long (Glaumont penis in South America as this practice is shown on
1889: 102). Much the same picture of regional certain excavated plaques and on statues from San
differentiation emerges from a study of sixteenth and Augustin. Becher (1955: 144) associates this with the
seventeenth century European codpieces whose mor- continued existence of such practices in some very
phology and methods of attachment varied from isolated tribes. Perhaps the least convincing of these
country to country (e.g. Binder 1958: 200-1 and criteria for assessing change is that based on an ancient
illustrations). Egyptian representation of a female wearing a sheath,
Speed of change. In certain areas of regular visiting from which it is deduced that already by the Vth
and trading in New Guinea, such as Seka and the Dynasty (c. 2550-2400 B.C.) the real meaning of what
Humboldt Bay, no surprise is evinced by varying must originally have been an actual male practice had
customs; the former people wear sheaths and their been forgotten (Borchardt 1913: 13).
Humboldt Bay visitors wear nothing and yet they are Some further criteria have been used to assess
given the kind of welcome due to prestigious neigh- changes in penis confinement practices and must
bours. There are strong indications in the literature surely be more questionable. In the African context,
that it is particularly in areas of intensive trading or Tessmann (1934: 83-5, 88) argues from traditional
migrant labour that, as might have been expected, the history for the exceptionally swift changes of style of
use of penis confinement has undergone most modifi- penis confinement, for the Bafia of the Cameroon who
cation; it is known that in Leitere sheaths used to be now wear leaf sheaths claim that they originally wore
worn but that this custom has been discontinued for skin coverings and later adopted gourd sheaths from
the past eighty years or so. This information is based neighbouring tribes, the latter still wearing gourd or
on direct observation, but some very different criteria wood sheaths. For the Moba and Gourma of west
have been used for deducing the length of time that Africa, Froelich (1949: 101) argues that the sheath
the custom of penis confinement has been in use, and must be an archaic form of dress for its use is confined
clearly some of these are much more reliable than to initiation rites, ignoring the possibility that it might

38
 always have been confined to such occasions. For the penis which is tucked under the belt (Seligman &
Chamba Lekon of Nigeria as well as for the Pacific Strong 1906: 228). Amongst the Mimika people both
island of Emirau it has been argued that because it is shell and bamboo are used, while amongst the
only the old men who wear sheaths it can be assumed Marind-Anim the variety is even greater, some having
that the custom is dying out, ignoring the possibility the penis under the waist belt, some wearing a shell
that this practice might be defined by, or might define, sheath and some with a shell 'phallocrypt' (see
social status and age (Meek 1931: 378; Chinnery note 6). A story from the Dani reflects this situation
n.d.: 131). The restriction of the use of shell sheaths of variety within a broad framework of conformity.
for dancing and at times of war in the Admiralty Mathiessen (1963: 135) recounts that while a woman
Islands has been taken as evidence of its relatively was asleep a man quickly assaulted her, and she, once
recent foreign introduction. The basic problems of she realised that it was not her husband, shouted for
deducing former practice from restricted usage is not help. By the time help came, the man had gone
only that the use may always have been restricted but leaving behind only his sheath. The village was very
that such restriction can as well be interpreted as anxious to trace the culprit, but as all males wore
reflecting recent introduction. We have already elongated gourds, some straight and some with curled
noticed this explanation suggested in the case of the tips with or without dangling fur decorations, they
Admiralty Islands and we find it again for the peoples had little real hope of succeeding.
of the Yawin valley in New Guinea where only few In Africa also the literature hints at variety both
males wear a penis confinement (of shell or coconut); intra-tribal and between groups of basically similar
it has been argued (Wirz 1928: 145) that this reflects peoples. Thus among the Thonga the length of
recent introduction of the practice from the Marind- sheaths varies from 1 to 2 ft according to taste (Bryant
Anim. Whatever the shortcomings of all the deduc- 1929: 291), while all the Verre of northern Nigeria
tions which are not based on recorded direct observa- except for those who call themselves the Zango wear
tion or on datable events, there is no doubt of the sheaths. In South America, each clan and subclan of
considerable evidence which suggests that practices of the Bororo owns a particular sheath decoration, but
penis confinement are not particularly stable. As amongst different groups of Bororo are found quite
Friederici (1912: 153) maintained long ago (although different penis confinement practices; some place the
assuming that this practice had once formed a single penis within a leaf cuff, some place the penis under a
complex) this trait cannot be assumed to be static and, waist belt, and some are reported as wearing rings.
over time and distance, numerous changes and With this picture in mind it is unlikely that a tribe
differences can be assumed and shown to have within which such variety is the norm should hold
occurred. strong views about the necessity of sheathing the penis
Variety of practice. Although we have seen that in a particular and standardised way. This is a
certain tribes and cultural areas are distinguished by picture which again suggests fluidity and a possibility
specific penis confinement practices, this in no way of both personal and group variety and experimenta-
implies that each tribe always has just one sheathing tion.
practice. Sheaths may be used in certain situations
only, as for example during certain dances on the Techniquesof manufacture
island of Manus where the men don white shells and It is now necessary to move on to the consideration
the boys practice wearing small fruit shell coverings, of the details of technological construction of the
or there may be several types of sheaths used by the different methods of penis confinement and in this
same people. In the central New Hebrides, apart from way to add a further dimension to the question
Erromanga, the penis is wrapped in grass, in tapa or whether we are in fact dealing with very similar
in cotton cloth or is placed within a horn or even practices and objects or whether we may, in some cases
possibly within a bamboo sheath. The island of at least, suspect that we are dealing with processes of
Pentecost has penis wrappers in the south but no penis convergent evolution. We may broadly distinguish
confinement in the west of the island. Variety of penis two aspects to the technology of sheathing devices:
confinement practices are also found within the same first the manufacture of the sheaths themselves, and
tribe and at the same locality; thus in New Guinea the second, the methods of attaching them to the penis,
Telefolmin normally wear either various types of glans penis, or prepuce.
gourds or large nuts, the latter being rarer and more Vegetablefibres. Our initial approach must again
greatly valued (Villeminot & Villeminot 1964: 255), be cross-cultural taking as the starting point the
but the occasional individual is to be encountered materials from which the sheaths are made. Most
wearing instead a toothpaste container (Simpson 1963: information in the literature is concerned with the use
363), a Kodak film container or a cut-open sardine tin of leaves and with gourds, while for several of the
(personal communication, B. A. L. Cranstone). Also other materials used, we know almost nothing of the
in New Guinea Toro men are sometimes nude, some- details of their manufacture. The vast majority of
times nude except for a waist belt, sometimes clothed sheaths made of vegetable fibres, most commonly
with a waist belt with a shell suspended over the flank leaves or raffia/grass, are plaited (plate 1), a few
and sometimes with a belt with the shell hiding the exceptional cases being made of woven basketry

39
 (plate 3). The plaiting varies greatly from society penis. As has already been stated, Bororo cuffs vary
to society some sheaths being made from narrow in their decoration according to the particular clan or
strips of palm leaf or raffia and others of wide subclan of the wearer but this applies only to festival
leaves of banana, aruma, etc. Morphological varia- occasions when a band of 8-16 cm. length decorated
tion within the category of fibre sheaths is vast, both with feathers or down and often painted is allowed to
in shape and size. These sheaths may be long and hang freely. Normally Bororo sheaths are cut short
straight, short and straight or in distinctive shapes without such appendages, made simply by folding and
resembling knee-shaped pipes, boxes, or envelopes, rolling a palm leaf of c. 50 cm. on itself to form a
the particular form used varying according to cultural conical funnel with one end open (Levi-Strauss 1936:
preference and the methods of attachment to the 294-6; Karsten 1926a: 150-2; Steinen 1894: 193; cp.
penis/glans. In some cases the plaiting used, for Fric & Radin 1906: 392).
example for penis wrappers in Malekula (e.g. Layard In Malekula where sheaths are again adopted in
1942: 42) is very intricate while in other cases, such as initiation rites it is the woman, the mothers of the
the Akwe-Shavante (plate 2) and many other novices, who are apparently responsible for their
South American peoples, the men make their own plaiting which follows the longitudinal stripping of
everyday sheaths by simply folding leaves over each banana leaves while leaving enough of the central fibre
other to form a cone (e.g. Krause 1911: 396). to withstand some wear (see Layard 1942: 42). It is
The most detailed account of the techniques of noticeable from this review that the morphological
manufacture of different leaf sheaths as well as the variety allowed by this particular material, as well as
identity of the manufacturers is found in Tessmann's the techniques employed in their shaping, is vast.
(1934: 83-94) account of the Bafia of the Cameroons Gourds. Sheaths made from gourds may be of
who wear a multiplicity of sheath forms each with its very varying diameters and lengths; sometimes two
own distinctive name. New styles of sheaths are con- gourds may be fitted together to gain the desired
tinually being introduced and, once approved, are length. Haddon & Layard (1916: 8) report a New
quickly copied by others. Any Bafia can make his Guinea Utakwa case where one gourd of 24 cm.
own normal, everyday, sheath from strips of palm length is inserted into another of 13-5 cm. to form
leaves, the sheaths being as broad as they are long. a sheath of 34-5 cm. with a 4 cm. diameter at the base
Boys make their own net-like sheaths or obtain good and 1 cm. at the tip. In some museum specimens from
specimens from their fathers. Only specialist Bafia the New Guinea Tapiro the joining of two gourds
can make the type of leaf sheath which has two points; together under a binding allows the tip of the
these forms are made with an awl of a type used in sheath to have some flexibility (plate 4). Some
many other contexts and are constructed from large New Guinea tribes use sheaths which are open-
palm leaves which have had the middle spine removed ended; others, such as the Pesegem and Dani use
by a knife during folding. Each palm strip is made sheaths which are closed either naturally or with the
into one sheath which has its lower ends cut obliquely, use of such materials as a wad of the fur from a cuscus
is then rolled and the point pushed through the slit in or other marsupial's tail, wads of bark, some kind of
the roll while the front end is pushed into shape to fibre stopper, or even a hornbill beak (e.g. Heider
make the second point which is kept in place by 1969: 387; Kooijman 1962: 48; Nouhuys 1913: 15).
stitching; stitching also extends all along the edge of As will be seen, gourd sheaths are attached in different
the rolled sheath. Only certain master craftsmen ways to the penis and/or scrotum13 and/or to the
amongst the Bafia can make certain rare types of waist and these different methods require different
sheaths and those worn during festivals, all of which features on the sheaths themselves: perforations at
are covered with snake or lizard skin and are charac- differentplaces through the gourd or encircling bands.
terised by their rounded off corners and the use of Among the pygmies in the Goliath mountains of New
decorative sewing, colouring and the sophisticated Guinea, for example, the long sheaths have rattan
inclusion of decorative additions such as feathers and strips round the middle or top of the gourds to which
claws. The Zulu are one of the rare peoples to make are attached cords (e.g. Brock 1911: 821-3; Kock
use of basketry sheaths which are made by minor 1912). In the Star Mountains the bases of the gourds
craftsmen of woven strips of banana stalks fashioned are strengthenedwith small plaited rattan or pandanus
into very lightweight spherical box shapes (Bryant leaf bands (e.g. Kooijman 1962: 18). Several attempts
1949: 135, 408). exist to devise morphological classifications of New
There is also good information available about the Guinea gourd sheaths but these are hardly con-
manufacture of the palm leaf cuffs of the Bororo of vincing. Sande (1907: 92), for example, distinguished
Brazil which are worn for the first time during initia- between egg shaped and pear shaped examples, the
tion rites. There is some confusion whether it is the former large and heavy with closed blunt ends and the
women or the novices' grandparents or uncles who latter lighter with rather wider openings in the middle
collect the appropriate leaves for the manufacture of of the gourd. Normally these two sheath types are
the cuffs (see Levi-Strauss 1964: 52-4) but it seems decorated with black engravings.
likely that it is the novice's ritual father who actually The shapes of the sheaths depend partly on the
manufactures the sheath and places it on the novice's methods of gourd cultivation used. Amongst the

40
Dani of New Guuineaa long and straight gourd is Layard (1916: 34) the cylinders used are said to vary
obtained by attaching a stone weight to the growing from 10-19 cm. long and from 3-4-4-3 cm. diameter.
gourd; a curved or curving gourd results from bending One end of the cylinder is cut above a node and the
and lashing it while growing; and a particular light other below a node, so that the upper end of the
coloured gourd is obtained by protecting it from sheath is naturally bounded by a node whose septum
sunlight by wrapping the growing gourd in inner is usually artificially pierced by a hole of 1 1-1 8 cm.
banana bark (Heider 1969: 396). In the Dani case diameter. Below the node is situated the scar of the
each man may possess a wardrobe of several sizes and leaf growth which is found alternately on one side
shapes (Gardner & Heider 1969: 28; Heider 1969: and the other in the growing bamboo and which, with
386-7), the variety consisting, as was reflected in the only the rarest of exceptions, is also the side of the
story of the rape of the sleeping woman, not only in bamboo cylinder in which is cut the opening for the
the length of the sheath (a typical short example insertion of the penis. On the other side of the
being c. 10-20 cm. long, and a typical long straight cylinder a peak is usually carved as well as one or
example being c. 60 cm. long) but also in the absence more lozenges whereas the ring surrounding this part
or presence of curled tip as well as in the sheath of the whole bamboo cylinder is natural. On almost
diameter (Heider 1969: 386). The basic manu- all of the Mimika bamboo sheaths are found decor-
facturing processes are the same for all gourd wearers. ative incisions, some apparently made by the
Once the elongated fruit of the gourd creeper has been application of hot metal tools to achieve a brownish
grown into the correct shape, the thick end of the colour standing out against the natural yellow colour
fruit is cut off using stone or bamboo knives and some of the bamboo and some cut out with cold tools.
of the flesh is scooped out. The gourd is then roasted Morphological variety is expressed both in the shapes
for some 15 minutes in order to harden the shell and of the holes for insertion of the penis (divided into
to make the flesh soft. More flesh is then taken out several types by Haddon & Layard (1916: 35)) and
together with reheating, a process which lasts for in the general shape of the whole sheath which varies
some 25 minutes, the outer skin of the fruit is scraped from squat and cylindrical (Fischer's cylinder-tongue
off and the gourd often sun-dried, sometimes to types (1913: 48)) to cut-outs in the form of the human
achieve a distinctive yellow colour (e.g. Kock 1912); body with legs and feet (Fischer's two appendage legs
the fruit is then dried for several nights near to a fire type (1913: 49)). Experiments have shown that the
in order to harden it (Harrer 1963: 124; Heider 1969: whole time involved in the manufacture of even the
386; Pospisil 1963a: 286-7; Le Roux 1948: 138). The most detailed and complex of these sheaths may have
gourd is then often polished with fats or sweat and involved no more than 30 or 40 minutes, for bamboo
various attachments added. Not all New Guinea is easy to work by slicing when cut with the grain and
tribes train their gourds into special shapes (Le Roux once the outer skin is penetrated the nodes are easy
1948: 139). Unlike the Dani and Kapauku who to pierce.
appear to have a specially elaborate manufacturing Aluminium. Only a short time is involved in the
process whereby the gourd vines are trained to climb manufacture of some other sheaths however unlikely
up a special framework above the ground (Heider this may at first sight appear to be. Museum collec-
1969: 386; Pospisil 1963a: 286), the Tifalmin do not tions in Britain contain a considerable number of
appear to train their gourds at all. It may be that sheaths made from aluminium which were apparently
there is here a connexion with their unique method worn by the Zulu (and possibly several other South
of splitting the wider end of the gourd down one side, African tribes). These artefacts were spun, their rims
pushing the broken sides inside each other and binding being bent severely backwards with the application of
it to the required diameter with a tight plaited band heat and a hole being punched after the manufacture
of pandanus, one end of which is anchored in and polishing of the object through the closed end of
the split (plate 6). The resulting sheaths have the sheath. It is not known whether these particular
basal diameters of 2-7-3-0 cm. and are all charac- sheaths were made locally in South Africa from
terised by an angled profile at the base. South African imported sheets of aluminium or whether, as claimed
gourd sheaths are usually bulbous and much smaller at least in certain sale catalogues (e.g. Stevens Sale
than those of New Guinea. Amongst the Nguni Catalogue 1924), they were manufactured 'by an
and Zulu, the gourds are often decorated with burnt enterprising German trader and sold to the natives'
incisions and are provided with protrusions, often (Lot 357). What does seem clear (Personal com-
curved, at the basal ends (plate 5). Amongst munication, Alcan Research and Development) is
several tribes tassels of varying materials hang from that these objects could have been made by anyone who
the gourd sheaths (plate 23). had already acquired even the most rudimentary
Bamboo. The distinctive short bamboo sheaths skills of metal spinning, and that the whole process
of the Mimika of New Guinea (plates 8a, 8b) would have been a matter of only some ten minutes.
require particular techniques for their manufacture It is noteworthy that these distinctive sheaths, never
and yet their typological characteristics are only mentioned in any ethnographic literature, are found
partially determined by the material and the tech- in two main morphological types (plate 7) the
niques used. In the detailed analyses by Haddon and first pear-shaped and the second spherical with

41
 grooved cylindrical opening, both types with apertures wooden penis holders are also found in parts of New
of 2-4-2-7 cm. diameter. Guinea (e.g. Sorenson & Gajdusek 1966: 159).
Fibula. We must also note the use of metal rings.
Shells. On some of the Admiralty Islands the Amongst certain groups of Congolese Ba-Pende these
shells used as penis sheaths have the internal con- form the bases of raffia sheaths (Sousberghe 1954:
volutions broken but the apertures are left untouched 214-19). In Roman Europe (and possibly earlier also)
or occasionally slightly enlarged, apparently to about metal rings were inserted through holes in the prepuce.
finger-width (Miklucho-Maclay 1878: 113). Several The nature of Roman 'fibula' is open to discussion.
examples are incised with black-filled linear decor- There is certainly no doubt that some men wore metal
ations (e.g. Moseley 1876: 397; Nevermann rings covering the prepuce (Celsus VII, 25(3); Juvenal,
1934: 109) (plate 10). The shells used by some VI, 379) but there is some evidence that a Roman
Mimika are similarly worked and in addition have fibula might also refer to a metal sheath (see Martial
two small perforations to take an attachment to a XI, 75) or even a metal clasp of unknown shape. The
waist belt (Wollaston 1921: 113-14). The shells used latter evidence is based on an epigram by Martial
by Toro men are apparently not worked in any way (VII, 82) which describes Menophil wearing a
and the Toro do not trade them but fetch them them- particularly large fibula which, unfortunately for him,
selves from between the Bensbach and Morehead fell off during some athletic enterprise and revealed
rivers (Seligman & Strong 1906: 228). The shells used him to be circumcised. It is clear from this account
in the Kiwai district of New Guinea are obtained from that Menophil, being no doubt Jewish, was unable to
the mouth of the Binaturi river and from the Torres wear a normal ring fibula as he could not fasten it over
Straits (Landtman 1933: 33). It is interesting to note or through his prepuce and, as a fraudulent Jew, he
that shell penis sheaths are not only known from the became the subject of satire (see Dingwall 1925).
primitive world, for one example appears in Mabuse's Economics. There have been several hints in the
(c. 1516) picture of Neptune and Amphitrite. previous review of the possible economic importance
Interestingly enough this sheath covers the penis and of sheath manufacture. For several peoples it is clear
glans but not the scrotum, and is without parallel, that sheaths were made domestically; for example, a
contemporary representationsbeing shown either nude Swazi boy's penis cover is made for him and given to
or covered with a leaf or some form of cloth (see him by his father (Marwick 1940: 153), but we have
Segord 1923: 77; Heidrich 1910: fig. 124). also encountered mention of full-time and part-time
Miscellaneous. Of the other materials used for the craftsmen as well as the trading of pubic shells (see
manufacture of different kinds of sheaths there is Papuan Annual Report 1924-5, 1926: 44). We can
virtually no detail regarding their construction. also note that several New Guinea gourd and bamboo
Perhaps the strangest and simplest of all sheaths is specimens were carefully mended (plate 4) by
that made from cocoons (plate 12a) of butterfly stitching or lashing with bast string across the break
or moth worn by the Bhaca, the Zulu, the Nguni and (and see Sande 1907: 438; Fischer 1913: 48). For the
Pondo of South Africa (e.g. Kohler 1933: 11; Tooke Dani it is reported that if the tip of the sheath is
1962: 81). Sheaths made from ivory, wood, coconut broken, the end is carefully closed with a wedge or the
or fruit shell were carved into a variety of shapes, sheath is adapted for use in a shorter form. 'If the
some possibly skeuomorphs of gourd and basketry base is broken, the gourd will be replaced, but the
forms (plates 12b, 12c). Skin and leather sheaths, broken pieces put to the side for possible future use'
from antelope, ox or goat, are quite common (Heider 1969: 386-7). That the mending of sheaths
among several South African tribes. Amongst the is not confined to New Guinea is shown by a mended
Pondo all skin-working was undertaken by old men example in the British Museum (No. 1951 Af. 12.77)
(Hunter 1961: 101). The Xhosa construct distinctive from the Kaleri of Nigeria. It could be argued that to
sheaths consisting of an elongated skin or leather bag mend a sheath might imply no more than the existence
to cover the penis with a thin strip extending through of a favourite article of clothing but it is also worth-
a shank of brass or twisted wire (plate 11). while, as Le Roux has suggested (1948: 139), con-
One Zulu type of skin sheath with sewn seam seems sidering that there may also be economic factors
again to be skeuomorphic (plate 12d), greatly influencing these practices. In parts of South Africa
resembling the normal Zulu basketry sheath. Skin droughts and extreme sun-scorching are often
or leather sheaths were also used in ancient Egypt responsible for the failure of gourd germination, and
(see below). The Kaleri of Nigeria make some of this is reflected in the refusal to part with gourd
their sheaths from long curling horns and perforate sheaths even to traders offering high rewards (Louw
them for attachment cords (plate 13). 1938: 63). The literature concerning the economic
importance of penis confinement equipment is virtually
In certain parts of South America the foreskin is non-existent, the outstanding exception being Pospisil's
not simply tied by the boy himself or by his mother, account of the Kapauku of New Guinea (Pospisil
nor simply placed under a waist belt, but is held in a 1963a). From this account we learn that penis sheath
wooden suspensor of some 6-7 cm. long which is gourds are grown in plots scattered through different
attached to the belt (Zerries 1964: 120). Carved gardens on the valley floor; on the other hand amongst

42
 tlhe Dani it appears that the gourds are grown in significance. Methods of attachment will also
gardens in or near the village compounds (Heider influence the angles at which the sheaths are worn, a
1969: 386; Gardner & Heider 1969: 28). Amongst distinction which we have already seen to be some-
the Kapauku the area of gourd cultivation is small times equated with a people's own cultural identity.
and this crop has little significance for general crop These attachments may also have medical conse-
rotation; as compared with banana and sugar cane quences and therefore be significant when we come to
cultivation its significance is minimal, the area discuss the functions of these sheaths and they may
specially planted with gourds being 0-014 per cent. of also find reflection in some works of art (see below).
the total area under cultivation (Pospisil 1963a: Kynodesme. When the prepuce is to act as a sheath
table 13, 297). The sowing of the gourds is undertaken of the glans penis the simplest way of obtaining this is
by both males and females, whereas responsibility for to bind the end of the prepuce over the glans, a
weeding rests with the women. Only the males select practice we have already encountered in various North
the gourds and decide which are suitable for penis and South American tribes. This method also existed
sheathing and it is also the men who are exclusively in ancient Greece where the cord for tying the prepuce
concerned with all stages of their manufacture was referredto as a kynodesmeand is shown on several
(Pospisil 1963a: 286). Kapauku sheaths are owned Greek vase paintings (plate 14) and Etruscan
individually and never lent (Pospisil 1963a: 294, 349). statuettes (e.g. British Museum No. BR 526; see
Amongst the Dani, however, every male has his own Dingwall 1925; Stieda 1902; Hovorka 1893: 135-8 for
extensive wardrobe and visitors may be given sheaths other examples). A kynodesmemust be removed for
of particular shapes (Heider 1969: 387). As it ages urination and copulation (see Stoll 1908: 464).
the Kapauku gourd sheath acquires polish and an Amongst the Coyabi of Brazil these are the only times
orange colour, both features being considered when the foreskin is untied (Nimuendaju 1948a: 308)
desirable qualities, and the life span of a gourd sheath whereas among the Kaschibo of Peru the thread is
is six months (Pospisil 1963a: 379). Kapauku gourd changed every ten days or so (Tessmann 1930: 129).
sheath manufacture must be considered a specialist The wearing of a kynodesme of course does not in
activity, for half of the adult males had never made itself imply whether the penis should hang or be held
either a sheath or the rattan rings which encircle them vertical; both penis positions are found quite com-
(Pospisil 1963a: 299). At the same time the gourd monly. Amongst the Karaja of Brazil it is reported
sheath was one of the five most frequently traded that the foreskin is tied so tightly that the penis is
objects. Within eight months some forty-six raw partly forced back into the scrotum which has there-
sheaths were traded in and out of one village. Thirteen fore a three-pronged look about it with one prong
sheaths were imported from other villages, five from protruding obliquely upwards (Krause 1911: 294).
kin and eight from strangers. Twenty-nine sheaths For the Karaja, Koenigswald (1908: 223) has argued
were exported from the same village, six to kin and that this custom leads to an artificial lengthening of
twenty-three to strangers living in the Kamu valley. the prepuce,14 while Steinen claims (1894: 193) for the
Five sheaths were sold to members of the same village, Kulisehu of Brazil that there is a marked shortening
at a higher price than those to be obtained by import, of the penis as a result of this practice.
and nine sheaths were given away as gifts (Pospisil Infibulation. The prepuce, as we have already seen,
1963a: 347). In terms of general village income, may also be fastened over the glans by means of a ring
therefore, the import and export of gourd penis or clasp referred to in antiquity as a fibula. Celsus
sheaths has some considerable interest. It is also (VII, 25(3)) describes how infibulation was performed
interesting to note that, as Pospisil says (1963a: 379) in the first century A.D., a practice confirmed by
'as in Western society, the expenditures for female several Roman statues shown wearing rings. The
costumes are painfully higher than those of the male'. prepuce was drawn forward and marks made on
Only with a detailed recording such as that carried out either side to show how far the prepuce could retract
by Pospisil of all exchanges relevant to even the most without revealing the glans. In cases where the glans
apparently insignificant material objects can any was uncovered, holes were made at the places marked
meaningful picture of general economic activity be and threads inserted through them. When the hole
obtained. has healed sufficiently, the thread was removed and a
light fibula inserted in its place. Dingwall (1925: 58)
Methods of attachment records an episode said to date from 1822 to show the
It is clear that the morphology of the various sheath continued use of the fibula. Apparently a patient
types will depend to a major extent not only on the consulted a doctor Petroz; sometime previously the
techniques employed in their manufacture but also on patient had fallen in love with a Portuguese woman
their methods of attachment to the body. These with whom he lived for several years. He gradually
methods may themselves have important conse- discovered that she was exceedingly jealous. 'One
quences, for they will affect how readily such sheaths morning before rising he suddenly felt a sharp prick
may be removed and the permanence or otherwise of in the region of the prepuce, and on making an
such equipment may influence a people's own practice examination he discovered to his amazement that he
and hence bear some relationship to its economic had been infibulated with a neat little gold clasp which

43
 had passed through the foreskin, closed quickly by have commented on supposed differences of this kind.
means of a spring, and could only be opened by a It is relevant to note that in modern Western sheathing
little key which he found in the possession of the practices the standard diameter of the sheath aperture
woman by his side ... he yielded to her entreaties and is 3.5 cm., this having been reduced from some
consented to wear the clasp, which was of course 6-7-5 cm. diameter in the eighteenth century to ensure
removed as occasion required. To his surprise one that the contraceptive remains in place at least during
morning however he found that she had slipped a detumescence; meanwhile the stretching qualities of
second one by the side of the first.... This continued the sheaths have of course been improved (personal
for four to five years, till owing to their constant communication, E. C. Corderoy, London Rubber
removal and reattachment, the state of his membrane Industries Ltd). The same principle of frictional
was such that he was compelled to seek medical relief.' adhesion still demands a small sheath aperture. In
It seems from this account that infibulation with a any case the closeness of the fit between penis and
clasp, and the same has been argued for the ring in- sheath aperture is clear from accounts describing the
fibulation in antiquity (Stoll 1908: 494), allowed insertion of the penis into the sheath among several
urination while preventing intercourse. scattered New Guinea peoples who do so with
Waist belt. When the penis is to be held in a the aid of a thin stick or spatula, made sometimes
vertical position and the glans sheathed, the foreskin from pig's tusk, more or less as a shoe horn is used in
is often pulled over the glans and jammed under a hip Europe today; the spatula, being considered an
or waist belt. In some cases this may involve quite a essential accessory to the sheath, is worn in the hair
struggle: amongst the Marind-Anim the waist belt for easy accessibility (Chinnery n.d.: 51; Friederici
under which the prepuce is held must be so tight that 1912: 155; Kelm 1966: 160; Sande 1907: 92). There
it can only be put on with a great amount of wriggling, is contradictory evidence regarding the results of this
the greasing of the buttocks and the help of four other first method of attaching sheaths, some authors stress-
people (Baal 1966: 157). -It has been claimed (e.g. ing that sheaths nevertheless easily drop off, others
Dingwall 1925), although the supporting evidence is maintaining that they are so firmly fixed in place that
not known, that this practice may also greatly elongate (in New Guinea) the wearers are free to jump and
the prepuce. Amongst several other people, however, dance (e.g. Sande 1907: 93), and others stressing that
the penis is only placed under the girdle from time to for South African tribes a projecting metal shank
time (see W. New Guinea Expedition 1904-5, 1908); (see plate 11) facilitates removal of the sheath
amongst the Tugere of New Guinea only when they (Barrow 1801: 213). Friederici (1912: 155) records a
happen to meet a woman (Sande 1907: 91), and journey he made in New Guinea during which he
amongst the Jiravo of Peru, who normally wear loin- noted that the sheaths became loosened when crossing
cloths but who also carry the necessary girdle around water and regularly became filled. He describes how
with them, only when they swim (Karsten 1935: 453). the sheaths had to be repeatedly taken off, emptied
In cases where the glans or penis is confined by and replaced with the aid of a spatula, fresh leaves
being placed inside a manufacturedsheath, the method having been placed around the opening of the sheath.
of attachment may consist either 1) of jamming the At each stop on a particular march, the spatula was
prepuce, or scrotal skin, or organ into the sheath, taken out of the hair and a toilette performed. This
2) of placing a wrapper around the organ, or 3) of reference to the effect of water on the fit of the sheath
fastening the sheath to the body by means of one or has been noted elsewhere, and the facts of their
more cords. In cases when it is the prepuce that is becoming easily filled with water is echoed from
jammed into the sheath this can be seen as an alter- observations in South America (Nimuendaju 1924:
native method for fastening the prepuce in such a way 254). In the Admiralty Islands where shells are only
that it sheaths the glans (see Beidelman 1966: 397). worn during the war dance the attachment was
The particular method chosen will greatly influence obviously very tight indeed, for in the dance the penis
not only the ease of removal of the sheath for such swings upwards, to left and to right in a circle (Never-
necessities as urination but also the angle at which the mann 1934: 111). The Taui islanders always carry
penis and sheath are held. their penis shells about in a small bag on the chest or
Frictional adhesion. There are various different threaded on a cord over the shoulder; on other
ways of achieving adhesion by the first method, the Admiralty Islands they are carried in special net bags
most common depending primarily on the smallness or on cords round various parts of the body (Never-
of the hole into which the prepuce and/or penis is mann 1934: 102, 111). To put on the shell sheath the
inserted. From study of museum specimens it can be foreskin is pulled over the glans and is clamped into
said that the diameters of these holes appear to be the narrow aperture of the shell so that it nips the
strikingly uniform according to sheath type and thus penis just behind the glans (Thilenius 1903: 129;
can be said to characterise particular sheath-wearing Moseley 1876: 397). Nevermann (1934: 108) reports
peoples. Whether these measurements reflect any some variation in this practice for some males manage
physical differences in the penis sizes of different to get more of the penis actually into the shell whereas
populations cannot, at this time, be established, but one individual, with an abnormally long penis, only
some observers (e.g. Miklucho-Mackay 1878: 114-15) inserted the foreskin.

44
 The physical consequences of wearing tight-fitting perhaps have served to allow the circumcised to wear
sheaths are rather obscure. We have already noted this type of sheath.
that conflicting evidence regarding the need of their Jamming of the prepuce or penis through a narrow
removal for urination (see p. 28), but Thilenius (1903: sheath aperture is also the basis of several African
129-30) suggests that to wear shell sheaths for a long sheathingpractices. The Zulu basketry sheath dangles
time results in a partial paralysis of the bladder at the end of the penis, held in position by the prepuce
muscles and he describes various attempts to urinate which has been forced through a hole of 1 6-2 5 cm.
with them on. Different authors vary in their esti- diameter (see Bryant 1949: 134). Many of the more
mates of how much compression of the penis is typical South African basketry forms have a short
involved in wearing a penis shell, but several (e.g. cord running from the closed end of the sheath up to
Thilenius 1903: 129; Reclus 1879: 197) maintain that a hanging pubic covering (plate 16), a feature
the penis becomes either flattened and/or elongated which may well explain the holes punched in the
by the weight of the shell. In one particular New aluminium sheaths. Frobenius (1913: 322 sqq.) de-
Guinea case, the wearing of gourd sheaths is claimed scribes the putting on of the basketry sheaths of the
to have resulted in a great elongation of the foreskin, Tamberama of Togo; in this case the prepuce, which
sometimes to twice its original length (Zuid-West Frobenius claims to be exceptionally long, is first
Nieuw-Guinea-Expeditie 1904-5, 1908). There are wetted with saliva and the penis is then pushed back
also conflicting reports about the use of green leaves into the scrotum. The freed foreskin is placed in the
to protect the penis from the sharp edges of tight- sheath aperture,the penis is released and 'like a bolt or
fitting sheaths (e.g. Finsch 1914: 325; Sande 1907: 93). spring-loaded corkstopper' it jerks forward and forces
For the Admiralty Islands, Moseley (1876: 379) the wet foreskin far into the sheath in which it clings.
remarks on the supposed flattening of the glans, the The skin near the scrotum is hard against the sheath,
general swelling of the penis, the impossibility of thus keeping the prepuce and penis vertical in the
erection while such a sheath is worn and the painful sheath. This form of sheath is suitable only for the
sharp edges of the shell aperture. In support of some uncircumcised, but even so they fall off fairly easily.
of these observations there is evidence in the Admiralty Much the same method of inserting the penis into the
Islands of ulcerations of the penis caused by pushing sheath is followed by the Namchi of the Volta
it into the narrow shell opening. During some war Republic; according to Muraz (1932: 104) the penis is
dances men remove their penis shells from time to forced back into the skin of the scrotum and then
time, turning their backs to the crowd, apparently allowed to spring into the sheath when released, a
because of the pain of wearing them. Nevermann method which secures it firmly enough to hold it in
(1934: 110) also records the observation made by place while walking. But the Namchi are unique in
Kramer of one man having great difficultyin removing their method of placing the penis into its sheath, for
his penis shell after a dance, finally succeeding by they provide it with a protective fibre brush which
jumping into the water. Much the same sort of surrounds it during its insertion (e.g. Leiris 1934: 66,
observation exists for the Lawo of New Guinea who note 3) (plate 17). The Bafia of East Cameroon,
are said to have inflamed penis tips, chaffed skin and however, simply press the penis, claimed to be
generally enlarged penes, all caused by the pressure particularly short, into a grass sheath, with or without
of their gourd sheaths (Neuhauss 1911: 197). the foreskin pulled over the glans depending on
The distinctive Mimika bamboo sheaths also whether the wearer is circumcised or not. Tessman
depend on the closeness of their fit and they are so (1934: 85) records that the success of the method is
designed that they can only be put on in one standard greater for those who are not circumcised but that
way with the result that they are always worn verti- these sheaths, which of course have to be removed for
cally (plate 15). The penis is inserted about urination, often fall off when walking in long grass
three-quartersalong the way of the cylinder shaft into and the penis is then covered with a temporary tube of
a small hole of 2-6 to 4 cm. diameter which has either leaf. The plaited sheaths (see plate 1) worn by
been cut in the side of the cylinder or is a continuation the different tribes of the Jos Plateau in Nigeria are
of the half cylinder. The prepuce is then pulled far dampened at the edges and given a slight twist after
forwards to penetrate a hole of 1 2 to 1 8 cm. diameter they are put on (Meek 1925: 41).
pierced through the node at the lower end of the The same problems of keeping sheaths both secure
cylinder, and the penis is thus held in flaccid position and comfortable confronted the Parantintin of Brazil
without any further attachment of the sheath to the who, exceptionally for the American continent, wore
body. Both the cut-out peak and the burnt and cut- long manufactured sheaths made of leaves. These
out linear decorations are therefore visible; in the case were made of some twelve leaves joined together to
of those cut into human shape the figures are worn form a long cylinder of 25-40 cm. Although the
upside down. A few exceptional specimens do not Parantintin carefully selected smooth green leaves for
possess the normal pierced node; in one example in the this purpose and folded their borders so that they
University Museum at Cambridge (plate 9) the would be smooth and not hurt the skin, it is reported
node is simply pierced by a small hole through which that youths wearing sheaths for the first time were
is threaded a knotted fibre, a device which could incommoded by their new confinement and that the

45
 sheaths caused sores on the tip of the penis (Nimuen- sheath being jammed against the body (see plate
daju 1924: 255). According to Freitas (1926: 68) to 15). Similarly, the weight of the sheath may
keep the sheaths securely attached the circumference determine the position of the penis. Thus the weight
of the prepuce was inflamed with the use of ants' teeth. of Sande's egg-shaped gourd type (see p. 40) forces
Before use the sheaths were in the form of a rect- the sharp end of the sheath forward so that the
angular prism, but once the whole penis was inserted blunt end is supported behind and below the root of
they adjusted to the skin to become cylindrical the penis right up against the scrotum, whereas the
(Nimuendaju 1924: 254-5). They were removed for pear-shaped type is worn vertically (Sande 1907: 92).
bathing and urination, a removal which could only be In these cases, as also for most of the other examples
achieved when the cotton threads attaching the sheath relying on a firm fit of the penis in the sheath, erection
to the penis are broken or untied (e.g. Nimuendaju of the penis is more or less ruled out, for erection
1924: 254; 1948b: 286). involves not only a change in the angle of the organ,
The penis cuffs of the Bororo of Brazil are attached but also an increase in its width and approximate
by pulling the foreskin through the sheath opening doubling of its length, whatever its original dimen-
(Levi-Strauss 1936: 294-6), a practice claimed by some sions (Morris 1969: 106; Masters & Johnson 1966:
(Steinen 1894: 193) to cause a certain shortening of 192).
the penis length. The simple Akwe Shavante leaf Cords. The method of tying the sheath to various
sheath is supposed to be worn more or less con- parts of the body determines the angles at which the
tinuously, except for urination and copulation, even penis and sheath are held. In New Guinea such
while bathing. It is made moist in the mouth and is attachmient is achieved by fastening a cord either
then pulled over the folds of the prepuce which have through holes made into the nut, shell or gourd
been drawn over the glans. However the difficulties sheath itself or under one or two bands encircling the
in anchoring the sheath in this way are reflected by the base, top, or middle of the sheath. Such cords are
Akwe-Shavante practice of employing small boys fastened to different parts of the body, round the
during initiation races especially to pick up the sheaths scrotum (or one testicle) waist, or shoulders (see
which inevitably fall off during any athletic activities Heider 1969: 387; Pospisil 1963a: 273). This method
(Maybury-Lewis 1967: 106). Amongst the Kayapo is also found outside New Guinea (see plate 18),
very similar sheaths also often fall off in public for in one case reported among the Zaunde of East
(personal communication, Terence Turner). Cameroon the sheath is said to be so long that it has
The Tupari of Brazil adopt a slightly different to be attached by a cord around the neck (Junger 1926:
method of attaching their sheaths, a method which 107). Normally in New Guinea these attachments
nevertheless still depends on frictional adherence. ensure that the gourd sheaths can easily be loosened
As with the Karaja of Brazil (see p. 43), the penis is and adjusted by moving the rattan or pandanus bands
pushed back into the sub-cutaneous tissue of the up or down the sheath (e.g. Neuhauss 1911: 147;
pubis so that it gives the impress of a third testicle in Le Roux 1948: 143-4). The Pesegem, for example,
the upper part of the scrotum. But in this case, the have the gourd sheath resting on the scrotum at angles
penis, even when walking or dancing, is permanently of 30? to 70? to the vertical, held in position by a band
concealed by surrounding tissue, except when it is of twisted bark which is attached to the base of the
pushed out for urination or copulation. A fold of gourd and runs round the hips (Nouhuys 1913: 14).
skin above the orifice is then squeezed between a strip In other New Guinea examples some gourd sheaths
at the back of the palm-leaf sheath and the main body are so attached that they protrude horizontally,
of the sheath. This method, also, causes irritation of vertically or even downwards (plate 19) (Le Roux
the skin; many Tupari, when they first adopt sheaths 1948: 140). Amongst some New Guinea peoples these
complain of the pain and intermittently adopt the adjustable sheaths are removed at night but amongst
practice of tying the prepuce instead of using their others such as the Pesegem they are worn in vertical
sheaths (Caspar 1952: 155; 1953: 207-9). positions while sleeping (Nouhuys 1913: 15; Le Roux
Even when sheaths are attached to the glans/ 1948: 144).
prepuce/penis by friction this does not at all imply Wrappers. We have seen that the technique of
that they inevitably hang freely at the end of the penis. tying the prepuce beyond the glans does not in itself
Thus in certain parts of New Guinea, for example, predeterminewhether the penis is held vertically or not.
shells and nuts are perforated to hold strings which The same is true for the wearing of penis wrappers.
run either to a belt or directly round the waist (e.g. In the Tanna Islands for example, such wrappers may
Murray 1918: 41), thus allowing the penis to be held reach some 44 cm. in length with a basal diameter of
in any position. Similar methods are attested for c. 5 cm. wound round the root of the penis, which is
several South African tribes (e.g. Barrow 1801: 213), then held up in a waist band (Somerville 1894: 368).
such as the Xhosa whose penis stalls are drawn up to In New Caledonia (plate 20) such thick wrappers,
the level of the waist band by means of a string with or without a second decoratively tied cloth, are
(Bryant 1949: 135). However, as has been seen in the sometimes allowed to hang freely (Speiser 1934: 138;
case of the Mimika, methods of attachment by friction 1919: 184-5; 1933: 189; Sarasin 1929: 156) and are
may anchor the penis in a certain position through the sometimes attached to a string round the neck (see

46
 Cameron 1964: 229). There may, however, still be which can be interpreted either as a sheath or as the
problems of anchoring the wrapper securely to the penis itself considerably enlarged. Now that the
body; in Malekula the foreskin is slit longitudinally evidence from Naga-ed-Der is known, there is little
and rolled back so that it heals in thick ridges and reason against accepting these also as representations
therefore acts as an anchor for the wrapper (Somerville of sheaths, the absence of belts being either due to
1894: 368). When put on after circumcision rites, the artistic convention or reflecting actual technological
wrapper is often lined with a dressing of medicated variety. Sheaths are represented on figurines from
soft leaves (Layard 1942: 510). Such wrappers can both the Amratian and Gerzean period (e.g. Ucko
apparently be removed without losing their original 1968: 75-80, 97 and No. 18), and probably also on
form (Sarasin 1929: 156). For Malekula, Layard several Gerzean vase paintings. An ivory figure from
records (1942: 42, 477) that the wrappers, made of Mahasna (Ucko 1967: 353; 1968: 97) probably shows
banana leaf, are held vertically and tucked in and the existence of long sheaths not unlike gourd types
from behind a waist belt and that they are only in use in New Guinea today. These excavated male
removed for urination, performed in secrecy, or for representations are similar, in being sheathed, to sev-
washing, which is carried out while under water. In eral bought figurines the pre-dynastic date of which
other cases it is reported that urination takes place is questionable (Ucko 1965). These in turn are very
with the wrapper still attached: ' . . . nor do they untie different from other bought figurines, the authenticity
it when they want to make water, but piss through all of which is still to be proved, shown with erect, semi-
and when done shake off what drops may hang to the erect and flaccid uncovered penes (Ucko & Hodges
coat' (see Cameron 1964: 229). 1963).15 Bought ivory figurines resemble excavated
Only in the case of the Pende of the Congo do we male figurihes from Hierakonpolis and Abydos, some
know of an example where the sheath, sometimes used having 'simple' sheaths extending from the navel
together with paralysing drugs, is so designed never region to the top of the leg separation and others
to be removed once put on. In one Pende group a having 'complex' sheaths, shaped in various ways
metal ring is placed directly on the penis behind the often including two lateral projections at the level of
glans to which is attached a piece of cloth onto which the testicles, extending from a waist belt quite far down
is sewn a short raffia sheath, bell-shaped at the end of the body (Ucko 1965). The sheaths of these latter
the sexual organ. Urination takes place through a figures are closely similar to a bought basalt statue (e.g.
small hole at the end of the sheath (Sousberghe 1954: Aldred 1949: pl. 1) the date of which is also obscure.
215). The sheath represented upon it has been claimed to
Archaeologicalevidence. There are special problems have been made from metal or wood (Naville 1900:
confronting the study of sheathing practices of 68), but is more likely to have been constructed of
ancient Egypt, the prehistoric Cyclades (e.g. Zervos skin or leather (Luschan 1901: 197; Bates 1914: 123).
1959: 253), the prehistoric Near East (e.g. Ucko 1968: Some of the Hierakonpolis and Abydos figures may,
359) and those cultures only known from their rock or may not date from the Proto-Dynastic period
art (e.g. Anati 1968: 75-6; Winkler 1938; 1939), for (Ucko 1965; Kemp 1968: 153) as also do several
it is remarkably difficult to interpret the significance ceremonial palettes which sometimes have sheathed
of many of the representations. With the exception figures represented on them. On the Narmer Palette
of the evidence from Egypt which includes not only are shown some figures apparently circumcised, as
representations but also pre-dynastic burials from was also true of some of the Naga-ed-Der individuals,
Naga-ed-Der and a particular New Kingdom text, and others wearing sheaths. Equally clear are the
all that can be said is that sheaths were worn, sheaths shown on the individuals being trampled by
without being able to specify the types of sheaths or a bull on the Louvre Palette, and there are other
how they were put on and attached to the body. possible examples on palettes in the Ashmolean and
Egypt. This review of the Egyptian evidence at British Museums.
least can start with direct evidence, for some fifty The use of sheaths is also attested in representations
adult males were buried at Naga-ed-Der wearing of the Old Kingdom (e.g. Fischer 1961: 68; Jequier
'protective pouches' made from a variety of materials: 1938: 13; Bates 1914: 122; Holscher 1955: 27;
'cloth', linen, leather, soft skin with hair on it. Even Borchardt 1913: 12). It is in the Vth Dynasty (c.
with this direct evidence the details of how these 2565-2420 B.c.) that we find a representation of a
sheaths were worn are not entirely clear but it seems woman wearing what on a male would undoubtedly be
that there may have been at least two sheath types interpreted as a penis sheath.16 This representation
worn by the inhabitants of Naga-ed-Der both held up has received various interpretations, the first based on
by various cords to a waist belt: a long tube which the supposition that the original meaning of this
fitted onto the penis with a pouch to cover the testicles 'sheath' must have been forgotten since the time when
and a penis wrapper of some 13 cm. length (see Ucko it was used by males (see above) and the second that
1967: 351-3). Contrary to Baumgartel's statement to wear a 'sheath' was a visible indication of male
(1960: 69) several pre-dynastic carved male figurines status (e.g. Bates 1914: 113; Newberry 1915: 102).
are shown wearing recognisable sheaths attached to a This is not the only known example of women wearing
waist belt, and others are shown with a protrusion what morphologically appear to be sheaths, for among

47
 the Sara of Chad, women wear an object shaped like still do not know the Egyptian word for penis sheath,
a sheath called a gol, which is fitted so that it presses although it has been suggested that there was such a
on the vulva and anus either by being attached at the word used in connexion with priests whose duties
anal end to a waist belt or by being actually forced included the clothing of god and king (Grdseloff 1943:
into the anus. The gol, made of vegetable fibres, is 357-66). Actual depictions of Merneptah's battles,
normal female wear being washed several times each as well as the later ones of Rameses III, show actual
day and being renewed about every six months heaps of hands and phalli with testicles, and the
(Muraz 1932: 109-10). bodies shown appear to have either hands or un-
There is no doubt that the sheath was also worn in sheathed penes. By the time of Rameses IlI the word
the Middle Kingdom (c. 2134-1786 B.C.) and it is kernata clearly referred to the phallus and not merely
from the Dynasty XII tomb of Senbi at Meir that we the foreskin if the evidence from the representations
have the only representation showing how the sheath can be accepted. This is perhaps the major reason
was fitted. As far as it is possible to interpret this against accepting the equation between foreskin and
representation it seems that the vertical penis was kernata, but it should be noted that similar extensions
inserted into a tubular sheath which was tucked of meaning occur in Hebrew for the Semitic word
behind and under a belt and which then hung down which kernata represents.17
in a wide flap over the pubic region (see Blackman There is no good evidence for the use of sheaths in
1914: 31 and fig. 7). Also from the Middle Kingdom Egypt after the New Kingdom and classical authors
are several other probable representations of sheaths make no mention of them. The few claims for their
but these are very difficult to distinguish clearly from existence at this period apparently rest on depictions
various types of kilts, many of which are apparently in Late papyri which are impossible to interpret with
adorned with tassels and hanging appendages (see any degree of certainty.
e.g. Fischer 1961: 73-4; Bates 1914: 122 sq.). Ethology. We have seen several ways in which
In the New Kingdom (c. 1570-1086 B.C.) there is techniques and methods of attachment influence or
clear evidence that some of the enemies of Egypt, such determine the angles at which penis sheaths and/or
as the Tehenu, Meshwesh and possibly Nubians, wore the penis are held. Morris (apparentlybasing himself
sheaths, sometimes attached to a separate waist belt on Wickler (1966: 430-3), has recently claimed (1969:
and sometimes apparently looped and forming part 100) that 'status sex' is concerned with dominance
of the belt under which it is tucked (see Bates 1914: display and that one rule about dominance is that it
122-4). But the most definite evidence of sheath- involves the clear display of 'trappings, postures and
wearing in Egypt is the representation of a deity (see gestures of dominance'. In Morris's view, phallic
below), for most of the -other possible Egyptian symbolism is often cryptic but amongst New Guinea
examples are difficult to distinguish clearly from tribesmen it is direct and overt; the greater the erection
complex kilt types (see Bates 1914: 122 sqq.; Fischer the greater the degree of threat involved (Morris 1969:
1961: 74). Unfortunately, despite numerous attempts, 106). In fact, as we have seen, it is clear that different
it is not possible to make out accurately the details of cultures have different penis confinement fashions,
the sheathing practices of the Minoans shown in some which have their own implications regarding sheath
Egyptian representations (see Evans 1925: 20-1; angle. There is absolutely no evidence to support a
Evans 1928: 736-9; Pendlebury 1939: 223; Davies claim that a people who normally wear their sheaths
1943: 24-5), nor can much be said from Minoan works dangling at the end of flaccid penes are therefore less
themselves (but see Evans 1921: 35 note; Evans 1925; dominant or aggressive than a people who normally
20-1; Evans 1930: 182; Evans 1935: 22-3, 28; have the sheath held more vertically. To consider
Hutchinson 1962: 110-11; Myres 1902-3: 363-4; Morris's thesis seriously, it must be discussed in terms
Pendlebury 1939: 117, 268). There is, however, of intra-culturalvariations; in a situation such as that
textual evidence about the sheaths of other peoples. which operates among the Bafia of East Cameroon,
Normal Egyptian practice was to cut off the hands of where the correct angle of the small sheath placed on
enemies slain in war so that accurate counts could be the end of the penis is said to be of as much concern as
made after a battle, but in a text about the battles of are the trouser creases of the modern European
Merneptah against the Libu and Sea Peoples it is (Tessmann 1934: 92-92), it is well worth looking for
said that in some cases they cut off the phalli. These any evidence to support a correlation between angle
phalli are said to have kernata, a foreign word (used chosen and particular personality. In the Bafia case,
only in two Egyptian texts) which is often taken to although the 'most magnificent' sheaths are worn by
mean sheath (see e.g. Naville 1900: 68) but which, 'very strong men', this does not seem to be correlated
it has also been argued (partly on linguistic grounds) with the sheath angle or length of sheath protrusion
could equally well mean prepuce (see e.g. Holscher but instead with width, weight and a particular
1955: 43-5; Bates 1914: 122-4). Accepting the latter decoration incorporating nowadays the top of a
argument, Egyptian practice would have been to cut smelling-salts bottle. Particular sheath types are
off the hands of those enemies who were circumcised always worn in particular ways, aslant and upwards
and to cut off the phalli of the uncircumcised. If this or aslant and to the right. In New Caledonia, penis
is the correct interpretation, it would mean that we wrappers are sometimes left to hang down and some-

48
 times, often on feast days, worn tucked up to the belt penis that it cannot come off during sexual intercourse
(Speiser 1933: 189) but there is no evidence to suggest and which is made so that it is strong enough to
any correlation of the kind suggested by Morris. For contain ejaculated semen. Such contraceptive sheaths
the Dani, the New Guinea people to whom Morris were already on sale in different sizes and packed in
refers, who have a wide variety of shaped sheaths different coloured wrappers by th-eeighteenth century
from which to choose, it is categorically stated that (see Finch & Green 1963: 51-2), and in 1970 there are
the gourd sheath 'is not, in any explicit way, a focus several sheath types available on the market, all with
of Dani sexuality or eroticism' and that there is no the same primary contraceptive aim. These modern
obvious correlation between sheath shape or decor- examples vary in colour, shape, lubrication and thick-
ation with status or personality (Heider 1969: 387-8). ness. The variety of colour and lubrication is aimed
In fact, Wickler's (1966) interpretation is partly at simulating the natural state with a view to attracting
different from that advanced by Morris; human buyers; the different shapes aim at increasing the
sheathing of the penis corresponds to territorial 'guard stimulation of either the female or the male by the use
sitting' by baboons and vervet monkeys whereby of protruding appendages or restricted coverage;
these animals sit, with their backs to the remainder of different thicknesses aim at deferring or hastening
their group members, with thighs opened so that the moments of climax. These modern European sheaths
extended or erect penis is clearly visible. To support focus attention on the multiplicity and variety of
his interpretation, Wickler stresses the ornamentation functions that a sheath may fulfil at one and the same
and appendages of human sheaths and he maintains time. Furthermore they raise the question whether
that, although penis sheathing varies from village to other sheaths are in fact acting as contraceptive
village, it is always uniform within a village. As has devices, not necessarily through being worn during
already been seen, such uniformity does not in fact sexual intercourse, but perhaps by preventing erections
exist and the social contexts of sheathing practices are or at least by delaying orgasms.
much more complex than anything suggested by Contraception. Ethnographically, the most explicit
Wickler (see below). case of a sheath acting as a contraceptive device is
that of the Nioka chief, mentioned previously, who
Overt explanation after certain ritual activities is tabooed for the rest of
To date there has been little evidence to explain the his life from sexual intercourse. To ensure that the
morphological variety of sheathing practices reviewed, taboo is not violated, for this would bring great
and it is time to approach this material from a wider misfortune to all his people, the chief's sheath is
functional point of view. An obvious starting point fastened by knots behind his back and these knots are
would be the statements and explanations given by inspected every day (Sousberghe 1954: 214-19). Less
the people who practise penis confinement but, in the explicitly perhaps, virtually all the confinement
ethnographic context, such statements are to a large practices which have been reviewed on previous pages
extent absent from the literature. What we find do, as claimed by Gerson (1919: 25), make erection
instead are either simple explanatory generalisations either impossible or painful, for during erection the
on the part of the ethnographer or wide ranging penis not only changes angle but becomes considerably
schemes concerned with the evolution of clothing. It longer and thicker. There is also evidence that
is often impossible to distinguish between what is the certain ethnographic penis confinement practices may
ethnographer'sconclusion and what is direct reporting have dire physical consequences; for example,
of a people's explanatory statements. In this situation, Sorenson and Gadjusek (1966: 159, 161) remark that
it becomes necessary to concentrate on several when the erect penis is artificially held between the
different levels of analysis: the directly observed thighs 'violent sexual activity is required by men and
practice, the social context of penis confinement and youths to achieve a response'. There are however
the identity of the sheath wearer. Finally, it will be virtually no explicit statements by sheath wearers to
necessary to consider the evidence from myth, ritual suggest that contraception or the prevention of
and art to complete this investigation into the sig- erection are primary aims of penis confinement. One
nificance of sheathing practices. exception is the case of the Thonga, for Junod
In view of the paucity of direct ethnographic records (1927: 95) that one of their explicit comments
information, it is essential to search for as wide a on the sheath is that it is an aid to continence, those
range of explanations as possible against which to not wearing sheaths being accused of being immoral
test observed ethnographic practices (see Ucko & adulterers. It is quite possible, although there is
Rosenfeld 1967: 150-8). The clearest statements nothing in the literature to confirm such a view, that
about the function of the wearing of sheaths come such an attitude also exists among other peoples.18
from modern western cultures, an area of information Another explicitly sexual aim of penis confinement is
which should not be ignored, for, as already noted, we that recorded by the ancient Romans. Infibulation,
are dealing with a human activity which is allowed it is clear from Martial (VI, 82) and Juvenal (Satires
only a limited range of possibilities. In Britain today, VI, 73, and VI, 379), was primarilypractised to prevent
as is well known, the male sheath is primarily a any sexual activity by actors and musicians for,
contraceptive, devised so as to fit so tightly on to the according to Roman and also much later accepted

49
 belief, any form of sexual activity detracts from (see Linthicum 1936: 204; Binder 1958: 164), all
general physical wellbeing and particularly harms the features which directed the observer's eyes to this area
qualities of the voice. Such infibulation, it is clear, of the body. At this time codpieces were often used
in no way lessened the physical attraction of some of as containers for handkerchiefs, purses and napkins,
these actors and singers in the view of several Roman anid it is recorded that on some occasions meni even
ladies. In some small-scale societies the belief exists secreted spoons or oranges within this item of their
that sexual activity leads to a diminution of male clothing (see e.g. Boehn 1923: 107; Cunnington &
power, and particular male activities are therefore Cunnington 1954: 118). The excesses of this form of
often surrounded by sexual taboos. The use of penis dress are superbly recorded by Rabelais in his The
sheaths might be associated with such a belief although history of Gargantuaand Pantagruel: 'His codpiece
there is no evidence to suggest, except in the Classical took 241 yards of the same stuff; and its shape was that
and Nioka cases, that sheaths were especially adopted of a bowed arch, well and gallantly fastened by two
for the performance of particularly male activities.'9 fine old buckles with two enamelled clasps, in each of
Nevertheless it is worthwhile noting the view that, for which was set a huge emerald, the size of an orange.
several different reasons, genital excretions, and in For this fruit has an erectivevirtue, and is encouraging
particular those connected with procreation, are to the natural member. The vent of the codpiece ...
'pollution-worthy' (Douglas 1966: 125). slashed like his hose, with a blue damask puffing out
Disease. European sheaths were not always simply in the same way.... (with) fine wire-threadembroidery
contraceptives for, already in the sixteenth century, and ... charmingplatting.... For it was always brave,
their function was primarily protective against disease sappy, and moist, always green, always flourishing,
(e.g. see Finch & Green 1963: 48). Several claims always fructifying, full of humours, full of flowers, full
exist that disease, and particularly bilharzia, was the of fruit, full of every delight. I swear to God it was
primary cause for the adoption of sheaths both a pleasure to look at! . . . Not only was it long and
ethnographicallyand in antiquity, but there is no good capacious, but well furnished within and well
evidence to support this view (see Dingwall 1925 for victualled, having no resemblance to the fraudulent
bibliographical references). Ethnographically, only codpieces of so many young gentlemen which contain
the Bafia of East Cameroon give an explanation for nothing but wind, to the great disappointment of the
the use of their present-day palm leaf sheaths which female sex.' Already in the sixteenth century women
is explicitly medical (Tessmann 1934: 82-5). They had adopted clothing which partially reflected this
maintain that they switched from the use of skin or male item, and any woman who wished to disguise
gourd sheaths to their present small fibre sheaths so herself as a man was more or less bound to wear the
that their women could tell whether or not a man had codpiece. In this way Julia in Shakespeare's Two
a genital disease. In fact the value of this explicit gentlemen of Verona (Act II, scene 7, line 53), when
rationale is highly questionable, for the present Bafia discussing with her waiting woman Lucetta how best
sheaths do, in fact, serve to camouflage any such to disguise herself as a page, is advised by her that to
genital afflictions. Tessmann records that he hoped make her disguise effective 'You must needs have
to add the sheath of a certain prisoner to his collection, them with a cod-piece, Madam', to which she replies
but that when the 'prisoner . .. was made to remove . . . 'that will be ill-favoured', but is warned that 'a
his sheath . . . the discharge of gonorrhoea flowed round hose, Madam, now's not worth a pin, unless
out . . . ' and Tessmann decided against including this you have a cod-piece to stick pins on'. In the
particular specimen in his collection (1934: 85). seventeenth century the use of the codpiece, except in
Codpiece. When we proceed even further back into country areas, became rarer and rarer, for breeches
European history we find the use of the codpiece, were then separately buttoned or tied (see Cunnington
likened by many authorities to ethnographic penis 1954: 122) until, eventually, they became obsolete,
confinement practices. There is surprisingly little and reproductions of the works of Holbein and others
known about the details of the origin of this form of had this item of dress removed from them.
clothing, but there seems little doubt that in the late This brief- review may serve to introduce the
fourteenth century, when it was invented, the codpiece question whether the use of sheaths as recorded in
was considered by the authorities as an essential item ethnography fall within the shame or the display
to ensure decorum at a time when jerkin and doublet aspect of clothing and it suggests the possibility of the
were becoming shorter and hose were tighter (see sheath as either a protective device or as a container for
Rudeck 1897: 45; Binder 1958: 200-1). miscellanea. It also stresses that one item of dress may
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the codpiece come to epitomise the male sex and may therefore, in
became not only an item of obtrusive display and fun, an ethnographic context, be especially suitable for
often simulating the sexual organ (see Laver 1951: 8), certain ritual, and especially transvestite, activities.
but also part of recognised armoury and a visible sign
of cultural allegiance (see above). That the codpiece Shame and display: naked and nude
was at this time a means of display is shown by the Much of the secondary literature referring to
fact that it was often stiffened and padded and sheathing practices has been primarily concerned with
frequently decorated with embroidery or with bows the history and development of clothing (see Benedict

50
 1951). By far the most common view has been that to nakedness are well brought out by Sorenson and
an instinctive fear, or shame, about the genital area Gajdusek (1966) for New Guinea where, for example,
led to the adoption of clothing which therefore the Awa wear several thicknesses of skirts to avoid
consisted, in its earliest form, of a covering of the ever having to appear unclothed even in wholly male
genitals. The opposite view, that feelings of modesty company. It is clear, however, that most penis
derive from the use of clothing has been rejected sheathing peoples do, in certain circumstances,
because the feelings exist amongst peoples who wear consider themselves to be naked when deprived of
nothing at all. Other suggestions about the origin of their penis sheaths.
clothing have isolated such factors as the cold or the The intellectual distinction between nude and naked
need for protection against either natural dangers or has been quite a useful one (see Beidelman's (1966)
spiritual powers. analysis of the Swazi king as denuded of status and as
It is the distinction between shame and display a solitary figure) but in many ways the point made by
which has greatly concerned many of the authorities St Augustine in The City of God against the Pagans
writing on primitive sheathing practices for, to many (IV, Bk. 14, XVII) is even more important. According
of them, there seems an inherent contradiction be- to St Augustine's view, the pubic parts only became
tween the idea of shameful concealment of the shameful after man's first sin so that before this time,
genitals and the form and dimensions of some of the as stated in Genesis(II, 25), 'they were both naked, and
sheaths. It is necessary here to widen our investi- were not ashamed'. 'And the reason for this is not
gation to consider exactly what is meant by the use of. that they were unaware of their nakedness, but that
the terms 'naked', 'nude' and 'shame'. Beidelman this nakedness was not yet base.' When grace was
(1968: 115) has recently accepted and made use of the lost 'there came to be in the action of the body a
distinction originally proposed by Sir Kenneth Clark certain shameless novelty, and thereafter nudity was
(1956) whereby nudity is taken to refer to a state of indecent. It drew their attention and made them
being unclothed without any associated feeling of embarrassed.' The importance of this statement is
embarrassment or shame, whereas to be naked that it focuses attention on the fact that shame
signifies a state of embarrassment or even dread (see regarding undress is dependent not merely on what
Rivers 1914: 43). If we accept this distinction for the happens to be worn in a particular society but on the
moment we find, as already noted from the mor- particular social contexts under consideration. In
phology of sheath types, that no feelings of modesty other words, it may not be embarrassing to be seen
are associated with the unclothed scrotum or testicles without a sheath in certain situations but in other
amongst the vast majority of penis sheath wearers. social contexts to be without a sheath may be acutely
There is also considerable evidence that to many distasteful.
peoples who confine the penis it is not the exposure of When we turn to sheathing practices recorded in
the penis itself which is a sign of nakedness, but the ethnography we see the immediate utility of this
exposure of the glans (see e.g. Bryant 1949: 125; approach. Firstly, on the cross-cultural level we find
Speiser 1923: 70). It is this distinction between nudity that what is considered appropriate dress for a certain
and the naked glans which formed the basis of several situation is inappropriate in another culture. Thus,
of the theories of culturalrelationships,incursions, and amongst the Namchi of the Cameroons and several
invasions reviewed previously (see pp. 32-36 above). nortbern Nigerian tribes, the penis sheath is removed
For those who tried to trace the influences of different before burial (Leiris 1934: 66, note 3; Meek 1925: 116),
Melanesian immigrantpopulations it was assumed that whilst among other sheath wearers, such as the Gurma
feelings of being naked were derived from the practices of the Upper Volta, correct burial rites demand the
of circumcision and the consequent exposure of the wearing of a penis sheath (Froelich 1949: 110, 178).
glans (e.g. Speiser 1934: 136-9). Unfortunately, the Amongst the LoDagaa of Ghana, the corpse of an
literature is in general too poor to be able to talk unmarriedman is buried with the penis tied under the
about the attitudes to various parts of the genitals in waist belt, the practice of young boys, thus symbolising
any detail (see also Beidelman 1968: 122, note 2), but the shame of never having become a husband (Goody
we do know that the situation is vastly more complex 1962: 84). Secondly within a particular culture the
than is suggested in the works of Speiser and others. uncovered penis or glans only causes shame in certain
In New Guinea, for example, the Sohur are exceptional situations; amongst the Seka and Bangu-Anim of New
in associating shame with both the penis and the Guinea (e.g. Wirz 1928: 145) only when women are
scrotum whereas amongst the Marind-Anim shame around, amongst the Remo of Peru only when in
is focused on the prepuce (Nevermann 1940: 175). It public (Zerries 1964: 119), and amongst several South
is also necessary to stress that feelings of shame are African tribes only when an unexpected visitor calls
not necessarily focused on the genitals at all for, at the house or when crossing water (e.g. Vaillant
amongst several peoples, they are concentrated instead 1796: 362). Similarly we also find, for example in the
on the anal region; even when the penis has been New Hebrides (Speiser 1923: 70) that to be unsheathed,
incised (e.g. Friederici 1912: 159-60). In several cases and thus to expose the glans, is not shameful when
it is defecation and not urination which must be performing certain activities such as planting or,
undertakenin strictprivacy. The extremes of attitudes amongst the Dani of New Guinea (Heider 1969: 383)

51
 when doing particularly muddy work. In other (Nouhuys 1913: 14). It is also important to note
social situations all these people would consider it that to feel shame is not always simply a matter of
shameful to be without one's sheath. being totally unclothed, for penis sheaths are some-
Where there is shame associated with being naked times worn, as was the case with codpieces, with the
this takes different forms in different societies. Classical Maori and in the Himalayas still today, with
Amongst the Urubu of Brazil, for example, the tying many other items of body covering. Furthermore,
of the prepuce seems to be a straightforward matter embarrassment may be caused just as much by the
of embarrassment, for those who are not yet old wearing of the 'incorrect' form of dress as by the
enough to tie up the prepuce but who are, nevertheless, uncovering of a particularpart of the body. Thus, we
conscious of the size of their organs, cover the penis have already noted the case of the Bafia where the
with their hands, and, in general, any adult who was correct positioning and angle of the sheath worn is a
seen without his sheath would die of shame (Huxley matter of great concern, and we must also remember
1957: 142-3). This same theme of shame finds the great number of cases recordedwhere the European
expressionin Urubu myth together with an implication custom of wearing trousers, although covering both
of strength associated with the glans (Huxley 1957: penis and anus, is considered highly indecent. As
241, 249, 261). Beidelman remarks (1968: 123) for the Nuer 'it is not
To be ashamed of being seen without one's sheath the sight of the genitalia in itself which is thought to
is true of many sheath wearers in all parts of the cause injury so much as the disrespectin not observing
world. As Huxley and Cope (1965: 20) have put it the convention'-although the Nuer now wear shorts
with specific reference to the Amahuaca of Peru, to 'they continue to wear as well over them . .. the wild
appear without one's sheath 'is as embarrassingas for cat's fur traditionally worn'.
a New Yorker to discover himself bare-bottomed in Almost all that has been said with regard to feelings
Times Square'. In extreme cases such modesty extends of shame and the wearing of penis sheaths applies
even to situations where a group of people are bathing equally well to people who do not wear sheaths. As
together (see e.g. the Parintintin (Nimuendaju 1948: Malinowski wrote for the Trobriand Islanders, who
290)) and may even result in the sheath being removed wear a pubic leaf: 'It is bad, shameful and ludicrous
only when under water (e.g. Von Koenigswald 1908: in a degrading sense not to conceal, carefully and
223). The Brazilian Tupari, who do not remove properly, those parts of the human body which should
their sheaths even for bathing, consider Europeans be covered by dress. . . . However when it is necessary
who bathe in the nude and neighbouring tribes who for practicalreasons for males to take off the pubic leaf,
are reputedlynude all the time, as similar to tapirs and as during the fishing or diving activities, this is done
monkeys (Casper 1952: 156; 1953: 209; Levi-Strauss without either false shame or the slightest symptom
1969: 266). Amongst the Gaika of South Africa an of improper interest. The natives convey clearly by
individual who exposes himself without his sheath is behaviour and comment that nakedness is not
subject to a specific fine (Maclean 1858: 126) whilst shameful when it is necessary, but becomes so when
amongst the Dani of New Guinea sexual modesty is due to carelessness or lewdness' (Malinowski 1929: 53,
the only explicit reason given by the people themselves 255, 379, 380).
for the use of their gourd sheaths which are put on We must return here to the starting point of this
while carefully turning their backs on any other particular discussion, for there can be no doubt that
people present (Heider 1969: 387). It is interesting to many of the sheathing practices, with their associated
note in this connexion that many sheath wearers when beliefs of impropriety and shame, are nevertheless
forced to remove their sheaths for urination adopt a striking and noticeable. As Koch-Gruneberg (1910:
squatting posture. 89) and many others have said, penis sheaths can
The correlation between being naked and feeling hardly be adopted because of shame about the genitals
shame is, however, not as straightforward as it may if they are painted and adorned with tassels. Similarly,
so far appear to be. For example (Frobenius 1913: Sande has argued (1970: 39) that New Guinea gourd
323) points out that among the Tamberama of the sheaths, however much they in fact hide, must be
Upper Volta only some men actually wear a sheath instrumental in focusing attention on the sexual area
and no shame is shown by the non-sheath wearers. and possibly in accentuating virility. Support for
Furthermore little fuss is made when a sheath needs the view that sheathing practices are part of display
readjustment, a not infrequent occurrence, and for activity comes not only from the ethologists (see above)
dancing the sheaths are often removed without and from the elaboration of some of the practices
embarrassment, either by the man himself or by his themselves but also from some hints, as for example
female partner. Similarly in parts of New Guinea it those by Frobenius (1913: 324), that it is pre-
is not exceptional for the sheath to become detached dominantly the young boys rather than the old men
while walking (see above), in which case the person who wear sheaths. In the context of display the
concerned simply walks away and adjusts his covering parallel has often been drawn between ethnographic
(Neuhauss 1911: 196). In other New Guinea cases, as sheathing practices and the historic European cod-
for example amongst the Pesegem, when the sheath pieces whose history, development and blatantly
comes off, a temporary covering of leaves is applied exaggeratednature, have been shortly reviewed above.

52
 This display factor becomes explicit in the dances of, Receptacle. As we have already seen, the codpiece
for example, the Tamberama of the Upper Volta, for during its heyday acted as a receptacle as well as a
their dancing sheaths are larger and more noticeable covering of the penis. This function is found also for
than are those worn for everyday activities (Frobenius some sheathing practices among primitive peoples. In
1913: 324). The same interpretation can be offered some areas of New Guinea the sheath is evidently
for many of the decorations on, and carved shapes of, considered a place for keeping things not only
several South African sheaths. We have already accessible but also dry, for the Kaya Kaya keep tinder
noted several seemingly flamboyant examples of New in their sheaths (Bruijn 1915: 85) and the Wiram of
Guinea gourd sheaths as well as the use of appendages Trans Fly use them 'as a repository for tobacco and
and fur, all of which could be associated with display. other odds and ends' (Williams 1936: 397). Williams
In New Caledonia the norm is a simple penis wrapper also recounts the meeting of an expedition with
but on feast days specially painted examples are worn peoples around Everill Junction who were munching
which have wider bases and are curved round to the shrimps 'and continually helping themselves to further
top (e.g. Speiser 1919: 166; Sarasin 1929: 156); here supplies secreted in the covers of their pubic shells'.
again, we must accept a display element. In the case In other areas the transportation aspect of the sheath
of the Admiralty Islands, as we have already seen, is restricted to the occasional needle stuck in the
penis shells are carried about all the time but are only wad of fur or fibre at the end of the sheath (Heider
worn for war or dancing; the islanders are otherwise 1969: 388).
nude. It is impossible to reject the suggestion that we Protection. Codpieces, as we have seen, also became
are dealing with phallic display and decoration (see e.g. integral parts of protective armour, as have also
Thilenius 1903: 129-30; Mead 1942: 38, 132). At this various types of more recent sheaths used in sports,
stage it is important to note that all these aspects of and this is an explanation sometimes offered for
display have obvious morphological features but with sheathing among non-literate peoples, not usually for
South American practices of tying up the penis any defence against human attack but as protection
display is limited, by definition, to the colouring against natural dangers and irritants, insect, animal
matter of the thread used. The literature on these and vegetable. In several cases, especially in South
South American practices is very poor, but even when America, this is the only explicit explanation offered
the threads are coloured red it has been claimed that by the sheath wearers themselves and it is by far the
the intention is not decorative but to protect against most common interpretation offered by the ethno-
evil magic (e.g. Karsten 1962a: 152). This is not to graphers (e.g. Nordenskiold 1922: 94; Koch-
say that display is not the aim of other South American Gruneberg 1910: 89; Karsten 1926b: 172; Becher 1955:
practices; for example, among the Bororo of Brazil 145; Junger 1926: 107; etc.). There is little doubt that
the use of decorated penis sheaths as social signals is in several parts of South America where sheaths are
obvious (see below). worn the dangers and inconveniences from insects and
It is now clear that a simple distinction between nude fish at least are considerable. Thus Friederici (1912:
and naked is less useful than it at first sight appeared 156) records the unmanning from fish bites of several
to be, and furthermore that its use has served to people who bathed without wearing a penis cover.
camouflage the interesting fact, already suggested by Furthermore in Guiana-and the mouth of the Orinoco
the example of modern contraceptive sheaths, that the humidity may be as much as 100 per cent., a
sheaths may have a multiplicity of functions. There situation which must favour the minimum of non-
can be no doubt that many of the sheaths of primitive functional clothing. The same explanation has also
peoples are at one and the same time performing the been offered by many of the ethnographersworking in
functions of shame coverings and display signs. It has New Guinea and Africa. The Omand of the
perhaps become a truism in modern Europe to say Cameroons themselves say that they wear sheaths as
that one conceals what one wishes to display but this protection against small creatures that creep up their
is nevertheless an appropriate statement about many legs while they are seated (Tessmann 1934: 83), and the
of the sheathing practices recorded by ethnographers. Thonga of South Africa are similarly explicit in
As Birket-Smith has said (1965: 182) sheaths may be stating that their sheaths are protection against ants
designed to protect the genitalia from view but this (Junod 1927: 40). But one fact which argues against
by no means implies that they are designed to conceal the protection against natural hazards being the sole
the existence of the sheathed items. From this point or even major reason for the wearing of sheaths is the
we may go back to Westermarck's (1921: 553) patchy nature of their distribution (see figs. 1-4), for
argument that most clothing is designed to allure, and the same natural hazards exist in many different
add that it is perhaps true to say that the less one areas, some where sheaths are worn and some where
actually sees the more one can imagine. There is in they are not. If such sheathing practices were really
this context perhaps a valid parallel between the use of effective against major natural irritants one would
sheaths in the ethnographic context and the use of expect to find them in use by tribes who were in
lipstick or the brassiere (with or without its small contact with each other and were subject to the same
decoration or bow on the front) in the modern western natural hazards, but this is often not the case (see
world. above).

53
 For New Guinea it has sometimes been claimed features which are correlated with the ease of keeping
that the sheaths are protective against human attack the sheaths anchored in place. For the Xhosa of
in the same way as cuirasses (Reisenfeld 1946: 34), South Africa, however, we have unique evidence to
but this is not a convincing interpretation as the show that the sheaths worn for fighting were of the
amount of protection afforded even by the cuirass is normal gourd type but were somewhat longer and
very questionable (see Austen 1947: 97), and in any were adorned with chains which sometimes had small
case the sheaths are too brittle to be good defence bells attached to them (Louw 1938: 63-4). For some
against arrows (Heider 1969: 387). other South African tribes also it is recorded that
Several morphological features argue against the sheaths worn in warfare are larger than those worn for
protective function of many sheaths. First, that everyday activities.
many of the ends of sheaths are left open thus There are some few remaining explanations of
affording little protection against insects or fish. sheath wearing which are based either on explicit
Second, that most sheathing practices, not only in statements by the sheath wearers themselves or on
America but also in Africa, New Guinea and the practices observed by the ethnographers in the field.
Pacific Islands, leave the testicles totally uncovered. Thus, in several parts of New Guinea, excitement,
Third, that many sheath types are very small indeed as wonder or fear leads to the drumming of the finger
well as being relatively unstable. But perhaps the nails on the gourd sheaths which, amongst the Dani
most striking point against accepting any simple at least, is also a means of expressing agnatic relation-
single explanation either in terms of display, shame or ship (Nouhuys 1912: 14; Heider 1969: 388).
protection for the use of sheaths is the very widespread Orifices. With perhaps more general application is
custom of continuing to wear sheaths under other the wearing of the gol by Sara women; we have
adopted forms of clothing such as shirts, kilts or already seen that the wife of a Libyan chief is shown
trousers. All the forms of sheathing reviewed above- in an ancient Egyptian representation to be wearing
the prepuce tied at the end of the glans, the penis what looks like a male sheath and we have also noted
wrapper, the manufactured penis sheath-are found that in Europe women sometimes opted to wear dress
still in use under adopted European clothing in all simulating the male codpiece. Sara women, however,
parts of the world (e.g. Tessmann 1934: pl. II; wear the gol with no explicit wish to appear masculine
Lebuf 1936: 16; Tooke 1962: 81; Lembezat 1961: 123; but because they aim to exclude those evil spirits which
Meek 1925: 39; Speiser 1923: 72; Sarasin 1929: 156; wander freely around and who seek to gain entrance to
Zerries 1964: 118; Nordenskiold 1924: 148; etc.). In the human body through its orifices. Whereas Sara
regions of New Guinea where the sheaths are made of men are initiated into special societies whose rites
long gourds this is often no easy feat, but cases are include flagellation to separate the good spirits from
known where a special hole is cut in the front of a the bad, the woman block both vagina and anus by
pair of trousers (Nouhuys 1913: 14) or where the the use of the gol (Muraz 1928: 4-7; Baumann &
sheath protrudes through the left leg of the trousers Westermann 1948: 298). There is, in the literature, a
(personal communication, B. A. L. Cranstone). There small body of evidence which suggests that sheathing
is even one case recorded for the Admiralty Islands of acts as protection not so much against natural dangers
a shell being worn under a loin cloth (Nevermann as against such things as evil spirits, the evil eye and
1934: 111). especially the harmful spirits of dead animals (e.g.
Nevertheless, in view of the remarks made above Karsten 1962a: 150; Polykrates 1969: 161; Palmer
about the importance which is often attached to 1922-3; 123; Baumann 1938: 235; Speiser 1923: 70-4;
adhering to accepted clothing custom, it would be Graebner 1924: 49). In general, as for the Sara, the
dangerous to exclude an originally protective function assumption is made that such evil influences can gain
of some sheaths as an important reason for their being entrance to the human body through its natural
worn. Furthermore, in the context of human warfare, orifices, especially the genitalia, which are therefore
their psychological effects may have been considerable. blocked by various different methods. There is some
As we have seen, many of the sheaths, especially in evidence to suggest that this belief lies behind several
New Guinea, may be very flamboyant and they may of the practices from different parts of the world
easily be associated with an aggressive swagger or, as designed to prevent contact between water and the
has been seen for the Admiralty Islands, an explicit human body (e.g. Vaillant 1796: 362; Karsten 1935:
phallic display. Furthermore, with the possible 453). Amongst the Jibaro of Peru the normal
exception of some ancient Egyptian, recent European clothing is the loin cloth but when crossing water the
and modern Sara practice, they are an exclusively penis is tied up, in this case apparently because the
masculine symbol and could easily have been asso- the Jibaro believe that contact between the glans and
ciated with ferocity and virility within the context of water will impede erection. It is in this context that
warfare. There is rather contradictory evidence several of the claims for the Pacific Islands that the
regarding the sheath types worn in warfare from penis wrapper acts as a blockage against a particular
different parts of the world. For the Dani of New evil spirit fit into some explanatory context (e.g.
Guinea (Heider 1969: 386) it is stated that these Somerville 1894: 368). A rather similar argument
sheaths are normally of the short and straight variety, is advanced by some authorities for Melanesia in

54
 general in terms of a special spiritual presence which the occasion when the sheath is first presented or put
is situated in the glans following incision or circum- on or the prepuce first tied beyond the glans. However,
cision and whose exit from the human body is blocked in the vast majority of societies this event is correlated
by the use of a penis sheath (e.g. Rivers 1914: 432, with either sexual (pubertal) or social maturity, an
434-6). Here again it becomes important to remember event which is often defined by initiation rites which
the argument that body symbolism is part of the may or may not include circumcision/incision rites as
common stock of symbols and that orifices of the body well. In some societies this is the occasion for the
therefore symbolise especially vulnerable parts. The first opportunity for a boy to adopt a sheath, whereas
ritual protection of bodily orifices can be treated as a in other societies this is the time for a change in genital
symbol of social preoccupations about exits and clothing; in the case of the Tenda of Guinea for a
entrances (Douglas 1966: 121, 126). It must, however, change from the boy's string corset to the adult reed
be noted that many peoples who practice some form of sheath (Techer 1933: 660). We may deduce for
penis confinement do not block other orifices and that, ancient Egypt that the same differentiation between
in general, the penis when it is sheathed, can be youth and adult was in operation, for the young
thought to be a socially controlled instrument of children on the Sahure relief are shown with no
relationship and to have little connexion with other sheaths (see Bates 1914: 123). Similarly Zulu youths
body orifices (see below). are distinct from adults in that they wear no sheath at
Some other explanations are specific to the tribes all or an imitation sheath made from a cocoon
concerned. Thus amongst some South American (Bryant 1949:168). In Ghana, the LoDagaayoungmen
tribes the wish apparently exists to have elongated have the penis placed under a waist band whereas
prepuces, a condition which may possibly result from married men have the penis placed into a cloth bag
tying the prepuce byond the glans and up to the belt (Rattray 1932: 450). As the LoDagaa example shows,
(Zerries 1964: 119). Amongst the Thonga of South sheaths may not always be indicators of pre- and
Africa sheaths are considered valuable not only post-pubertal status but may be markers for any
because of the protection that they afford against recognised social status. In New Guinea in the
natural hazards but because they protect the wearers Digoel and Star regions the gourd is the normal type
from contact with the earth (Junod 1927: 95). of sheath but both boys and old men wear black nut
The Namchi of the Cameroons apparently believe sheaths (Le Roux 1948: 114). Amongst the Marind-
that the confinement of the penis will result in a Anim to the south different sheath types serve to
strong organ and therefore in the birth of many distinguish and exemplify different stages in social
children (Leiris 1934: 66, note 3), and this same theme development for this is a society with patrilineal
of sexual prowess resulting from sheathing the penis descent where age groups exist from infancy onwards.
finds occasional echo in other ethnographic reports. Children go nude from infancy onwards until the
Thus, for the Waika of Venezuela, Zerries (1964: 122) change of status to adolescence when they wear a
reports that beyond the practical protection afforded pubic shell given to them by their maternal uncle.
by this custom the Waika expect to gain additional When they reach the grade of those-about-to-be-
virility, and a similar belief involving the health of married the penis is placed under a tight hip belt and
the penis and success with women exists amongst the covered with a shell phallocrypt. At a later age the
Ghanaian LoDagaa (Labouret 1931: 392). Amongst the Marind-Anim continue to wear the penis under the
Thonga of South Africa the same theme also recurs; belt or they adopt the penis shell or half coconut
at the time of a boy's first emission a rite is performed sheath (see Nevermann 1940: 175; Wirz 1922: 55;
to ensure strength and virility and it is at this time that 1928: 14-17; Baal 1966: 140, 157; for rather conflicting
the sheath is first worn (Junod 1927: 95). details).
As already noted, the sheaths are first adopted in an
informal or formal situation, depending on the society
Social contexts
concerned. The Bafia of East Cameroon are a case
1 have reviewed the explicit statements of the where the adoption is informal, and boys of between
people concerned and the direct observations by the five and seven wear small maize leaf or plaited net-
ethnographers and I flow move to a consideration of like sheaths which they have made for themselves
the social context in which sheaths are worn and the unless they are lucky enough to have been given better
identity of the sheath wearers. For all the societies specimens by their fathers (Tessmann 1934: 91).
for which we have sufficient data the wearinig of a Amongst the Kayapo of Brazil there is a special
sheath, at least for its first putting on, is closely sheath-giving ceremony which takes place at puberty
correlated with age or social status. In other words and which is a necessary prerequisite for allowing
sheaths are not worn by children below a certain age, long hair which itself is a stage in the progression
another factor arguing against an unitary explanation towards ritual betrothal, from which time onwards
of sheath wearing in terms of protection against they are allowed to become sexually active (Turner
natural hazards. The exact age at which a sheath is 1969: 57). There are numerous accounts of the
first worn differs widely from society to society, from initiation rites which surround the adoption of the
three to fifteen years old, as does also the formality of penis sheath, which often involve a considerable

55
 period of seclusion of the boys before they enter the From this review it seems inevitable that we accept
adult world. Amongst the Tupari of western Brazil, yet another function of the penis sheath; to define
boys are first given their sheaths at about twelve years status and to act as a visible sign of newly acquired
of age in a ceremony which precedes initiation rites by social, status or as a restatement of existing social
several years. The chief fastens the sheath onto the hierarchy. In the Kayapo case, Turner (1969: 57)
boy's penis only after considerable feasting and the argues that the adoption for the first time of a sheath
flogging of the boy (Casper 1953: 208; 1956-8; 154). is one form of public recognition of a person's
It is for the Bororo of Brazil that we have perhaps the growing sexuality and that Kayapo sheaths are in
best account of sheathing practices and their sub- general the expression of the social control and regu-
sequent role as display pieces (see Crocker 1969; Levi- lation of a mature male's sexual powers. Much the
Strauss 1936; Fric & Radin 1906; Karsten 1926a). same points are made by Maybury-Lewis (1967: 106)
Normal everyday sheaths are put on during initiation for the Akwe-Shavante of Brazil, amongst whom the
rites which take place after a youth's first adult first sheaths are given by mature males to boys of
erection. Only after the sheath has been adopted can between seven and twelve years of age while they are
someone marry and these sheaths are worn all the time, secluded in a bachelor's hut. Here the sheath
at least until old age. On certain feast days, however, symbolises physical maturity and is at the same time
the normal sheaths are changed for ornate ones with an expression of social control over sexual potential.
pendants made from stiff straw which are decorated Amongst the Urubu of Brazil a boy nowadays ties his
with down and feathers and painted. Each decoration own prepuce at about the time of puberty when he
is the property of a particular ranked clan or subclan. becomes embarrassedby the size of his own organ, or
In some societies, as we have seen, these puberty rites he gets his mother to do it for him. In the past,
and the adoption of penis sheaths are associated with however, it was the village war chief who tied a man's
circumcision or incision rites, and these occasions are prepuce, thus transforming him into one of his
in general marked by greater formality than are the warriors and thereby making visible the person's new
occasions so far reviewed above. Amongst the status as an adult man (Huxley 1957: 153). In many
Namchi of the Cameroons two days of special ritual of these cases we can say that the wearing of sheaths
culminate with the blacksmith removing the normal is a symbol of political status. One of the most
penis sheath and circumcising the penis (Leiris 1934: explicit examples of this state of affairs is that found
67, 69). Similarly amongst the Bhaca of South Africa in Malekula. According to Deacon (1934) penis
a lightly constructed penis box is worn to cover the wrappers in Malekula have to be bought at each rise
glans after the prepuce has been removed during in rank, so that wrappers can be arranged in a series
initiation rites (Kohler 1933: 10). This association of more or less prestige. Entry to the first grade is
between the assumption of sheaths and circumcision obtained by simple payment by the novice's father and
rites has led some people to postulate a further pro- only after an operation on the novice's prepuce, in or
tective function for the ethnographic sheath; namely after the third grade, does he acquire his first penis
that of protecting the newly circumcised penis (e.g. wrapper. In Layard's account (1942: 42) boys adopt
Sarasin 1929: 156). This is an explanation which a banana leaf wrapper at puberty; at initiation a
seems without doubt to be valid for certain cases ceremonial plaited pandanus leaf wrapper, painted
where a soft fibre sheath, green leaves or soft skin with red or yellow dye and adorned with tassels, is
sheath is applied immediately after the circumcision placed over the original one. These decorated
operation for a limited time before the adoption of the wrappers vary according to the status of the wearer,
normal sheath made of other materials (e.g. Leiris and this in turn depends to some extent on the person's
1934: 70). However Layard, while accepting this economic situation. Fair payments are regulated by
explanation for Vao, reports for the Small Islands of spirits who send illness or death whenever 'sacred
the New Hebrides that the newly incised novices are objects' are sold too cheaply (Deacon 1934: 578; pl.
without penis wrappers during their seclusion but 21). Youths who are initiated rather later than is the
must wear protective wrappers once they leave their norm wear half-wrappers (plate 21). In Southern
seclusion, and this despite the fact that their wounds Malekula even the dead are provided with appro-
heal after some ten days. Here, Layard suggests, the priately ranked penis wrappers (plate 22).
protection is not aimed at the newly circumcised penis As we have just seen, the identity of the sheath
but at the newly acquired spirit located in the glans. wearers depends to a great extent in many societies on
But even in Vao, novices on the fifth day of their the age and therefore on the social status of the
seclusion remove their wrappers and run the gauntlet person concerned. In several, but not all, societies to
of rows of initiates who throw ash onto their unhealed be sober but not to wear a sheath is also to signal
wounds (Layard 1942: 515). This post-operative a socially recognised role to the community at large.
protective function is clearly not the primary aim of Amongst the Thonga, as we have seen, the absence of
most sheathing practices for, apart from anything else a sheath is normally enough to label one as a potential
as we have seen, the wearing of penis sheaths is as adulterer. Amongst some groups of Dani of New
much associated with those who do not practice Guinea, to be unsheathed is to be undergoing a
circumcision as with those who do. particular seizure, amongst other groups to be feeble

56
 minded (see Heider 1969: 383-4). The absence of a from Karnak, dating from the XVJJJth Dynasty, is
sheath is quite commonly a sign of mourning amongst shown with a penis sheath. Unfortunately the
several peoples in different parts of the world, a sign identification of the deity represented is uncertain; one
of temporary withdrawal from social participation, likelihood is that it represents the god Ptah-Tanen,
but it is only amongst the Thonga of South Africa that another that it represents a form of the god Ra. The
there is a special mourner's rite which involves the tempting view that the figure could represent the king
sheath. A Thonga male at the death of his first wife himself, in this case Amenophis II, wearing the
joins the Widower's Society; the rite starts with the costume of his Libyan subjects must be ruled out, for
burial of his wife and continues with ritual bathing in the statue is clearly shown with the long beard of
a pool and the incision of the widower in the inguinal divinity (personal communications, H. S. Smith and
region. The widower then throws away his penis C. Aldred). Whatever is the correct identification of
sheath and walks across his hut in tears (Junod 1927: this deity there is no possible suggestion of any Libyan
202). association. Why only this one representation of Ra
In other societies, as we have seen also, the wearing or Ptah-Tanen should be shown wearing a penis
of a sheath is defined by the particular social context. sheath, and what this reflects about the ancient
In some cases the reason for the adoption of a Egyptians' view of sheaths, is for the present totally
sheathing practice appears to be purely functional; obscure.29
thus in some parts of Peru the penis is sometimes In ethnography, it is reported for several societies
anchored out of the way to ease movement during the that there is a difference in incidence of sheath
climbing of trees. In other societies the sheathing wearing between the young and the old. We have
practice appears to be restricted to certain professions already seen one kind of interpretationof such evidence
only. The evidence of Greek representation shows which would seek to argue that where old men are
that this was the case with wrestlers, athletes (see predominantly the ones to wear penis sheaths this is
plate 14) and boxers, whilst the Roman representations an indication that the practice is in the process of
of males wearing a fibula are all musicians to whom dying out. Another interpretation mentioned by
can be added youthful trainee performers, slaves and Friederici for the Tupinamba of Brazil (1912: 156) is
actors mentioned in the literature. For the ancient that the sheath might have acted as a protection
world this practice is taken to have been purely against the shame of old age. It is far more likely,
protective but in Japan it is said to prevent the however, if we follow Metraux (1948b: 105) that
evaporation of strength through the penis (see Tupinamba youths were characterisedby their tying of
Dingwall 1925; and above). The case of ancient the prepuce beyond the glans and that they were thus
Egypt is very curious in its own right. As we have distinct from their elders who wore manufactured
seen we can no longer accept that all those people penis sheaths. The remainder of the literature is
represented with sheaths were in every case Libyans contradictory and unsatisfactory regarding the differ-
although in some cases, such as Senbi and possibly ential use of sheaths, and particular sheath types, by
the wife of a chief, this may well have been so (see the old as opposed to the young. In each case the
Borchardt 1913: 11; Holscher 1955). Those who argument can be made that the old men no longer had
have favoured the Libyan origin of sheathing customs a natural interest in appearing virile and flamboyant,
have assumed that within ancient Egypt itself the or that the custom of sheath wearing was simply
custom of sheathing became restricted to hunting dying out. Although Heider (1969) has made it clear
activities (e.g. Fischer 1961: 68). However, whether that for the Dani there is no regular association
or not we accept that an Old Kingdom priestly title between any particular sheath type and the age,
derived from the word for phallus sheath, the actual personality or status of the wearer, there are reports
Egyptian evidence is much more complex. In one case from other parts of the world that social importance
we find a Libyanand his attendant both wearing sheaths is associated with distinctive sheath types, woven
but in the tomb of this same man's son, only the attend- instead of plaited wrappers, horns instead of nut
ant is sheathed. If we accept all the possible examples of sheaths, elaborate instead of simple covers, and
sheathing represented in ancient Egyptian represen- so on (e.g. Speiser 1934: 139; Meek 1925: 41;
tations (see above) it becomes clear that this form of Marwick 1940: 85).
dress was widespread and not simply a hunting
costume. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact Levels of analysis
that we find some Nile Gods shown with sheaths (see At the beginning of this paper it was said that one
Borchardt 1913: 29). On present evidence there is no of the virtues of studies of material culture was that
justification for assuming that there were Libyan they are based on tangible reality. It can be argued
originals for these deities just because they are that this is in itself no reason for staying at the explicit
sheathed. We must conclude, rather, that the sheath and observable level of interpretation of data, as has
was an acknowledged form of 'clothing' fit for the been done so far in this paper. We have already
gods. Furthermore, in the Egyptian context, we must considered the views of Wickler (1966) and Morris
note one more sheathed representation of a deity (see (1969) and have seen how difficult it is to accept their
Daressy 1906: 25, no. 38068). A limestone statue interpretation of penis sheathing. We have found a

57
 varietyof detail and possible significancefor confining 1967: 74-5). These various possible levels of analysis
the penis whereas both these authorities assume a become clear when we consider penis sheaths within
universal significance to the sheathing practice. One the context of primitive art.
result of the cross-cultural approach attempted here Art. At the most obvious level we must note the
must be to reject Wickler's assumption that the rarity in all parts of the world of representationsof the
sheathing practices of New Guinea, South America, human figure shown wearing sheaths. There are two
Melanesia, the Etruscans and the fifteenth and possible explanations; the first, that figures are
sixteenth century Europeans were all simply a matter supposed to be represented naked/nude and that the
of aggressive display. This is not to deny the value of sheaths are considered to be clothing and the second,
an ethological approach to such data for it is clear that it is technically difficult to represent the male
that in the case of the Sara at least an approach in penis, let alone penis sheath, especially on represen-
Morris's terms of the 'unconscious mimicry' of the tations carved in the round (see Forge 1965: note 9;
male organ, which may sometimes extend to the Ucko 1968: 337). In addition we must note the
adoption of a pseudo rump or scrotum, can provide an common practice of adding external articles to the
added insight to a particular form of material culture. basic carved or modelled figure as for example, is
In the case of the Sara, despite the absence of explicit found in the New Hebrides. Here the basic clay-
male identification when the gol is worn, the shape of modelled form of the dead person is given a 'real'
this artefact is clearly phallic in its upward curve and penis wrappermade of the correct fibres and indicating
its hanging 'testicles'. We may also suspect a similar appropriate status (see plate 22). Nevertheless it
subconscious symbolism and identification for ancient is striking that virtually no representations with a
Egyptian and sixteenth and seventeenth century penis sheath are known from New Guinea. The one
European attire but this is bound to remain no more exception being a figure with penis held up by the
than a suspicion. Forge has argued in the 1965 Curl belt (see p. 33). In South America, however, figures
Lecture (1965: 25), that the overt meaning of any shown with the penis bound up to the belt are known
symbol has little or no importance. It is at the from both ancient and modern contexts (see Barrades
deeper level of analysis of what is admitted by Forge 1954; Ruel 1967). The numerous sheathed representa-
(1965: 25) to be possibly the level of the subconscious tions which we have seen from ancient Egypt and
that discussions of penis sheathing, at least, get into ClassicalGreeceand Rome arein markedcontrast to the
trouble. We may surmise a loaded symbolism ethnographic situation. There is, however, one
connected with the placing of the penis in an erect exceptional wooden carving, said to have been
position under a waist belt but, despite the claims of obtained from the Zulu before 1919, which is shown
such authorities as Le Roux (1948) and Baal (1966), with flaccid penis, provided with a detachable glans
there is virtually nothing in the recorded literature to cover, which is partially hidden by a skirt (plate 24).
support such an interpretation. Again, this is not to Some of the sheaths used in non-literate societies
decry such an approach to the data but simply to are themselves art objects and might perhaps be
insist on the differences which exist between studies thought suitable material for providing insight into
which start from observable reality and which demand the subconscious values and activities of their carvers.
that each switch to theoretical abstraction be visibly Unfortunately many of the representations on New
related to the observable data, and those studies which Guinea gourd sheaths are extremely difficult to
approach material on the basis of any assumed interpret. Even when the content of the art can be
universal principles of structure or symbolism. The made out, the problem is to assess the significance of
differences in levels of analysis are very evident when the association between specific content and the fact
we look at Layard's (1942: 477; 1961: 254-5) inter- that it is shown on a penis sheath. The problem is
pretations of the New Hebrides wrapper. Layard again one of method and levels of analysis. A symbolic
claims that the wrapper is a sign of bodily sacrifice identification can be simply assumed or, and this is
and is protective in the sense of preventing any loss of much more the method of established studies of
the power situated in the glans. He then proceeds to material culture, a consistency between content and
interpret the penis wrapper in general as a symbol of the penis or its sheath must be demonstrated.
manhood and man's ability to conquer the forces of Unfortunately the data are simply not available at the
nature and in the particularcontext of initiation as the present time to demonstrate or deny any such a
symbolic means for female power to be conveyed to consistent association. It is possibly correct, as
male novices. Similarly Levi-Strauss, after a complex claimed by Preuss (1899: 172-6) and Sande (1907:
discussion of the relative merits of various existing pls. 15-16) that certain New Guinea gourd sheaths
forms of Bororo myth concludes (1966: 46) that these are decorated with birds, flying foxes, snakes, lizards
Brazilian sheaths are identified 'not with the female and possibly crabs but their identification with the
sex in general, but with the women of the moiety and penis in the imagery of their carvers is still to be
even of the clan, and subclan, to which the novice demonstrated. What is at least certain is that this
belongs and with which the sponsor's subclan prefers decoration is predominantly situated on the side of
to inter-marry-in other words, with those women who the sheath opposite the aperture intended to receive
might be the sponsors in "brides"' (and see Yalman the penis, and that this decoration is therefore visible

58
 to the observer. The bamboo sheaths of the Mimika fication with the neophyte in the adult use of pubic
of New Guinea are themselves also art objects(see plates shells during some rites and he interprets several
8a, 8b, 9). They are again decorated on the surfaces myths as reflecting classic castration anxiety (Baal
visible to the observer but their decorations are 1966: 157, 950-1).
almost entirely geometric, made up of lozenges, If we search the literature for any evidence of
chevrons, semicircles, dots, zigzags, and triangles (see symbolic meaning to the wearing of penis sheaths then
Fischer 1913: 48-50; Haddon & Layard 1916; Zuid- it may be significant that amongst the Tamberama of
West Nieuw-Guinea Expeditie 1908). As already Upper Volta as we have seen, it is the female partner
noted some Mimika sheaths are themselves shaped as in a dance who may jokingly remove the sheath of one
the legs and lower part of the human body. The or two male dancing partners (Frobenius 1913:
observer sees the legs, which are shaped exactly as 323-4). There is really nothing in the literature to
are some ceremonial house posts (Landtmann 1933) suggest that female involvement in this way reflects
as if they were upside down. It has been claimed any significant symbolism of the penis sheath. It is
(Haddon & Layard 1916: 35) that at the lower ends of only if we assume that anything to do with the male
most Mimika sheaths an isolated lozenge has been organ must have particular hidden meaning that we
cut out representing the vulva which is outlined by an will automatically assume any deep symbolic signifi-
engraved line which runs from the manufactured peak cance from this dancing situation. The only other two
of the lower end of the sheath. This same lozenge examples from Africa which might suggest any deeper
has also been claimed to represent the human eye significance to the penis sheath concern the Zulu and
(Rawling 1913: 59). An alternative explanation is the Thonga. Among the normal Zulu basketry sheath
that the dark lower end of the sheath symbolises the types there are numerous museum specimens charac-
glans so that the penis, to an observer, is at rest with terised not only by their strikingly small apertures but
the ridges of the prepuce clearly indicated (Kelm 1966). also by being full of some brownish mixture (see
Whatever the respective merits of these alternative plate 3). Museum catalogues state simply that these
explanations, one thing is clear, on a more mundane specimens (e.g. British Museum No. 3289) were taken
level of analysis, and that is that several of the features from dead boys and 'filled with semen and cow-dung
of these bamboo sheaths are not determined by the to promote fertility'. Semen also features in the
techniques of their manufacture. Certain of their Thonga example, for if the delivery of a baby is unduly
elements, such as the nicks on the sides of the sheaths, long there is doubt about the child's legitimacy. The
have received no interpretation. husband takes a little of his semen in his penis sheath,
Symbolism. There are so few hints of any possible mixes it with water in a shell and gives it to his wife to
subconscious or unconscious meaning associated with drink. If legitimate, the child will 'feel his father' and
the wearing of penis sheaths that we can attempt a delivery will be swift (Junod 1927: 40). In the Pacific
short review of the available data. It is reported for area there are reports for New Caledonia of exchanges
the New Hebrides for example, that the removal of of sheaths by chiefs on the occasion of major feasts or
a person's penis wrapper is considered a deadly sin peace-signing ceremonies (Sarasin 1929: 156), and in
(Speiser 1923: 72) and amongst the Dani of New Malekula there is a possible vague association between
Guinea it is similarly considered especially insulting a chief's sheath and the blood of animals (Deacon
to cut off the top of a person's penis sheath (Harrer 1934: 363-5). For New Guinea, amongst the Kwoma,
1963: 34). Amongst the Gaika of South Africa an initiate's penis cover is placed over a growing
anyone who removes a person's sheath is subject to bamboo shoot as soon as the period of seclusion is
a fine of up to five cattle. It is possible to interpret finished. When the penis cover eventually splits the
these few scattered remarks within the context of the initiate, whose penis is supposed to have grown in
feelings of nakedness, shame and modesty which have size in the same way as the bamboo shoot, has reached
been mentioned above, or it is possible to assume, as adolescence (Whiting 1941: 66-7). Finally, there
does Le Roux (1948: 147) that the penis sheath in New remains one further myth which mentions penis
Guinea is a symbol of erection, or even super-erection, sheathing. One of the culture heroes of the Tukuna
whereby the end plume or fibre stopper represents of Brazil dances with his penis free from his waistband
either the glans or even semen. If this latter view is and this causes the laughter of the 'girl from Umari'
correct the symbolic implication of cutting off the end and her subsequent discovery hidden within a flute
of a penis sheath appears obvious. It is also possible (Nimuendaju 1952: 127-8). There are no further
to see in the erect penis of those peoples who tie the indications of this kind in the literature to suggest any
prepuce under a waist belt an explicitly sexual deep-seated general symbolic significance to the
statement regarding virility. For the Marind-Anim penis sheath, and even in the cases that we have seen
of New Guinea, Baal makes it clear that he interprets any such symbolism is perhaps more likely to be
the raised penis with its shell in front of it as an overtly focused on the semen than on the sheath itself. When
sexual symbol. According to Baal, the Marind-Anim we also remember the absence of any explicit state-
initiate, with his symbolic erection and carefully ments from which one could infer any such meaning,
covered buttocks, is presenting himself in the role of the paucity of myths which deal explicitly with
a homosexual. Similarly Baal finds echoes of identi- sheathing practices and the virtual absence of

59
transvestite use of the sheath, it is necessary to is perhaps not only connected with the technical
conclude at the very least that any deep symbolic possibilities of attaching appendages to the penis
meaning still remains to be demonstrated for the itself or to a penis sheath, but also to the fact that a
penis sheath. penis sheath can be treated separately from any other
article of clothing and can be easily associated with
Conclusions male qualities such as aggression and virility.
I may perhaps conclude by asking what I have We must, I think, distinguish carefully between an
achievedby this review. It may be thought that I have individual's wish to wear a flamboyant article within
tended to see a penis sheath in everything that I have the range allowed by accepted practices of propriety,
looked at. This is a danger which is particularly rather as is the situation with the wearing of hats in
liable when dealing with artistic representations21but western society today, and the existence of societies
it is one which is perhaps an improvement over the which might be called overtly phallic. From our
situation in 1903, when Myres had to append a note review we see that penis sheaths in most societies
to a 31 page long article on Cretan figurines (1902-3: have remarkably few phallic connotations and are,
387), saying that he had received a letter subsequent rather, symbols of modesty and decorum. This is
to the writing of the article which suggested 'that perhaps not as surprisingas it might at first sight seem
what I have described as a "loin-cloth" may be a to be, when we rememberthat most societies first adopt
"Bantu sheath" of the type which is familiar on . . . the penis sheath at or near puberty. The sheath is, in
figures of predynastic style in Egypt'. At the very many of these cases, not simply a symbol of sexual
least I have, I hope, managed to put some order into maturity but one of social control of that sexuality.
the existing literature on penis confinement practices. The penis sheath, in many instances, is not primarily
Amongst the limited aims of this paper I hoped to a sexual symbol in itself but a visible sign of sexual
show how by taking a series of material objects as a restriction.
starting point, investigation leads into many spheres When we move to the morphological aspect of
of anthropological interest. I have tried to show how cross-cultural studies we have found that penis con-
taking a limited set of morphological criteria as a finement by the use of some sheathing process is
starting point allows cross-cultural comparisons in a widespread and is found in restricted areas of different
way which exclusive insistence on wide function does continents. By examining the details of their manu-
not (see Leach 1967: xvi). I suggest that what we have facture and the methods employed in actually putting
seen is a situation where the same cultural solution, them on, we have found that some sheath types are
the confinement of the penis, has been adopted in unique to a particular society and that others are
many different cultures, both in the past and in the shared by several societies. Where the forms are
present, sometimes for the same reasons and some- different there is no difficulty in accepting that they
times for quite different ones. The same problem were independently invented whether for the same or
confronts all males in those societies which require for different purposes. Where a particular distinctive
that the penis or glans should normally be covered; trait of penis sheathing is shared by several tribes who
a limited range of solutions to this problem exists but are in reasonably close proximity, for example the
within the range of sheathing practices there is Brazilian tribes of the Colorado, Branco and Mequens
considerable room for individual preference. We rivers, who all attach their sheaths to a fold of skin
have seen the range and variety of morphological produced by forcing the penis into the pubis, we can
types of penis sheaths. Within any particular culture postulate diffusion and cultural contact as the ex-
the particular morphological type used by any planation for the morphological similarity of the
individual often corresponds to his profession, age or practices. Where the forms are the same in more than
status or, in some societies, it is the particular social one continent, as are for example some of the practices
situation which defines the particular qualities of the in New Guinea, some Pacific islands and parts of
sheath which are appropriate to that situation. In South America, we must first note that these are
some societies the morphology of the sheath is at its primarily the forms which are morphologically the
most simple, the tying of the prepuce over the glans, simplest. As has been long maintained in studies
and there is little evidence to suggest that its primary of material culture, the simpler the device the more
function was anything but protective. In other likely it is to have been invented independently in more
societies, however, the morphological aspects of the than one area. We do in fact have one recorded
sheaths are complex. We must note that the penis is example of the tying of the penis, which must be
very suitably shaped for the attachment of objects to accepted as a case of independent invention. Thus,
it, and that considerable variety of practice has been Gould and Pyle (1901) record the relatively recent
representedin the record. There is evidence that these occurrence of a 'spontaneous retraction of the penis
morphological possibilities have been used in many . . . of a peasant of twenty-three . . . which bodily
societies to attract attention to the wearer, and yet disappeared and which was only captured by repeated
that this function is at the same time closely associated effort. The patient was six days under treatment, and
both with feelings of modesty and with the prevention he finally became so distrustful of his virile member
of erection. The display aspect of sheathing practices that, to be assured of its constancy, he tied a string

60
about it above the glans'. The morphologically In Melanesia, at least, such an approach would have
simple devices of tying the prepuce over the glans or been largely concerned with the general distinction
fastening the prepuce under a waist band have been between males and females and would have shown how
found to characterise both whole societies and these are often sharply distiniguishedsymbolically both
particular sections of societies. It is possible to argue in taboos and ritual activities. Such a study, which
that it is the very simplicity of these practices, the would of course require exceptionally good and full
efficacy in protecting the glans against natural hazards data from particular societies, still remains to be
as well as the relative ease of reversing the process of unidertaken.
confinement, that make these forms of sheathing so All dimensions of social enquiry are, to my mind, of
suitable to the different requirements of the various equal value and interest and I can do no better than to
societies. end this paper by quoting from Professor Daryll
I have maintained throughout this paper that a Forde (1959: 199): 'Sociological and ethnological
study of material culture opens up many areas of explanations relate to different frames of reference.
investigation of interest to a wide range of anthro- In contributing to our understanding of a custom or a
pological enquiry. I have attempted to deal with one total culture, each of them may provide partial, but
aspect of penis sheathing only; the aspect most only partial explanations at different levels. They can
directly associated with the forms and social contexts complement but cannot logically exclude one another.
of the sheaths themselves. I am well aware that a Ethnological explanations are concerned with the
different dimension of social enquiry into penis composition of particular culture patterns and the
sheathing could have been attempted; such a study sources of their various components focus attention
would have examined sheathing practices within the on the content of the custom. . . . Sociological expla-
wider context of cosmological beliefs, theories of nations do not and cannot account for the specific
conception and general attitudes to the human body. content of the custom'.

NOTES

1 This paper was deliveredas the Curl Lecture of the Royal Studies, London), Mr C. Haycraft (Duckworth Limited,
AnthropologicalInstitute on 19 March 1970. I have left the London); Mrs A. Inskeep(Claremont,South Africa);Dr R. D.
style of this paperessentiallyunchanged,but I have considerably Martin (University College London); Dr P. Morton-Williams
expanded the text to include as many data as possible and to (University College London); Dr R. Needham (Institute of
incorporatereferences. Anthropology, Oxford); Mr K. Nicklin (University College
Thefollowingpeople allowedme accessto museumcollections London);DrIP.Riviere(Bledington,Oxford);ProfessorI. Rouse
or sent me informationor photographsof museum specimens: (Departmentof Antropology,Yale); Mr H. S. Smith(University
Miss F. M. Barbour(AlexanderMcGregorMemorialMuseum, CollegeLondon);Dr R. Tringham(UniversityCollegeLondon);
Kimberley,South Africa); Mr D. Boston (HornimanMuseum, Mr J. Trapp (WarburgInstitute, London); Professor T. S.
London); Dr G. H. S. Bushnell (University Museum, Cam- Turner (Departmentof Anthropology, Chicago); Mr J. Urry
bridge); Miss E. Carmichael (British Museum, London); (UniversityCollege London).
Mr B. A. L. Cranstone(BritishMuseum,London); Mr B. Fagg I have had valuable discussions with Dr R. Abrahams
(Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford); Mr W. Fagg (BritishMuseum, (Faculty of Anthropology, Cambridge); Dr J. Alexander
London); Mr V. Z. Gitywa (University of Fort Hare, South (Department of Extra-Mural Studies, London); Professor
Africa); Miss D. Idiens (Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh); J. Golson (Australian National University, Canberra) and
Mr J. Jarvis (Horniman Museum, London); Mr M. McLeod Mr H. S. Smith (UniversityCollege London).
(University Museum, Cambridge);Miss E. M. Shaw (South Different people have read all, or parts, of this manuscript
African Museum, Cape Town); Mr C. A. Sizer (Wellcome and I cannot attemptto expresswhat I owe them. At the very
Historical Museum,London). least I have taken up the time of the following:Dr J. Alexander,
Mr H. J. Gowers of the Departmentof Ethnography(British Dr R. Boyd, Mr B. A. L. Cranstone,Dr P. Fry, Dr J. P. Garlick,
Museum)experimentedwiththe manufactureof bamboosheaths ProfessorI. M. Lewis, Mr H. S. Smith, ProfessorM. G. Smith
and gave me valuableinformationon this subject. and Dr R. Tringham. I am especiallygratefulto Mr A. Forge,
Photographyand cartographyare the excellentwork of Mr J. Dr P. Kaberry,Dr P. Morton-Williamsand Dr A. Rosenfeld,
Lee (British Museum) and Mr J. Urry (University College without whose assistanceand time this paper would never have
London). Assistance with translations was obtained from been completed.
Dr P. Fry (University College London) and Mr A. Stevens On a personalnote this is, as far as I can remember,my first
(University College London). Numerous obscure references paperto be publishedwithout the benefitof criticismand advice
were found for me by Miss A. Macfarlane(Queen Elizabeth from my friendthe late Dr R. Bradbury. I know that it would
College,London) and especiallyMr J. Urry (UniversityCollege have been much improvedhad he been able to read it, and I
London). I am very gratefulto all these people. wrote it with his memoryconstantlyin mind.
I owe especial thanks for numerous references and much 2 See note 9.
information from Dr W. J. Argyle (Queen Mary College, 3 I cannot resist mentioningthe various attemptsto perform
London);Mr M. Baxandall(WarburgInstitute,London);Dr R. on these specimens in the mistaken belief that they were
Boyd (UniversityCollege Hospital, London); Mr D. Brothwell musicalinstruments.
(Natural History Museum, London); Dr W. Bray (Instituteof
Archaeology,London); Mr C. F. Brown (Alcan Researchand 4 As Briffault (1927: 292) has pointed out, painting and
Development Limited, Oxford); Mr E. C. Corderoy (L. R. tattooing may sometimesbe thought to act in the same way as
IndustriesLimited,London);Mr S. M. Cretney(ExeterCollege, clothing.
Oxford);Dr M. Douglas (UniversityCollege London); Mr B. 5 The possibly arbitrarynature of this definitionis shown by,
Durrans (UniversityCollege London); Mr A. Forge (London for example,the cases of 1) the Awa of New Guinea who wear
School of Economics, London); Professor M. Freedman a tight-fittingcorset fastened around the hips which holds the
(London School of Economics,London);Dr P. Fry (University penis tightlybetweenthe legs (Sorenson& Gajdusek1966: 159)
College London); Mr P. Gathercole (Pitt Rivers Museum, and of 2) Santa Cruz wheremales wear a belt with a woven or
Oxford);Dr J. Goody (Faculty of Anthropology,Cambridge); barkclothmat tied up at the front and back under a belt, thus
Professor C. Haimendorf (School of Oriental and African also anchoringthe penis and scrotum(Speiser1919: 185).

61
 6 We may, I suggest,adopt the term 'phallocrypt'for devices Kelm 1966; Kienzle and Campbell 1937-8; Kock 1912;
which simply conceal the penis but do not closely sheathe it. Kooijman 1962; Landtman 1927; Landtman 1933; Le Roux
It is perhapsinterestingto note that within the same tribe the 1948; Matthiessen1963; Murray 1918; Neuhaus 1911; Never-
same objectmay or may not be used as a phallocrypt,seemingly mann 1940; Nouhuys 1910; Nouhuys 1912; Nouhuys 1913;
accordingto whim, thus Seligmann(1906:66) recordsthat Toro Papuan Annual Report 1919-20 1921; Papuan Annual Report
men (New Guinea) sometimes wear a simrplewaist band, 1920-21 1922; Papuan Annual Report 1921-22 1923; Papuan
sometimesa waist band witlha shell suspendedon the side of Annual Report 1924-25 1926; Papuan Annual Report
the body and sometimesa waist band with the shell suspended 1927-28 1929; Poch 1907; Pospisil 1963a; Pospisil 1963b;
centrallycoveringthe verticalpenis. Preuss 1899; Rawling 1911; Rawling 1913; Reche 1913;
The 1904-5 expedition to south-west New Guinea drew Reisenfeld 1946; Roesicke 1914; Sande 1907; Seligmann1906;
attentionto these morphologicaldistinctions:the shell sheath is Seligmann and Strong 1906; Simpson 1963; Sorenson and
not attached to the waist band but to the penis itself; the Gajdusek 1966; Staal 1913; Stirling 1943; Thurnwald 1914;
phallocryptis a small shell (excludingthe plaque) whereasthe Ven 1913; Villeminat& Villeminat1964; Whiting 1941; Willey
sheath is a large shell (Zuid-West Nieuw-Guinea-Expeditie 1966; Williams 1936; Wirz 1922; Wirz 1924; Wirz 1928;
1908). Wollaston 1912; Wollaston 1914; Zuid West Nieuw-Guinea
It is unfortunatethat much of the availableliteraturefails to Expeditie1904-5 1908.
distinguish or specify between shell phallocrypts and shell
sheaths. In severalcases this distinctioncan be establishedfrom PACIFICISLANDS
photographic records, but a large element of uncertainty Biggs 1960; Buhler 1935; Cameron 1964; Chinnery n.d.;
remains for many other cases. Only definite cases of shell Cranstone 1961; Deacon 1934; Finsch 1886; Finsch 1914,
sheaths have been entered on the distributionmaps and it is Friederici1913;Glaumont1889;Graebner1909;Haddon 1893;
thereforepossible that their frequencyis in reality greaterthan Hamlyn-Harris 1912; Kruseustern 1813; Labillardiere1802;
that indicated. Layard 1942; Layard 1961; Lisiansky1968; Mead 1942; Mead
7 This is again, in one sense at least, an arbitrarycategori- 1968; Mead 1969; Miklucho-Maclay 1878; Moncelon n.d.;
sation for althoughjustifiedon groundsof morphologythe use Moseley 1876; Nevermann 1934; O'Reilly and Poirier 1959;
of phallocryptsis often subject to the same rules and social Parkinson 1901; Parkinson 1907; Reclus 1879; Rivers 1914;
conditions as is the use of sheaths (e.g. PurariDelta (Chauvet Sarasin 1929; Somerville 1894; Speiser 1919; Speiser 1923;
1930: 101-2)). Speiser1933; Speiser1934;Thilenius 1903; Waitz 1859.
Some people have opted to extend the organ with some
attachmentusually in the form of a pin or ring (e.g. see Brown AMERICA
1874). Penis pins are excludedfrom this investigationfor these
penetratingdevices in no way sheath the organ, they are not Albisetti & Ventuselli 1962; Andree 1889; Barradas 1954;
designedto confine the penis and they do not cover it. These Becher 1955;Becher 1960;Buschau 1922; Caspar1952; Caspar
'piercing'devices, I am assured by Dr R. Needham, have 'no 1953; Caspar 1956; Caspar 1956-8; Catlin 1967; Crocker 1969;
connexion with penis sheaths as far as intentionand effects are Dengler 1927;Dreyfus 1963;Freitas1926;Fric and Radin 1906;
concerned'. Friederici 1912; Haseman 1912; Horton 1948; Huxley 1957;
Whererings, simple circularobjects of bone, ivory or metal, Huxley & Copa 1965; Karsten 1926a; Karsten 1926b;Karsten
are used to fasten the prepuceover the glans they are includedin 1935; Kirchoff 1948; Kissenberth1922; Koch-Grunberg 1910;
this investigation;circular objects with roughened surfacesof Koch 1932;Koenigswald1908;Krause 1911;Levi-Strauss1936;
varying penetrationwhich fit over the penis root and do not Levi-Strauss 1948a; Levi-Strauss 1948b; Levi-Strauss 1948c;
serve to sheath the glans or confinethe penis are excludedfrom Levi-Strauss 1948d; Levi-Strauss 1948e; Levi-Strauss 1964;
this investigation. Lipkind 1948; Lowie 1948; Markham 1878; Maybury-Lewis
8 There are a few exceptionalcases, such as the Utakwa and 1967; Metraux 1938; Metraux 1942; Metraux1948a; Metraux
1948b; Metraux 1948c; Metraux 1948d; Metraux 1948e;
Unkia of New Guinea, where the penis sheath is also extended Metraux 1948f; Nimuendaju 1914; Nimuendaju 1924;
to cover the scrotum(e.g. Karius & Champion1928: 91). Nimuendaju 1948a; Nimuendaju 1948d; Nimuendaju 1948c;
9 Many of the previousattemptsto assess the distributionof Nimuendaju 1948d; Nimuendaju 1952; Nimuendaju and
penis sheathsarepartialand includemanyfaultybibliographical Metraux 1948; Nordenskibld 1922; Nordenskiold 1924-
references. I make no excuse, therefore,for drawingup here Polykrates 1962; Polykrates 1969; Preuss 1929; Ruef 1967;
a bibliographyof the more importantsources dealing with the Schmidt 1912; Schmidt 1913; Steinen 1885; Steinen 1886;
confinementof the glans penis. Steinen1894;Steward1948;Steward& Metraux1948; Stone &
Balser 1967; Tessman 1930; Turner 1969; Wagley and Galvao
AFRICA 1948a; 1948b;Zerries1964.
Ankermann 1905; Barrow 1801; Baumann 1938; Baumann 10 I owe this referenceto Mr B. Burt (University College
and Westermann1948; Botha 1924; Briesen 1914; Brussaux London).
1907; Bryant 1929; Bryant 1949; Cook 1931; Delafosse 1931; 11It is instructiveto compare the supposed extent of gourd
Delegorgue n.d.; Duggan-Cronin1935; Duggan-Cronin1939;
Engelbrecht 1936; Fourneau 1938; Fritsch 1872; Frobenius sheathdistributionin New Guineaaccordingto the dates of the
1898; Frobenius 1913; Froelich 1949; Froelich, Alexandreand differentsurveys-cp. Sande, Friederici,Haddon and Layard,
Cornevin1963;Goody 1962;Haan 1897;Hunter1961;Johnston Le Roux, Reisenfeld(see Note 9).
1897;Junger1926;Junod 1927; Kay 1833; Kirk-Greene1958; 12 Accurate plotting of the South African distribution is
Kohler 1933; Krige 1936; Kropf 1889; Kuper 1947; Labouret impossible; the literature includes a multiplicity of tribal,
1931; Landor 1907; Lebeuf 1936; Leiris 1934; Lembezat 1961; linguisticand generalnames which defiesaccuratelocation to a
Lestrange1955;Ley 1947;Louw 1938?;Luschan1900;Maclean particulargeographicalarea. Furthermore,museumcollections
1858; Marwick 1940; Mathews 1917; Meek 1925; Meek 1931; contain labelled specimens of types which according to the
Moodie 1835; Muraz 1928; Muraz 1932; Ogilby 1670; Palmer published literature were not found amongst the tribes from
1922-3; Paulme and Brosse 1956; Potgeiter 1955; Rachewiltz which the specimensare said to be derived.
1968;Rattray 1932; Reeve 1912; Schaperaand Goodwin 1937; 13 See note 8.
Soga 1931; Sousberghe 1954; Sparrman 1786; Techer 1933; 14 This is a claim also made for ancient Greece on the basis
Tessman1923;Tessman1934;Tharaud& Tharaud1922;Tooke
1962;Tremearne1912a;Tremearne1912b;Tyler 1891; Vaillant of a study of representations,but convincingly rejected by
1796; Wilson-Haffenden1930. Dingwall (1925).
15 Sincethat articlewas publisheda figurinein the Ashmolean
NEW GUINEA Museum (no. E14466a) has come to light which is said to
Austen 1947;Baal 1966; Beaver 1920; Behrmann1922;Bijlmer derivefrom the Archaictomb of Zer at Abydos (this attribution
1922; Bijlmer 1923; Bijlmer 1934; Brcek 1911; Bruijn 1915; apparentlymade by MargaretMurray). Therecan be no doubt
Campbell1938;Champion1932;Chauvet1930;Cheesman1941; of the strikingsimilaritiesbetweenthis Ashmoleanfigurineand
Chinneryn.d.; Comrie 1877;Davies 1969;E 1911;Finsch 1888; those featured in Ucko and Hodges (1963: no. 28e; see also
Fischer 1913; Friederici 1912; Gardner and Heider 1969- Ucko 1968:nos. 139-143);in fact all six figurescould well have
Haddon 1894; Haddon and Layard 1916; Harrer1963; Heider been made by the same hand. The unfortunatebreak on the
1969; Holmes 1902; Karius 1929; Karius and Champion1928; Ashmoleanfiguremakes it impossibleto determinewhetheror

62
 not it was shownwith a penis sheathor whether,like the others, possible relationshipbetween the use of male sheatlhsand the
it was shown with erect penis surrounded by white-painted absence of female contraceptivepractices.
pubichair. If the AshmoleanCatalogueascriptionis accepted, 19The use of the kynodesmeby the Mandansmay be viewed
the otherfive figurinesmust also be consideredgenuine(but see eitheras a reflectionof the mode of 'dress'before the adoption
Ucko & Hodges 1963: 208, 211, 213) and the whole group of the loin cloth, or as an integralpartof sexualabstinencebefore
would then be the only examplesknowniof figurinesfrom the and during the performanceof rites (personalcommunication,
Archaicperiod of Egypt. B. Burt).
16 See Blackman & Apted (1953: 15-17) for other possible 20 C. Aldred (personal communication) tells me that a
Egyptianexamples. fragmentarystatue of the time of RamesesII in the Alexandria
17 Much of the obscurity of several interpretationsof these Museumshows the same sheath.
two texts rests on two main assumptions;that the Egyptians 21 A temple image from Hawaii (Hiroa 1957: fig. 308e) is in
themselvesdid not wear penis sheaths, and that there is an fact shownwith erectpenis but withouta waist belt. On analogy
inevitableconnexion between the wearingof a sheath and the with severalSouth Americancarvingsand the stone figurefrom
practiceof circumcision(but see Holscher 1955: 14, 35; Wain- the Huon peninsula(see above) this could be interpretedas the
wright1962: 92). representationof a sheathing practice, but there is, to my
18 One interestingline of enquirywould be to investigateany knowledge,nothing to confirm such an interpretation.

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