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in: P. Steinkeller and M. Hudson (eds), Labor in the Ancient World. Dresden: ISLET 2015, p. 345-396
The paper offers a synthesis on the issue of labor and labor relations in Babylonia in the first millennium BC.
In: A. Garcia-Ventura (Hrsg.), What’s in a name? Terminology related to work force and job categories in the ancient Near East (AOAT 440).
“Dependent Labor and Status in the Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid Periods”.2018 •
The article gives an overview of terms for workers, servile dependents and juridical statuses in Babylonia in the first millennium BC with a focus on the Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid periods (ca. 620 – 330 BC).
2001 •
This study examines the position of slaves in private ownership in Babylonia during the sixth and early fifth centuries BC, one of the best documented episodes in the history of ancient Mesopotamia. Drawing primarily on the records kept by a single family living in Babylon, it aims to provide a coherent picture which can then be compared with the evidence from other times and places. Slaves were usually born into the household, and transition, both into and out of servitude, was relatively rare. While the wealthiest families living in Babylon at this time owned considerable numbers of slaves, some of them skilled in craft production, they were not involved in factory-style production, and their manufacturing output did not contribute significantly to household income
Workers of the World. International Journal on Strikes and Social Conflicts Vol. I, no.3, May 2013: 32-48.
Workers of the ancient world: analyzing labour in classical antiquityThis paper introduces, and briefly discusses, some of the main theories that have been formulated on labour relations and the exploitation of labour in classical antiquity. Each of these theories approaches labour from a totalizing perspective, with the market, class, or status taking a central place. As an alternative, it is suggested here that an institutional-economic analysis of ancient labour might be a profitable way forward.
Here I examine how the Mycenaeans mobilized labors. Among other things, I argue, based on some work of the late Kees Ruijgh with the appearance of the verbal root in the Thebes tablets, that e-qe-ta (an agent noun formation) does not mean 'he who follows', but is causative, 'he who causes to follow', and that these individuals who appear for example in the o-ka texts along with groups of men who must have been 'mobilized', i.e., 'made to follow' served that function when the palace needed work done of various sorts. This also sees the palace of Nestor (as I have argued in other papers) as concerned with its ideological self-presentation as a 'provider of satisfaction' of various sorts for the people in the territory over which it presides. Rather than see the palace as a forceful 'exploiter', we see it as, following the agency interpretations of Nakassis, as concerned with transactions with other longstanding components of society. We discuss here some of the usual suspects (building projects, the manufacture of goods, 'military' mobilization and so on.
To be published in K. Vlassopoulos et al. (eds), Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Slaveries (2015).
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